USA > Indiana > Early Indiana trials: and sketches. Reminiscences > Part 31
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MANUFACTURING POPULATION.
The old statement that the manufacturing population of a coun- try is low, degraded and miserable, is revived by intimation in the pamphlet. This argument against encouraging American manufac- tures was put forth in 1816, and the manufacturing population of Great Britain was referred to in proof of the position. Mr. Calhoun, who was theu a zealous advocate of the protective policy, gave to the argument an answer that silenced those who had been urging it. He said the question was not what was the condition of the population of England with her manufactures, but what would it be without them, leaving the men women and children, thus engaged without employ- ment. The answer is conclusive. It is like objecting to a man as a bad member of the church, without reflecting what kind of a man he would be if removed from its salutary and protective influence. We have tested the matter in the United States. Let any one go to the extensive factories of Lowell, Massachusetts, and he will there learn lessons of economy, order, sobriety, and correct moral and religious deportment that he could scarcely learn elsewhere. A few years ago the spot where that Manchester of America now stands, was a solitary farm; now it is a beautiful city, containing over twenty thousand inhabitants, industriously employed, beneficially to themselves and country. Nor is their intellectual improvement neglected ; at a very recent date the writers for an excellent periodical published there were factory girls ; so that it does not follow that a manufacturing popula- tion is necessarily less respectable than any other, nor do the causes which operate upon a dense European manufacturing population exist
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FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE.
here, where all are at liberty to select their occupation, and where all can follow their employment with fair prospects of success, if econo- mical and industrious.
DISTRIBUTION POLICY.
THE policy of distributing the proceeds of the sales of the publi lands among the States, to relieve the people from direct taxes, is als opposed by the writer and the other leaders of his party. To go into this question at large, at this time, would occupy too much space, but we may be permitted to say, that it is astonishing to find any citizen of Indiana opposed to a policy to relieve the people from embarrass- ments in any degree. Do our people nced relief? Is money in Indi- ana too plenty ? Are our taxes no burden? Is our share of the public lands not worth contending for ? Shall all the money from the West be drawn into the National Treasury through imposts and the land-offices, and we have no return ? Shall the expenditures of this money be on the sea-board, and the West be excluded? Shall we tamely yield all our interest in the public domain, as well as in the deed of session from the States, without a struggle ? So say the mod- ern Democrats. We say otherwise. Let the people judge.
" POOR MEN."
The writer of the pamphlet has professed great compassion for the poor. We do not wish to be understood as questioning his sincerity ; but as a general rule we would say, when you see a candidate playing the gentleman at large, living on the hard earnings of others, whether he be rich or poor, reading homilies in the street or elsewhere, about the " rich and poor," professing to be " the poor man's friend,"-watch him-keep your eyes upon him-he has some design upon your vote, your person, your property or your labor ; set him down as an enemy to the peace, good order and prosperity of society. Look upon him in the same light as you would a disturber of the harmony of families, or mischief-maker between members of the same or different churches. We acknowledge no distinction among our fellow-citizens, except that which is drawn in legible characters between vice and virtue. We deny the position that there are distinct interests among the people, standing in opposition to each other, if rightly considered, and main- tain that we are mutually beneficial to and dependent upon each other ; that the interest of one class can not be effected injuriously without producing a corresponding injury to every other. The material of society has been so wisely constituted that its parts harmonize and act beneficially together, like the human body and the limbs, and a riot
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among the latter on the ground of separate antagonist interests, would be no more destructive of the health and happiness of man, than is this suicidal doctrine, that the members of society have separate and distinct opposing interests. The truth is, we are sailing the voyage of life, in the same political vessel, and are subject to the same tem- pests and storms ; they may injure some more than others ; but at last, if the vessel is stranded, wrecked, or sunk to the bottom, the officers, passengers, crew and cargo must all be victims of the catastrophe. If we felt disposed to follow in the train of thought of the writer of the pamphlet, we might ask the laboring man whether he gets along easier, has better employment and higher wages now, when improvements are suspended, than when times were prosperous, improvements being made, and capital energetically employed, by those whom the writer calls rich, and against whom he would willingly excite your prejudice. We presume not.
FEDERAL MEASURES.
Names are all powerful in political contests. Well do the leading modern Democrats know the force and truth of this remark, hence they not only hold on to the respectable name of Democrat, but with one voice they stamp their opponents with the name of federalist, and their measures as federal measures. They abandon and adopt measures themselves at pleasure ;- at one time for a National Bank, at another, against it ; at one time for the pet bank system, at another, against it; at one time for the issues of State and Local Banks, at another, against all bank-paper ; at one time for Treasury notes, at another, specie; at one time for distribution, at another, against it; and still they are Democrats, and each measure while they support it, is Democratic. But the moment they abandon it for some new expedient, it becomes a vile federal measure, and all who support it federalists.
" WHIG POLICY."
The general policy of the Whigs of Indiana as to national measures is to protect by a tariff, American industry, thereby stimulating and rewarding the manufacturer and mechanic, and giving to the farmer a sure and safe home-market for at least a portion of the surplus pro- ducts of his farm, leaving him to compete for the balance with the produce of other countries in foreign markets. To supply the National Treasury with money sufficient for an economical administration of the Government from imposts. To foster our commerce by confining the trade as much as possible to our own vessels, and making up for any partial loss of the foreign, by the domestic coasting trade.
To furnish to all classes of industry a sound and uniform circulating
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FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE.
medium of specie, and paper money convertible into specie at the will of the holder, emitted by a National Bank under the supervision of the representatives of the people ; and acting at the same time without charge, as the fiscal agent of the Government, in the receipts and dis- bursement of the revenues ; as the Bank of the United States did for twenty years, while it remained a national institution, without the loss of a dollar. To aid the States and people, through the public lands, in paying their debts, and especially their taxes, and by that means to bring back to the West a portion at least, of the money that is yearly carried away through the imposts and the land offices. All these doe- trines are denounced by the leaders of the modern Democracy as rank federal measures.
" FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE."
No one controverts the facts that are present and felt by all, that the nation and people are greatly embarrassed in their finances, that the Treasury is only enabled to meet the demands upon it by tempo- rary appliances, that the industry of the people goes unrewarded, while distress and bankruptcy pervade the land. Why is this so, and what is the remedy ? A few thoughts on these questions may be accepta- ble. We are practical men, and therefore direct our attention to the matter in a practical, common-sense manner, testing our views by expe- rienee, the best and wisest of teachers, although not always the cheapest.
THE TRUE POLICY.
Reflect upon the following undeniable facts and their results, and then decide for yourselves as to the true policy to be pursued :
This is not the first time we have been thus embarrassed. In 1815, at the close of the war, the nation owed a public debt of 8132,103,472; our citizens owed at least as much more ; our industry was paralyzed, our Treasury empty, and our curreney deranged and depreciated. Such was the state of our national affairs when Congress assembled in De- cember, 1815. That Congress was composed of the patriots and sages, some of the Revolution, but more of the second war of independence ; they were the staunch Republicans of the day, with Mr. Madison at the head as President. The desperate condition of public affairs demanded and received their immediate attention ; efficient measures were essential. Mr. Madison recommended a protective tariff, pre- cisely the same measure that the Whigs contend for now, and strange to tell, that "federal measure" and a National Bank were immedi- ately adopted with great unanimity by a Republican Congress, as the true remedy for the embarrassed state of the National Treasury, as well as for the prostrate condition of the industry of the people and the
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depreciated state of the currency. The protective tariff of 1816 was passed ; the Bank of the United States was chartered for twenty years. In 1824 the tariff was increased, and in 1828, brought up to its maxi- mum. In 1833 the Compromise Act was passed, providing for period- ieal reductions of duty. The tariff fell below the protective point, and the charter of the Bank expired with the close of the administra- tion of Gen. Jackson. With a recollection of these facts, the reader will be prepared for the results under
PROTECTION AND A BANK.
At the time these great national measures were adopted, as we have already said, the National Deht was $132,103,472. At the close of the administration of Mr. Adams, it was $59,144,413. At the close of the administration of Gen. Jackson it was $1,379,312, and there was cash in the treasury $18,606,792. So that at the close of the admiu- istration of Gen. Jackson in 1837, the nation was actually ont of debt, and we had a surplus in cash in the treasury of $16,728,480, besides having deposited with the States $28,101,644. Mr. Van Buren then came into power with a nation free from debt, $16,728,480 in the Treas- ury, abont $9,000,000 due to the United States from the Bank and from suspended merchants' honds in New York, which he received during the term, making about $25,728,480 at his command, besides the proceeds of the customs and the public lands. But the Bank fur- nishing a national currency was no longer in existence, and the tariff had run down below the protective point ; or in other words, the Whig or Republican measures had been abandoned by the modern Democ- racy. And what was
THE RESULT ?
Mr. Van Buren administered the Government only four years, and at the end of his term, the 825,728,480, besides the proceeds of the customs and lands was all expended, and the nation owed a debt as officially reported of $6,488,784. So that if Mr. Van Buren had been compelled to rely on the ordinary revenues derived from imposts and public lands, he would have left the Government in debt $32,217,264, in his four years .- These are "facts for the people." Now we leave it to the leaders of the modern Democracy to say whether Mr. Van Buren mal-administered the Government, or whether these financial disasters should be attributed to an abandonment by them of those national measures adopted and maintained by the true Republicans, the Whigs.
We have only given the general financial results, the reader can contrast the condition of the pecuniary affairs of all interests, under
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FACTS FOR THE PEOPLE.
the former and late policy. The benefits of the tariff of 1842 have not yet been mueh felt, owing to the short period it has existed, and to the pecuniary embarrassments of the people ; nor can it ever be of so much benefit to the industry of the country, without, as it would be with a sound, uniform, paper circulating medium to aid its operation. Without such a currency, experience has taught us that this nation must continue to be embarrassed. The general laws of a country require time to develop their blessings, however wise they may be ; and more especially does this principle apply to tariff laws-they should never be disturbed for light causes. We hold, that the same measures that were adopted by the Republican party, at the close of the war, to pay off the national debt, replenish an exhausted treasury, and lift the prostrate industry of the country from the dust, are the true measures of this nation at this time. They produced the desired effect, and shall we turn a deaf car to the voice of reason and experi- ence? Shall we prove, in our persons, that man is the only animal that will rush madly against the lessons of experience, to his own destruction ? Are we so much wiser than those patriarchs and states- men who have preceded us, that we should repudiate the measures which they adopted, and which proved to be wise and judicious, exactly adapted to the genius of our people, their habits and pursuits in life, under which we have prospered, without a parallel in the his- tory of the rise and progress of any other nation on the face of the globe ? Let the people answer.
CONCLUSION.
We need not tell our fellow-citizens, that we ardently desire to see our beloved country marching onward to her destined greatness. Shall we tell you that we hope to see Indiana rise to her true position in the galaxy of States? Are we required to say, that we wish to see our fellow-citizens of Indiana prosperous and happy ? How could it be otherwise ? If there were no other ties to bind us, the fact that " wife, children, and friends" are among the passengers and crew of the gal- lant vessel, would be a sufficient guaranty of our devotion to Indiana, and all that is dear to her. We hope enough has been said to give the people at least a glimmering of the other side of the questions involved in the pamphlet which we have cursorily noticed. We believe that the doctrines advanced and maintained by the writer of that pamphlet are adverse to the best interests of the nation, and people. We have deemed it right to present the matter to our fellow- citizens, calmly, frankly, and candidly, and we only regret that our
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limits do not allow us to do more justice to the subject. We have, throughout, drawn a distinction between the modern Democratic party, and the old Republican party, and have shown how far that discrim- ination is justified by the measures of each. We have also maintained the distinction between the leaders and the people of the self-styled modern Democratic party, believing, as we do, that the great body of the people hold no fellowship with the doctrines advocated by these professed leaders. We have plainly and freely laid our principles and policy before you. We ask you to examine them for yourselves, as we can not doubt but that you will, by so doing, arrive at the conclu- sion to which we have come, as to which is the true American policy of the Government.
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BUCKWHEAT STRAW PRINCIPLE.
BUCKWHEAT STRAW PRINCIPLE.
FORTY years ago, there resided some miles back of Rising Sun, in Dearborn county, a small farmer, by the name of John Payne, an emigrant from the State of New York. Mrs. Payne was a neat, clean, fine housekeeper. IIer table looked nice, the eloth, and every thing neat and clean ; in fact, hers was one of the best places in the woods to get a meal, as we ranged in our gunning excursions. I had noticed some half a dozen lively little flaxen-headed daughters running around, occasionally assisting their mother with her domestic affairs. I remarked to hier one day, " Who would not be proud of such fine daughters." I touched the right string, it vibrated with a flash. " Yes, Mr. Smith ; they are my jewels, if I have nothing else to be proud of, I can look at my little daughters and feel happy." My gunning days were soon over, and I never visited Mrs. Payne's again. Time rolled on, the Misses Payne, as they grew of age, were married one after another, to the very first young men in the country. I met Mr. Payne, years afterward, at court, at Lawrenceburg, and inquired after his family. " The old lady is well, and my daughters are all. married." " Yes, I noticed their marriage in the papers ; they married well." " Of course they did ; I married them off on the buckwheat straw principle." " How is that." " You may let your buckwheat straw lie in the open field, where your cattle run, without fence as long as you please, and they will never eat a straw of it; but just put a light, riekety fence around it, let the cattle break over, and dog them out a few times ; still mend up the fence, and they will break down your fence again, and eat up the straw clean ; so with the young men and the girls. My daughters were well raised, good-looking, smart, and finely dressed; they attended public gatherings, and were much admired. I kept my eyes on them, and whenever one of them was accompanied home by a young man just such as I would like, I would privately tell some of his associates that he must never be seen about my house again, or it would not be good for him; the principle never failed to operate, a clandestine marriage soon followed, the new son- in-law was forgiven, and all things moved on smoothly, until another daughter was marriageable." I laughed at the idea, still there may be more in it than meets the eye.
A PANTHER.
Many years ago, while our frontier counties were a wilderness, the settlers lived far apart. It had been whispered about in private cir-
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eles, that some boys had seen a panther looking out of a hole in a big black-walnut tree. The story was doubted hy many, still it was suffi- ciently alarming to induce settlers to prepare themselves with rifles and large packs of hounds. Among the settlers there was a man, for the sake of a name, I call Dodridge Alley, a neighborhood leader. He had often been elected captain of one side at log-rollings and corn- shuckings. Dodridge had one of the severest packs of hounds in the settlement, of which he often hoasted, especially of old " Ring." The county in which Dodridge resided was entitled to a Representative in the State Legislature; a number of candidates brought themselves out, Dodridge among them. There were no caucuses, or conventions in that day, every one run upon his own hook, and mounted his own hobby. Dodridge believed strongly in love at first sight, and early marriages ; he selected the idea of authorizing constables in their several townships to solemnize marriages, so as to tie the hymencal knot, before the first love could have time to cool, while they were sending to town for the preacher. Dodridge had, no doubt, seen the first verse in " Love at first sight," but had not read the last.
"Oh there's naught in the wide world like love at first sight., I've said it-I've sung it-and am I not right ? Oh yes, and I'll prove it. I happened to note Last night on the river a beautiful boat.
A maid sat within it-how paint what I feel;
I saw her jet ringlets-1 saw her profile ! I knelt on the bank-I was wild with delight : Oh ! there's naught in the wide world like love at first sight.
"This morning I sought her-I stated the case; She rose to receive me-I saw her full face ! She looked all the love that one eye can express,- She couldn't do more, and she didn't do less; And, oh, when I ealled her, she limpingly came, Just as if, little darling ! she hadn't been lame ! Her ringlets were false, she was four feet in hight; Oh there's naught in the wide world like love at first sight."
The contest was very close, but Dodridge triumphed, the session of the Legislature was approaching, a new suit of clothes would be needed, the yarn was spun, the cloth wove, and colored with butter- nut bark, a kind of yellowish brown. The neighboring tailor had eut and made the suit, coat, vest and pantaloons ; they hung in folds upon him, but still he looked pretty well, and felt right comfortable, as the blood had free circulation. All things were ready for his depar- ture for the capital; business required him to go to one of the upper
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A HYMN IN THE LEGISLATURE, ETC.
settlements. He dressed up in his fine new butter-nut suit for the first time, promising to be back to supper. Time passed on and no Dod- ridge. His lady became uneasy, the story of the panther came fresh in her mind, the clock struck ten, still no Dodridge. The dogs had not been seen for an hour before dark. Hark ! the sound of hounds are heard in the distant forest. A panther, no doubt. Night wore away, the morning dawned, no Dodridge. The lady left the cabin, and directed her course through the woods by the distant baying. The spot is reached at last ; there perched on a leaning tree, some fifty feet up, sat Dodridge in his butter-nut suit, the very image of a panther, old Ring tearing the bark from the root of the tree, the rest of the pack baying at the top of their lungs. A word from the well- known voice of their mistress was enough, Dodridge came down, old Ring took the lead for home, and away went the whole pack, leaving Dodridge and his rescuer to walk home together, deadly enemies to butter-nut bark, while there were panthers in the woods.
A HYMN IN THE LEGISLATURE.
WEEKS afterward, Dodridge rises in the Legislature. " Mr. Speaker, I hold in my hand a bill to authorize constables to solemnize marriage ; it is laid off into sections of four lines." A member I call Hugh Barnes, with a powerful sing-song voice, " I am opposed, Mr. Speaker, to that bill ; marriage is a solemn thing, it ought never to be entered into without the greatest deliberation, and the maturest reflection. Why all this haste to tie the knot. Constables ought to have nothing to do with it, except when they get married themselves." As the speaker progressed, he became more and more animated; his voice rose to its highest tones, not unlike Old Hundred. As he closed, all eyes were upon Dodridge; the speech sounded very much like the funeral services of the bill, and Dodridge looked like chief mourner. Dodridge sprang to his feet as quick as thought: "Mr. Speaker, would it be in order now to sing a hymn?" The speaker hesitated, the House roared, the triumph of Dodridge was complete, the ses- sion closed, the bill was left for the next Legislature. Dodridge returned home, the hounds were disposed of, and there was never an ounce of butter-nut bark used for dyeing purposes in the family of Dodridge afterward.
WAS IT A FIGHT?
AT a term of the Circuit Court, the case of the State vs. John Stump, a small, pock-marked Dutchman was called. A large, power-
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ful Dutchman was the prosecuting witness. The indictment was for assault and battery. Henry C. Hammond, State's attorney, Benjamin S. Noble, for the prisoner. Case submitted to the associate judges, without a jury. The big Dutchman sworn. Mr. Hammond .- " State to the Court all you know about it." Witness .- " That little Dutchman and I were in the saloon. We bought a mug of beer together, and were drinking together. I drank first. The beer was so good, that I did'nt quit quite as soon as I ought. That little Dutchman said I had drank it all up. I told him he lied; he told me I lied. I spit in his face; he spit in my face. I slapped him in the face ; he slapped me in the face. I kicked him ; he kicked me. I tripped him up; he tripped me up. I struck him and knocked him down ; he got up and knocked me down. I then got mad; he got mad, and we were just agoing to fight, when the saloon-keeper got between us. That is all." Mr. Hammond .- " This is a clear case of assault and battery ; the defendant must be convicted." Benj. S. Noble .- " It is an affray, and the defendant can not be convicted until the prosecutor is before the Court." Associates .- " We think they are both guilty, and fine each a dollar and costs."
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TRIALS OF DAVIS AND WOODS.
TRIALS OF DAVIS AND WOODS.
IN the afternoon of the 4th day of July, in the year 1844, the eiti- zens of Indianapolis were aroused by the cry of murder. John Tucker, a quiet, peaceable negro man, had been killed in the street, by Wil- liam Ballenger, others being directly or indirectly concerned. Nicho- las Woods had brought on the fight. One had hit him with a brick, and Ballenger killed him with a single-tree. I saw Tucker on the pavement a few minutes after, entirely dead. Ballenger made his escape. Nicholas Woods and Edward Davis were arrested and held for trial. The excitement in the city was very high. A public meet- ing was held by the citizens, and Judge James Morrison and myself were retained to assist Judge Abram A. Hammond, the regular prose- cutor, on the trials. The prisoners and their friends employed Ex- Governor David Wallace, John II. Bradley, William Quarles, and Hugh O'Neal, distinguished advocates. Every possible preparation for the trials was made. The fall term, 1844, arrived, William J. Peaslee, the able judge of the circuit, presiding. Bills for murder were found against Ballenger, Woods, and Davis. Ballenger could not be arrested, and has ever since evaded the justice of the law. The trial of Davis came on first, and was prosecuted by the regular prose- cutor, Judge Hammond, and Judge Morrison, his associate, for the State, with their usual ability; and defended in able speeches by the distinguished counsel for the prisoner.
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