USA > Indiana > Allen County > History of Allen County, Indiana, with illustrations and biographical sketches of some of its prominent men and pioneers > Part 8
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CAT-AHE-KASA, OR BLACK HOOF,
was a Shawanoc, entitled to the highest rank among the great chiefs of that tribe. He was born in Florida, during the sojourn of his people in that country, and with
$ Drake's Tecumseh, 27, 28.
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HISTORY OF ALLEN COUNTY, INDIANA.
them returned to and settled in Ohio and Pennsylvania. He, with other members of his trihc, was present at the defeat of Gen. Braddock, near Pittsburgh, in 1755. aud, subsequently, in all the wars in Ohio from that time until the treaty of Greenville, in 1795. His sagacious conduct in planning the military operations of his people won for him their confidence and appreciation, and was never at a loss in finding hraves to fight under his leadership. " He was known far and wide as the great Shawanne warrior, whose cunning, sagacity and experience were only equaled by the fierce and desperate hravery with which he carried into oper- ation his military plans. * * *
* He was the orator of his trihe during the greater part of his long life, and was an excellent speaker. The ven- crahle Col. Johnston, of Piqua, *
* * describes liim as the most graceful Indian he had ever scen, and as possessing the most natural and happy faculty of expressing his ideas. He was well versed in the traditions of his peo- ple ; no one understood hetter their peculiar relations to the whites, whose settle- iucnts were gradually encroaching on them, or could detail with more minuteness the wrongs with whieli his nation was afflicted. But, although a stern and uncour- promising opposition to the whites liad marked his poliey through a series of forty years, and nerved his arm in a hundred hattles, lie hecame at length eonvineed of the madness of an ineffeetual struggle against n vastly superior and hourly inerease- ing foc. No sooner had he satisfied himself of this truth, than he aeted upon it with the decision which formed a prominent trait in his character."* He was the principal chief of the Shawanoc nation, possessing all the influence and authority that usually attached to the office, when Tecumseli and his brother eominenced their hostile career. In this, Tceumseli solieited his eo-operation, hut the sagacious chieftaiu refused to he allied with such an enterprise.
There was much of the humanitarian, also, in his composition, opposing poly- gamy and the practice of hurning prisoners, and is reported to have lived forty years with une wife, and to have reared a numucrous family of children, who both Inved and esteemed him. He was small in stature, not more than five feet eiglit luches in height; was elicerful and long-lived, dying in Wapakonatta, at the advanced age of one hundred and ten years.
CAPTAIN LOGAN,
whose career as a warrior is so intimately associated with the pioneer history of Allen County, and especially of Fort Wayne, was the tried friend of the white man, and sacrificed his life in attestation of that fidelity, in the month of Novem- her, 1812, during the progress of the memorable siege of Fort Wayne.
From the hest authorities at hand, Logan, whose Indian name was Spemiea- Lawha, the High Horn, sprang from the Machachae trihe of the Shawanoes, and was born at the principal eity of his tribe, un Mad River, Ohio, ahout the year 1778. He is alleged to have hcen the nephew of Tecumseh (his sister's son ), hut the statement is probably incorreet. There are manifest reasons for the statement that there was no relationship existing between them.
The first neeount we have of him is from Cupt. Benjamin Logan, of Ken- tucky, who had command of an expedition of mounted men from that State against the Shawanoes on the north side of the Ohio, which destroyed the Machachac towns on Mad River in September, 1786. After the capture and destruction of the village, the men were greatly annoyed hy arrows shot hy an invisible hand not unfamiliar with the use of a how and arrow. A critical inves- tigation revealed a young Indian fully equipped for the work engaged in. That youth was the Capt. Logan of after years. The officer in command, heing much pleased with the courage and address of the boy, adopted him into his family, to which he hecame a valuable addition. Subsequently, he was exchanged and permitted to return to his people, hut lie retained the name of Logan, and continued to he the trusted friend of the white people.
Because of his bravery and intellectual qualities, he was promoted to the position nf n eivil chief, and acquired considerable distinetion as a counselor and as an executive officer.
In the War against England in 1812, he joined the American army, and acted as one of the guides to Gen. Hull in his expedition against Detroit. Afterward, when it hecame necessary as well as expedient to remove the women and children in the vicinity of Fort Wayne to some place of safety in Ohio, John Johnston, the Indian Agent at Piqua, seleeted Logan as the most suitable person to he intrusted with so important an enterprise. He discharged that duty with the utmost delicacy and kindness, removing twenty-five women and children more than one hundred miles, those under his charge hearing testimony to his uniformly humane treatment, not sleeping, it is said, during the entire journey from Fort Wayne to Piqua.
Immediately after Hull's surrender at Detroit, in Angust, 1812, during the progress of the memorahle siege of Fort Wayne, the place was invested hy some four or hive hundred Indians, the entire garrison consisting of less than one hundred persons, not more than sixty of whom were fit for duty, and the eorumanding offi- eer totally inefficient. Relief was necessary, and none was more readily aecessihle thian the body of Ohio troops near Piqua. These had been directed toward Fort Wayne, but to establish communication with them and make their presence here quickly available was an undertaking at once hazardous and eritieal, requiring both courage and tact in its successful exeeutiou, as the sequel will show.
On the 31st of August, it having heen ascertained that the Indians, in large force, were on the route to Fort Wayne, it was essential that the garrison should he made acquainted with the situation. William Oliver (afterward Major), and Thomas Worthington, with Capt. Logan and a number of trusty Shawanoes, undertook the diffienlt task of communicating with the garrison. On the follow- ing day, when within twenty-four miles of the fort, Oliver and Logan, with Capt. Johnny and Bright Horn, all- well armed and mounted, made an effort to
reach the fort. While at a distance of five miles from the place, the keen eye of Logan discovered signs of strategy on the part of the hesiegers to eut off all com- munieation with the fort. Leaving the main road at this point, they struck across the country to the Maumee, which they reached in safety at a point one mile and a half helow the fort. Dismounting, they proceeded cautiously on foot, to ascertain whether our troops were still in possession. Having satisfied them- selves, they returned to their horses, remounted and rode hack to the fort, just in time to prevent the successful execution of a maneuver of the Indians to obtain possession.
The great point to he gained was to inform Worthington of the situation. Oliver was to remain in the fort, hence the perilous task was left to be executed hy Logan and his two companions. They passed the Indian lines in safety and reached Worthington's eamp in due season, but, owing to some delays, the re-enforcements did not reach the fort until the 12th of September. The Indians, after a strug- gle of many days, finally abandoned the siege and withidrew.
On the morning of the 22d of November, an imputation of unfaithfulness having heen east upon him hy a subordinate offieer, Logan, to refute an imputation as groundless as this, nttended by Capt. Johnny and Bright Horn, started down the Maumee to reconnoiter. Suddenly, ahout noon, they were sur- prised hy some of the enemy, among whom was Winamac, a Pottawatomie chief, and Elliott, a half-breed holding a commission in the British army. Being over- powered, thicy were taken prisoners hy the latter, who started with them to the British camp at the foot of the rapids. A favorable opportunity presenting itself, lie and liis companions attacked their captors and killed two, wounding a third. Subsequently they succeeded in wounding two others. During the prog- ress of this movement, Logan received a shot through the hody. Thus wounded fatally, Capt. Johnny mounted Logan on one of the enemy's horses, and Bright Horn, also wounded, upon another, and started them for Winchester's eamp, which they reached about midnight, Capt. Johnny, in the mean time having secured Winamae's sealp, started on foot, reaching eamp early iu the morning.
After two days of intense suffering, which had been horne with stoie indif- ferenee, having preserved his honor with the sacrifice of his life, he died with the utmost composure and resignation, and was huricd with the honors of war. Gen. Winchester said of him : "More firmness and consummate bravery has seldom appeared on the military theater." His death east a gloom over the entire army, and he who gave utterance to the ungenerous implication upon the honor of the chief seemed deeply grieved at the consequences of his unprovoked assault, prompted, as it certainly was, from motives of jealousy.
NICHOLAS CONSPIRACY.
The origin of this conspiracy should, perhaps, date baek to a period more than 150 years anterior to the date of its ultimate consummation. A short time subsequent to the first permanent French settlements in Canada, and tbe inaugu- ration of the systematie trade with the Indians for the accumulation of fuirs as a souree of peeuniary profit, English traders eame and established a competition in that department, the French having long enjoyed a monopoly. To make their eompetition available, it was necessary to seeure tlie confidence of those elasses of Indians especially engaged in the procurement of such furs as commanded the hest priees in foreign markets. The French having first opened aveuues through which the Indians could make the traffie profitable, and, hy methods peeuliar to the French people, secured their entire confideucc, it was extremely difficult to divert the trade from those original channels. Failing to succeed in their attempts to overcome the inelination of the Indians to eonfide in and trade with the French, feelings of jealousy on the part of the Englishi traders were naturally engendered, and in the course of time hecame productive of results.
The department of trade in furs most lucrative was that in heaver, which always commanded the readiest sales. From location and adaptation, some trihes procured the best qualities in larger quantities and with more certainty than others ; hcnee they were envied hy the less successful, and their favor eourted hy com- peting traders. Of these, the Outaouas (Ottawas) were pre-eminent, and, at the same time, were most unyielding in their adherence to the French, thus eonsti- tuting an almost impassable harrier to the advances of the English traders. With - these conditions precedent, jealousy on the part of other trihus, perhaps in alli- anee with English, on the one hand. and the disposition on the part of the English to seeure their trade hy whatever means, holding, at the same time, a coatrolling influence over powerful aud ambitious trihes ou the other, the process most likely to suggest itself was to induee an exertion of that insinuating influ- enee in pandering to the jealousies of circumjaeent trihes, with pretexts for war. Such means were speedily utilized hy the English, and the Ottawas were met withi manifestations of ill-feeling from former friends, who had heen wrought upon to thus play their part in the game of intrigue to acquire the advantage of trade.
Next to the Ottawas, the Hurons were the best fur-gatherers, and oceu- pied an enviable position in their sphere, supplying n large proportion of the material nceessary to successful trade, and, with the Ottawas, were early in the interest of the French traders, and were allies, also, of the Ottawas. They were, however, subject to the influence of the Iroquois, whose kindred they were. That influence was exerted so as, eventually, to divert the trade into English channels, to the detriment of the French int rests. This left the Ottawas, the exclusively large traders in heaver, adhering to the French, notwithstanding the unsuccessful manipulating process adopted by the English agents. Meanwhile, these elements of discord had their effect on the family relations of the neighboring tribes, involving also the relations of the French and English subordinate governments. Feuds were engendered among the trihes, and promoted by the interferenee of their allies respectively. In the course of time, petty wars heeamo frequent, and were sourees of anfoyanee, especially to the French, and the Hurons, from heing
* Hist. Ind. Tribes of N. A.
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HISTORY OF ALLEN COUNTY. INDIANA.
warm friends of the French, came to he secret, often open enemies, through the agency of designing co-operators. Hence the sequel.
The immediate pretext for the conspirary of Nicholas, the Huron chief, while it was the outgrowth of the conditions before cited-was assumed to be in consequence of the circulation of English belts by Iroquois, among the neigh- horing tribes, as a means to that end, and Nichalas. sometimes known as Sandosket, from the location of his principal villages on the hay of Sandusky-a Huron chief of some notoriety, who, from some disaffection, with a few followers, had left Detroit, a few years previously, and settled on the south of Lake Erie- became the self-constituted agent in the movement, and settled at the point named, where he had hetter opportunities for gratifying his ambitious designs.
About the time of the contemplated attack upon Detroit, five Frenchmen, who were on their return from the post on White River, were murdered hy some Hurons from Detroit, belonging to the band of the war chief Nicholas, who had stolen all the furs in the possession of the murdered men. This occurred on the 23d of June, 1747. Being wholly unaware of the presence of Englishinien among the Hurons, these men were unsuspicious of danger, and had counted upon the hos- pitality and friendship of the Indians. It was quickly observable, however, that their presence was unsatisfactory to these emissaries of the English, who, instead of tendering to those travelers the hospitalities due to the citizens of a kindred nation, encouraged the village chief to seize them and appropriate their effects. " This was accomplished on the afternoon of the day of their arrival." Nicholas assumed to be greatly irritated at the audacity of these Frenchmen, as he termed it, in coming to his town without his permission, and as a penalty for their temerity, he coudemned them to death, the tomahawk executing in cold blood this imperative mandate.
At this time, also, all the Indians of the neighborhood, except the Illinois, had entered into the design of this Nicholas party to destroy all the French at Detroit, on one of the holidays of Pentecost, and afterward, to go to the fort and subject all to fire and the sword ; which, as we have seen, failed because of the plot having been discovered. The discovery, however, does not appear to have been the result of Nicholas' misdirection and management, hut of the too great anxiety of some of the young men to be first in carrying out the designs of the leader-striking too soon.
The purpose of the chief becoming known to the Commandant of the fort at Detroit, all the settlers in the vicinity were directed by him to retire within the fort and thus, being in a place of comparative security, be better prepared for any new treachery.
Meanwhile, as soon as the Sandusky murders came to the knowledge of the Canadian Governor, M. de Longueuil, Commandant at Detroit, was instructed to require Nicholas to surrender the murderers of the five Frenehmen, that they might he made to expiate the crime. Messengers were accordingly sent and a demand made, but the demand was disregarded, the chief manifesting a spirit of defiance. The result of this condition of affairs was preparation for the prompt punishment of the perpetrators and their defiant abettors. While steps were being taken by the military authorities, at Detroit, to provide for the main- tenance of law and order, the protection of the people and preservation of the interests of trade, the wily chief was not inattentive to what was going on, but was equally active in preparing to execute his own plans, to which reference has been incidentally made. It was the purpose of the chief that * "a party of Detroit Hurons were to sleep in the fort and houses at Detroit, as they had often done before, and each was to kill the people where he lodged. * * A band of Pottawatomies was commissioned to destroy the French Mission, and villages on Bois Blanc Island ; the Miamis, to seize the French traders in their country ; the Iroquois to destroy the French village at the junction of the Miami and St. Joseph ; the Foxes to destroy the village at Green Bay; the Sioux, Saes and Sarastans to reduce Michilimackinac ; while the other tribes were to destroy the French trading-posts in their respective countries, seize the traders and put them to death. This great conspiracy, so skillfully planned and arranged, would have been attended with a frightful loss of life, and the utter annihilation of French power, but for its accidental, yet timely discovery."
The discovery was in this wise: A murder had been committed prema- turely, and some of the conspirators, being fearful of the consequences, held a meeting, to consider what was hest to be done, in a room provided for the purpose. During the progress of their council, while the details of the conspiracy were being discussed, one of the squaws had occasion to go into the garret in search of corn. While there, she overheard the plans and in great haste went to a Jesuit priest and made a statement of the matter, which was at once communicated to M. de Lon- gueuil, the Commandant at the fort, who took the precautionary steps necessary to insure safety. Soon an additional military force was sent by the Canadian Governor, which had the effect to so interfere with his plans that Nicholas aban- doncd the project of consummating his destruction of the French power.
In the management of his diplomatic intercourse with other Indian trihes, to secure their alliance, Nicholas was greatly assisted by the English, who, it appeared, had been furnishing supplies of ammunition and military stores at San- dusky, and had otherwise given their influence for furthering his designs. As a partial return for the interest taken by the English in their operations against the French and their Indian allies, Nicholas, on his part, offered them all the facili- ties in his power for the establishment of posts all along Lake Erie as far as the Miamis River, as a nicans of seeuring and maintaining their trading advantages. The active co-operation of the English with the movements of Nicholas, was further shown by assurances to the effect that the Senecas had given an English belt to La Demoiselle, chief of a portion of the Miamis, allies of the English, to procure the assassination of Sieur Denonville, French Commandant at the Miamis post, and of M. de Longueuil, at Detroit, having offered a reward to whomsoever should carry their heads to the English Goveruor.
* Brico, p. 16.
In addition to poisoning the minds of the Miamis, and of the other tribes manifesting a moderate degree of friendship for the French, he was on the alert to cut off means of communication between the Indians and the authorities at Detroit, Montreal and Quebec, intercepting messengers and diverting from their legitimate channels these sources of information, that, in the mean time, he conld better execute his own plans, while the French authorities might, in their fancied security, for the time being, he unguarded. This was especially true as to the Miamis, who, upon the request of the Canadian Covernor, had sent a deputation to Montreal. This deputation was met on the way hy some of Nich- olas' emissaries and induced, upon a misrepresentation of the facts, to return. The statement of Ensign Chevalier de Peyrade, Commandant at Post Ouyatenon, gives the details : While he was on his way down to Montreal, with the nations from the Ouahache, passing down the Miamis River, he learned of the treachery of the Hurons ; that this intelligence, conjoined to other circumstances, obliged those nations to return to their village, where they were pretty quiet when he left them to return to Detroit.
Early in July, 1747, information from the river St. Joseph disclosed the situation in that quarter, from which disclosures it appeared that the English had heen endeavoring to dehauch the nations helonging to that post, as well as in the others, hy the unfavorable impressions they were trying to insinuate among them through the agency of the Iroquois, who were continually employing pretexts to hring about the destruction of the French at that and adjacent. posts. As a _ result, the Miamis and Ouyatenons, especially, were in disorder, the former hav -. ing allowed themselves to he gained over by the belts of Nicholas, who had repre- sented to them that Detroit had been razed by the lake tribes; hence, that they could no longer defer killing the French who remained among thiem. With this state of feeling among the Miamis, they were ready for the commission of any excess that might suggest itself. .
No other pretext being required, they first seized eight Frenchmen, who were in the fort at the Miami Village, about the last of August, 1747. These they did not injure, but shortly after, impelled forward hy the continued interpo- sition of the emissaries of the English, the French fort at Ke-ki-ong-a, with the property belonging to the French inhabitants, was seized by the disaffected Miamis and their confederates. The property was appropriated by the marauders, and a portion of the buildings adjacent, together with the fort, were partially destroyed by fire, in the latter part of September following. Before the consum- mation of this last act, however, information had been conveyed to the command. ant at Detroit, of the situation of affairs, who immediately sent four French dep- uties with messages to the Miamis, to dissuade them from the wrong course they were ignorantly pursuing, and induce themu to go to Detroit, where they might he accurately informed concerning what had been represented to them. But when the deputies arrived, the blow had been struck and the property destroyed. Notwithstanding the position of things, as ascertained by these deputies, many of the Miamis were prevailed upon to go to Detroit, as requested. But, in the mean time, Nicholas had adopted means to offset the effort of the French Com- mandant to rectify the impression hefore given out, that Detroit had been destroyed. He sent other belts to the Miamis, confirmatory of the first, which had the effect to again disconcert the pacific measures proposed, and cause the Miamis to return to their village, and send only two deputies to Detroit. These two deputies were immediately sent back hy M. de Longueuil, with messages cal- culated to disabuse the nation as to the evil speeches of Nicholas.
When Nicholas found that no permanent advantage had been gained by his strategic movements; that all his plans were eventually circumvented, and that, with the additional force received at the Detroit post, his destruction was inevita- hle, he manifested a disposition to disband, and, while the Miami deputy was at Detroit, he, with Orontoni and Anioton, chiefs of the Huron traitors, went there to sue for peace and surrender the belts which had heen the cause of their treason. Their sincerity, however, was doubted, and the actions of Nicholas were deemed equivocal and not free from suspicion that other motives than those manifested by him had induced the display.
1
Having made this bold exhibition of his intentions, steps were taken to enforce obedience to his promises, by war, in case of his refusal, and Miki- nac, a trusty Outaouaa chicf, with a sufficient number of faithful allies, was dele- gated to carry these purposes of the French Commandant into execution.
Early in the month of February, 1748, the French Commandant at Detroit, with a view to maintain the advantages already acquired, and deprive the enemy of the liberty of seizing a post of considerable importance, sent Ensign Dubuisson to the Miamis, at Kekionga, with instructions " to foriu only a small establishment there to winter in. He has been supplied with thirty Frenchmen io maintain himself there, and is accompanied by thirty others, destined for the Ouyatenon trade, with orders to the latter to return to rejoin Sicur Dubuisson in the spring, so as to return together to Detroit. It is also further shown by the foregoing instructions, that Sieur Dubuisson was so sent, with a sufficient escort to keep possession of the fort, which had been partially burned, but not to undertake any- thing." [N. Y. Col. Doc. X, 150-181.]
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