USA > Indiana > Early Indiana trials: and sketches. Reminiscences > Part 52
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" Although this is our condition, I would not act aggressively toward England. I would do nothing to encourage war merely because we have advantages on this continent, and can drive her off it whenever we please ; but I would consider these facts in connection with the objections made to this proposition, that this end of the wire will be in the British territory. As I said yesterday, that objection fails for the reason that, in time of war, this end of the wire would not be in British territory ; and it is no objection that it is in British
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EARLY INDIANA TRIALS.
territory in time of peace. Our communication would be as perfect in time of peace with it in British territory as under the American flag ; and I hold that, in time of war, it would be in our possession, and not in hers. If we can look fairly and reasonably at the relative powers of the two countries when fighting upon this continent, I think we must come to this conclusion. I do not pretend to say that we send troops to England to fight her at home, or establish an European colony, but I do say that she can not send troops three thousand miles across the ocean, and fight us at home on an equality. It is said that our ports are exposed, and that British ships could come in and batter down our cities. Sir, I do not know of any English seaport as well fortified as New York. Liverpool is not half as well fortified as New York. London itself is not as secure from an invasion as New York ; but we have allowed ourselves to be frightened out of our wits by crics about the exposed condition of our cities. If you enter the British ports you will find them more exposed than our own. Hence these threatenings of British power have no terrors for me. I desire to examine this question as a peace measure, as a commercial measure, casting out of view its effect on either country in time of war, for the reason that neither can use it in time of war. If England had pos- session of both ends of it, we could cut the wire. What difficulty would there be in drawing up the wire on the banks of Newfoundland, and cutting it? It will run for hundreds of miles over the shallow banks of Newfoundland, where any anchor can reach it; then it can be reached as you approach the shallow bank toward Ireland. Inas- much as it is to be exposed, not covered, at the bottom of the sea, it ean be reached any where where a cable is long enough to reach it. It is a small wire, about the size of my finger. The Senator from New York has a specimen of it in his hand. It can be hauled up with perfect ease by any ship. Ilence in time of war its power and its terrors would cease in a moment, if it was found to be injurious to either party. I shall not follow my friend from Ohio (Mr. Pugh), through his descriptions of the aggressive policy of Great Britain, in surrounding us wherever she can get an opportunity of planting her flag. On former occasions I have often referred to that line of policy on the part of Great Britain. I have never approved that policy of hers. I have never been willing to yield to it where we had the power of resisting it consistently with our own rights and dignity ; but, sir, I do not know what British power, in Central America, or in the Bahamas, or at Bermuda, or at Halifax, or any other place on the continent, or the islands of the sea, has to do with this telegraphic communication with Europe ; nor do I know what British aggression
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STEPHEN A. DOUGLASS.
in the Indies has to do with the establishment of this telegraphic wire. We all know the history of British aggression in India. We know that it forms a series of aggressions unequaled by any other nation on the face of the globe. It is proper to refer to those aggres- sious in order to shame England when she taunts us with aggressive policy. It is legitimate in that line of debate, or as an off-set to her taunts against Russia, attributing to that power au aggressive policy. I have no objection to England's aggressive policy in Asia, if she chooses to pursue it. I have no objection to Russia's aggressive policy in that region, if she chooses to pursue it. I care not how soon Eng- land and Russia get in collision in their mutual aggressive policy in Asia, if they are fools enough to carry on that kind of war. If they will confine their aggressions to the other side of the water, and let us alone, I am willing to let them fight, and let us feed both parties while the fighting is being done. I have an objection to any European power pursuing an aggressive policy on this continent ; but I do not know what these questions have to do with the bill now under con- sideration. But American citizens have commenced this enterprise. The honor and the glory of the achievement, if successful, will be due to American genius and American daring. Why should the American Government be so penurious-I do not know that that is the proper word, for it costs nothing ; why should we be actuated by so illiberal a spirit as to refuse the use of one of our steamships to con- vey the wire, when it does not cost one farthing to the Treasury of the United States ? We did furnish more, infinitely more than that, to help to take the soundings across this very line for the benefit of commerce. We thought it was a matter of honor and credit to this Government to be engaged in the great scientific work of determining the depth of the oceau, and the tracks of vessels across it, in order to save life and expedite the transportation of persons and property.
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EARLY INDIANA TRIALS.
LEWIS CASS. .
IF I should say that no man now alive in the United States has filled so many prominent positions as the distinguished subject of this sketch, I should be only saying what is universally known, and if I should add that no other man living has discharged the duties of so many high offices, with greater credit to himself and satisfaction to the public, I should give my own opinion, after looking over his long and useful life. In saying this I entirely eschew politics. I speak as an American citizen, of an American citizen, whose sands have nearly run out, and whose character is soon to be the only legacy he can leave his country. I have often thought how closely identified have been the political fortunes of the two great compeers, Henry Clay and Lewis Cass. Both were the cherished objects of their political friends, both had rendered eminent services to their common country ; both acknowledged patriots ; both eminently qualified for the first office in the gift of the American people ; both ambitious to obtain it; both candidates ; both defcated; both go down to their graves followed by the strongest sympathies of the country. It is no purpose of mine to attempt the biography of Gen. Cass. That will be written when he shall be taken from us. Nor is it for me to review his many public speeches. As a speaker, Gen. Cass was plain, clear, calm ; his style was fine, and his gestures easy. He made no pretense to what is called eloquence, and yet he was at times truly eloquent. In person he was above the common hight, strong built, large chest, long face, high broad forehead, dark hair, heavy eye, projecting chin, prominent features, solemn countenance. As entirely suited to his age and char- acter, I have selected, as a specimen of his style, his beautiful remarks upon the decease of John M. Clayton, his distinguished co- Senator, from Delaware :
" MR. PRESIDENT :- Once more are our duties to the living suspen- ded by the last sad tribute of regard to the memory of the dead. Another of our associates has passed from the scene of his labors to that dread responsibility which equally awaits the representative and the constituent, the ruler and the ruled. All human distinctions are leveled before the destroyer, and in the narrow house, to which we are hastening, the mighty and the lowly lie side by side together. There our departed friend has preceded us. When we separated but a few days since, he was a bright and shining light among his coun- trymen. Returning to resume our functions, we find that light extin- guished in the darkness of the tomb. Well may we exclaim with the psalmist, ' Man's days are like a shadow that passeth away.'
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LEWIS CASS.
" His character and services have been portrayed with great power and fidelity by the Senators who have preceded me, one of them his respected colleague, and the other his personal and political friend, both entitled by long acquaintance to speak as they have spoken of him, and their words of eloquence have found a responsive feeling in the hearts of their auditors. I can not lay elaim to the same rela- tion, but I knew him during many years, and his high qualities have left their impress upon my mind ; and I rise to add my feeble testi- monial of regret that he has been taken from among us.
" The deceased Senator from Delaware was long identified with the political history of the country. Sent here by the confidence of his native State thirty years ago, he brought with him eminent qualifica- tions for the position, and which led to the high distinction he acquired. To a vigorous and powerful intelleet, improved by early training, he added various and extensive acquirements-the fruit of ripe study and acute observation. And he possessed a profound knowledge-rare indeed-of the principles of our Constitution, and of those great questions connected with our peculiar politieal institu- tions, which so often present themselves for solution, and sometimes under circumstances of perilous agitation. He was a prompt and able debater as we all know, and touched no subject upon which he did not leave marks of thorough investigation. In whatever situation he was placed, he met the public expectation by the ability he displayed, and by his devotion to the honor and interests of his country.
" In looking back upon our communication with this lamented states- man, every member of the body will bear testimony to the kindness of his feelings, and to the comity and courtesy which marked his social intercourse. He was a happy example of that union of decision of opin- ion and firmness of purpose in public life, with the amenity of dispo- sition which constitutes one of the great charms of private life-a union the more commendable, as it is rarely found in the exciting scenes of political controversy. His was a most genial nature, and we can not recall him without recalling this trait of his character.
" It is a source of consolation to all his friends, that when the last change came it found him prepared to meet it. He entered the dark valley of the shadow of death with a firm convietion of the truth of the mission of Jesus Christ, and with an unshaken reliance upon the merey of the Savior. He added another to the long list of eminent men who have examined the evidences of revealed religion, and who have found it the will and the word of God; and he died in the tri- umphant hope of a blessed immortality, which the Gospel holds out to every true and humble believer."
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EARLY INDIANA TRIALS.
JAMES K. POLK.
IT was my good fortune to serve in the twentieth Congress, in the House of Representatives, with the distinguished subject of this sketch, both being from the great West and not far from the same age. We soon became intimate, and continued so until his decease, after he had retired from the Presidency. It is no part of my purpose, to enter into the questions in relation to his nomination over Mr. Van Buren and Gen. Cass. That matter is now well understood, and stands about in this wise : Gen. Cass, knowing that Mr. Van Buren conld get a majority of all the votes of the convention, through his friends, sprung the two-thirds rule upon the convention, rendering the nomi- nation of both Mr. Van Buren and himself out of the question. Mr. Van Buren received a majority of the whole number, but not two- thirds. Mr. Polk in the end, received the two-thirds necessary to a choice ; was nominated by the friends of the prominent candidates, as their second choice ; and was finally elected over Henry Clay in a most heated contest.
It is not for me at this day, to fight that battle over again. I was in the heat of the contest, as the warm and devoted friend of Henry Clay. I thonght he ought to have been elected. The majority of the people, however, said otherwise, and it became the duty of the minor- ity, to submit to the will of the majority, which we did with the best possible grace. In this, our people are unlike all others in the world, here it is, and here alone, that the power of the ballot-box is felt and appreciated. The night before a Presidential election, you hear the drums beating, the fife playing, the artillery roaring ; you see the rock- ets flying, the transparencies and torch-light processions moving, the orators on every stand addressing the people, the crowds intensely excited.
A stranger to our Government looking on, would naturally suppose, that it was the last night we were to enjoy our Union ; that the excited parties would never be reconciled to the success of their opponents, but would rally under their leaders, and contest their powers at the point of the sword. But see the sequel ; morning comes, the polls are opened, the judges and inspectors take their scats, ready to receive the votes of the people. Now look at the scene ! the same men that marched the night before under the highest state of partisan excite- ment, now mingle in one mass, all eyes and thoughts directed to the ballot-box, the elective franchise under our Constitution and laws, is now to be exercised, and the ballot-box is to become the deposit of the power of the people, until the next Presidential election. The vote
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JAMES K. POLK.
is cast, and the freeman returns to his home, to pursue his ordinary business, until he shall be called upon to exercise again his high pre- rogative of depositing again in the ballot-box, his vote for the man of his choice.
The day after the election, the same stranger would look at the change that had taken place, with astonishment and wonder, as to what all that excitement that he had witnessed the night before the election was about. Such was the result of the great contest between Henry Clay and James K. Polk ; there never was a more exciting election ; and yet the calm immediately succeeded. The majesty of the Consti- tution and laws, rose above the waves of party, and our good ship moved on with the new pilot at the helm in her accustomed course. Thus may it ever be, that our people may appreciate the ballot-box, and be willing to deposit there for the time being, their political power, holding their Representatives to a just aceonntability, and looking to the next election for redress.
It is no part of my object in this sketch, to speak of the adminis- tration of James K. Polk, as President of the United States-all that belongs to the historian. I present him to the reader as I saw him in that Congress of distinguished men, of whom I have spoken, and whose names I have recorded in these sketches. The name of James K. Polk, of Tennessee, there appears. He was one of the active, ardent, zealous spirits of that Congress, about the medium hight, well built, good head, high forehead, dark hair and eyes, wide mouth, projecting chin, full chest. As a speaker, he was loud, emphatic, clear, strong, impulsive; he threw his whole soul into the subject. If he was ever eloquent, it was not so intended; it was the eloquence of the subject and not of the speaker, as he seemed to for- get himself while pursuing the facts before him. I thought him one among the strong men of that Congress, which I consider at this day a very high compliment.
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EARLY INDIANA TRIALS.
FRANKLIN PIERCE.
THE distinguished subject of this sketch, having discharged the duties of the highest office in the world, for four years-his admin- istrative powers and qualifications are so distinctly before the Ameri- can people that I do not propose to speak of them now. I may simply say, that Franklin Pierce was, at the time of his nomination, the first choice of neither branch or division of the Democratic party, but was the fortunate child of the two-thirds rule, that had, on a former occasion, nominated James K. Polk over Martin Van Buren. The election of Gen. Pierce over Gen. Scott was a decided party tri- umph, after a most animated contest. I had the pleasure of a close and intimate acquaintance with Gen. Pierce, during the time he repre- sented New Hampshire in the Senate. It is in that character I wish to speak of him. We were qualified as Senators at the same moment. I was struck at the time with his youthful appearance. He was the youngest Senator in the body, about five feet ten in hight, spare, straight, large head, broad high forchead, dark hair and eyes, promi- nent features, wide mouth. Ilis manners were very easy and prepos- sessing in his social intercourse. As a speaker, he was finent, clear, and interesting, voice musical and full-toned. He ranked among the classical debaters of the body; seldom taking part in the heavy debates requiring labored preparation; but in those in which he engaged, he showed that he possessed a clear, discriminating intellect of no ordinary character. Gen. Picree resigned his seat in the Senate, and Levi Woodbury succeeded him. As my course has been, in these sketches of distinguished men, to give the readers the opportunity of judging for themselves of their style, I have looked over the debates in which Gen. Pierce took part, and have chosen, as just to him and the reader, the following extract from one of his speeches. He was Chairman of the Committee on Pensions.
" There were cases of officers receiving pay for full disability, when in commaud of line-of-battle ships. The law of 1837 gave pay to officers from the time of their disability. He had been long enoughi connected with the Pension Committee to understand something of it. He had now in his drawer, more than fifty letters from officers of the army, neither begging nor imploring, but demanding to be placed on the same footing with the navy in regard to pensions. He thought on his conscience, that the pension system of this country was the worst on the face of the earth, and that they could never have either an army or a navy until there were reforms of more things than pen- sions. He pointed to the military academy appointments which
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FRANKLIN PIERCE.
rested on the influence that could be brought to bear by both Houses of Congress. He had looked on that scientific institution, from which no army would ever have a commander while West Point was in the ascendeney ; and he would tell why. The principles upon which Frederick the Great and Napoleon aeted, were those to make soldiers. where merit was reward always followed. But had they not witnessed eases of men of character, courage, and capacity asking, from day to day, in vain, for the humble rank of third lieutenant in your army, who would be glad to have such appointments ? I know a man who, at the battle of Withlacoochie, had he performed the same service under Napoleon, would have received a baton. But in ours, what did he get ? Three times did that gallant fellow, with his arm broken and hanging at his side, charge the Indians, and drive them from their hummoeks, were they were intrenched. The poor sergeant staid in the service until his time expired, and that was all he got for his gallantry and disinterestedness. Sueh instances of negleet would upset any service, destroy all emulation, and check all proper pride and ambition in subordinates. If ever we were to have a good army or navy, we must promote merit in both branches of the science, as every truly great general has done, and every wise Government ought to do."
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EARLY INDIANA TRIALS.
JOHN P. HALE.
THE State of New Hampshire has produced many eminent men. Daniel Webster, Levi Woodbury, Isaac Hill, Ichabod Bartlett, Frank- lin Pierce, were all sons of New Hampshire, all distinguished men. After these came John P. Hale, the subject of this sketch, now a United States Senator from the same State. Perhaps no man in the United States has risen so fast in the publie mind within the last few years. Mr. Hale has given evidence of unusual popular powers. It has been owing to his instrumentality, that the Granite State has eut loose from her Democratie moorings, and become one of the strongest Republican States in the Union. She stood fast in the great political campaign of 1840, against the tornado that swept over the land, under the flag of Gen. Harrison, but she surrendered to John P. IIale and his allies on the question of the extension of Slavery. Mr. Hale is about the ordinary hight, well built, capacious chest, full-toned musical voice, large round head, square high forehead, full face, dark hair and eyes, wide mouth ; he speaks well, direct, strong, clear, to the point; he may be said to be a ready, humorous, prompt debater, rather than a pre- pared orator. He has high social powers, in his private intercourse. He speaks often, perhaps too frequently for effect. It is entirely possi- ble, for even a Senator to cheapen his wares, by offering them daily to the Senate. I give an extract from his speech on the Ocean Tele- graph to show his style, and his playful humor.
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" I have objections to considerations of the character which have just been spoken of on subjects of this kind. It seems to me that the war spirit and the contingencies of war are brought in a little too often upon matters of legislation which have no necessary connection with them. If we are to be governed by considerations of that sort, they would paralyze all improvement ; they would stop the great appropria- tions for commerce ; they would at once neutralize that policy which sets our ocean steamers afloat. Nobody pretends that the intercourse which is kept up between Great Britain and this country by our ocean steamers would be continued in time of war; nor the communication with France or other nations. If we are deterred for that reason, we shall be pursuing a policy that will paralyze improvements on those parts of the coast which lie contiguous to the lakes. The city of Detroit will have to be abandoned, beautiful and progressive as it is, because in time of war, the mansions of her citizens, there lie within the range of British guns."
Mr. Cass .- " Do not be afraid about that."
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JOHN P. HALE.
Mr. Hale .- " I confess that this consideration struck me very forci- bly when I visited that beautiful city in 1848, and reflected that the candidate of the Democratic party for the Presidency, lived directly in the range of British guns, in the city of Detroit. (Laughter.) If we are to be governed by considerations of this sort, all great enterprises will be paralyzed, because the question is brought up, What if war takes place ? I do not care. What will the suspension bridge at Niagara be good for in a time of war? If the British cut off their end of it, our end will not be worth much. So it will be with all these improvements. I am not going to vaticinate or prophesy, or indulge in anticipations of the millenium, but I do not believe it was the object of Providence, in creating this world and placing us here, that we should be in a continual state of warfare. My friend from Georgia (Mr. Toombs) thinks it is a mistake, and that war is the natural state. Well, sir, we are coming to the spiritual state. (Laughter.) We do not mean to live in the natural state any longer. Sir, we have got on for more than forty years without a war with Great Britain. I have no great doubt that we shall live forty years more without a war with Great Britain. I believe among the things which will bind us together in peace, this telegraph wire will be one of the most potent; it will bind the two countries together literally, with cords of iron that will hold us in the bonds of peace. I am not one of those who are to hesitate about this if it is demonstrated, and I believe it is, that it will be useful and valuable in peace, subservient to the great cause of the advancement of civilization and the diffusion of information. I repu- diate entirely the policy which refuses to adopt it, because in time of war it may be interrupted. Such a policy as that would drive us back to a state of barbarism. It would destroy the spirit of progress; it would retard improvement ; it would paralyze all the advances which are making us a more civilized, and a more informed, and a better people than the one which preceded us. For these reasons I am in favor of the bill, and I would be for it if I were certain that in time of war we could never use the telegraph at all. I do not believe we ean. I do not think you can make any sort of treaty by which the British Government will consent, if ever war should come, that our operators may go to Newfoundland or Nova Scotia, and send our messages over this wire. Suppose you do make a treaty, you must have at the other end of the wire, in Ireland, in the empire of Great Britain, in order to make this treaty good for any thing, somebody sworn to keep secret any communication that we may make. We may send our communications to England, notifying some of our agents there of some warlike preparation that we want to make; and the
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