USA > Indiana > Indiana, a redemption from slavery > Part 10
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THE OLDEST INHABITANT.
In Canada the provisions of law governing slavery were confined to a few brief and unimportant edicts of colonial governors and intendants. In Louisiana quite an elaborate code was in effect. It is said by Montes- quieu that Louis XIII. was reluctant to admit negro slavery to his colonies, but consented to it because it was urged that the conversion of the negroes to Christianity would thereby be furthered.1 Louis XV. was also muclı concerned for the eternal welfare of the slaves, and, in March, 1724, published an ordinance which made mi- nute provision for the management of slaves, and par- ticularly for their education in the Catholic religion. This ordinance continued in effect during the French régime.2 Under its provisions slaves were required to be baptized and educated in the Catholic religion ; they were not allowed to work on Sundays or holy days ; their masters were required to furnish them a regular amount of food and clothing fixed by public officers, and to support them in sickness and old age. For criminal offenses, and running away, slaves were punished by the courts ; masters were forbidden to torture, mutilate, or otherwise punish a slave, except by whipping with rods or cords. Slaves might be levied on by a creditor, but families were not allowed to be separated on sale. When freed, slaves at once became enfranchised with all the rights and privileges of white citizens, including the right to hold slaves. Masters were prohibited from living in concubinage with slaves under penalty of a heavy fine, and the forfeiture of the slave and any chil- dren she may have borne ; except that when the master
1 Spirit of the Laws, vol. i. ch. iv.
2 Code Noir, p. 281. The ordinance is given in full in Dillon, pp. 31-43.
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was a negro he was required to marry the slave, and thereupon she and her children became free. The public officers were required to see that these laws were prop- erly enforced ; and, in case a slave was not properly provided for by his master, the officers provided for him and obliged the master to repay the expense.
The lot of the slaves of the Northwest has aptly been compared to that of children. The laws gave them broad protection ; the temperament of the colonists was not productive of brutality ; there was no market for surplus crops which gave any great incentive to extensive or careful agriculture. The peculiarity of temperament which made the French masters lenient to their slaves was a lack of what we call thrift. They were a careless, happy-go-lucky people, who took little thought for the morrow. They worked as little as possible themselves, and took no pleasure in making others work. A man that we would call prudent, or saving, or thrifty, would have been to them a miser. The great majority of them were satisfied if they had comparative ease and comfort, and their ideas of comfort were not so high as to call for much effort in satisfying them.1 In addition to this, the French settlers had none of those theories of indepen- dence and natural rights which make English-speaking peoples look down on those who are contented in servile positions. They did not participate in their own govern- ment and did not desire to do so. Their slaves had much nearer as great rights as the masters than they did under any other American system of slavery. The same officers who governed the masters were required to see that the slaves received their lawful rights at the hands of the masters. It is to be remembered also that 1 Reynolds's Ill., p. 37.
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THE OLDEST INHABITANT.
the slaves of the southern parts of Louisiana were worked harder than those of the upper part, chiefly because exportation was more ready and the products of labor therefore of more value. This, with the differ- ence of climate, made the lot of slaves in the lower country more unenviable than that of those to the north. On the whole, the slavery that existed north of the Ohio was as endurable as any slavery could be, and the slavery in all Louisiana was much less objectionable than that which existed in the English colonies. English writers conceded this, and attributed the difference to the slave codes then in force, the contrast between which was well summed up by Edmund Burke in the state- ment that the French slaves "are not left, as they are with us, wholly, body and soul, to the discretion of the planter." 1
Such were the French settlers of Indiana - yet not such ; for we have scanned too closely what we might esteem their faults, and given little heed to what we must admit to be their virtues. In many respects they were admirable. They were simple, honest, and pa- triotic. In personal courage and resolution they often rose to the heights of heroism. In their social life they were kindly, sympathetic, and generous. Above all, they were unselfish and public-spirited. The numerous in- stances of their self-sacrifice which have come down) to us, and of which we shall note several later on, will ever rank among the brightest pages of our local history. Notwithstanding the prejudices of race, the American settlers who lived among them, and quarreled with them,
1 Account of the European Settlements in America, London, 1757, vol. ii. p. 45. This book was published anonymously, but is com- monly accorded to Burke.
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and at odd times hated them, as human beings are prone to do with their neighbors, still had for them feelings of hearty respect and esteem. When the older generations were gone, and the younger stock had adopted American ways, the older Americans looked back with wistful memory to their former associates. We see this in the brief retrospects they have left for us, and as we read their words we pass, by some subtle sympathy of soul, into their fancies. The ancient habitant rises before us lithe and erect as in his prime. The old capote is there, the beaded moccasins, the little earrings, and the black queue. His dark eyes glisten beneath his turban hand- kerchief as of yore. There stands his old calèche. He mounts upon it and moves away - away - away - until its creaking sounds no longer, and we realize that he is gone forever.
CHAPTER IV.
THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST.
THE opening of the Revolution brought evil times to the American frontiers. The Indians, supplied with English arms, and led by men in English pay, carried devastation everywhere. I am aware that bills author- izing the employment of Indians were repeatedly de- feated in Parliament, and that British officers claimed that the natives were driven to war by the cruel wrongs inflicted on them by Americans; but these were the orders : "It is the King's command that you should direct Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton to assemble as many of the Indians of his district as he conveniently can, and placing a proper person at their head, to con- duct their parties, and restrain them from committing violence on the well-affected, inoffensive inhabitants, employ them in making a diversion and exciting an alarm on the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania." 1 Such proper persons as Simon Girty, William Lamothe, Joseph Brant, and others, were employed by Hamilton as leaders of these parties, and, in order to restrain them still further, he offered a premium for the scalps of Americans.2 The frontiersmen made the matter worse by their own suicidal policy in imprisoning and murder-
1 Lord George Germaine to Sir Guy Carleton, March 26, 1776: Haldimand Coll.
2 Jefferson's Works, vol. i. p. 456.
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ing Cornstalk, Red Hawk, and Ellinipsco, Shawnee chiefs, at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, whereby many Indians who were inclined to be friendly were driven over to the enemy.1 A great leader was needed on the frontier, and one was at hand. George Rogers Clark, a young Virginian of extraordinary character, had settled in Kentucky in 1776. He had secured the organization of Kentucky as a county of Virginia; he had persuaded the Executive Council to contribute 500 pounds of powder to the defense of the frontier; and now his fertile brain was developing a great project.
For adequate relief from the depredations of the sav- ages young Clark could see but one method. Kaskaskia, Vincennes, and Detroit were the points from which the Indians received their arms and ammunition, and to which they carried their booty. If these posts could be taken and held, the Indians would be deprived of their bases of action, and would be compelled either to make peace or to continue the war on their own lands. This course he decided must be adopted, but he knew that there were many difficulties in the way, one of the most serious being the task of convincing the authorities of the wisdom of the attempt. In the summer of 1777, to obtain definite information, he sent out two spies, who brought back intelligence that the British garrisons were actively promoting Indian depredations, and that, not- withstanding the misrepresentations of the English, there were still many of the French settlers who felt kindly towards the Americans. Clark went to Virginia and laid before Governor Patrick Henry and the Executive Council his plan for the conquest of the Northwest. Governor Henry was pleased with the boldness of the 1 Annals of the West, p. 176.
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THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST.
project, and the Executive Council was speedily per- suaded of its feasibility. There were some objections made, but Clark was ready to answer them. The men in authority were disposed to act. The recent victory at Saratoga had inspired them with confidence in their cause, and Congress had already considered the neces- sity of taking possession of the Northwest, and had taken action looking towards it. On January 2, 1778, the Governor issued two sets of instructions to Clark : one, for public use, authorizing him to raise seven com- panies of fifty men each, for militia service in Kentucky ; the other, private, directing him to raise the same force and attack the British post at Kaskaskia. The instruc- tions were specially explicit that the French settlers should be treated with humanity, and that, if any would accept the sovereignty of Virginia, they should be " treated as fellow-citizens and their persons and prop- erty duly secured." He was to receive ammunition at Pittsburg; and, to defray expenses, he was furnished £1200 in the depreciated colonial currency. He had also the promise of Thomas Jefferson, George Mason, and George Wythe, that they would use their influence to secure a bounty of 300 acres of land for each man engaged in the expedition, if it were successful. With this shadowy provision for his army, Clark's next busi- ness was to get the army. He tried to raise recruits at Fort Pitt with but little success, but while here. he re- ceived information that his subordinate officers were progressing more rapidly ; that Major W. B. Smith, who had gone to the settlements on the Holston, had raised four companies ; and that Captains Leonard Helm and Joseph Bowman had collected two companies on the Monongahela. Meanwhile, however, Clark's enemies
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had been at work, hindering men from enlisting, encour- aging those who had enlisted to desert, and stirring up prejudice against the youthful commander, until, says Clark, "they set the whole Fronteers in an uproar." The longer he remained the worse it became. Uniting his recruits with those of Bowman and Helms, lie started down the river with 150 men. At the mouth of the Kentucky he was joined by Captain Dillard with less than one company; the rest of Smith's men had dis- persed. On went Clark to the Falls of the Ohio, where he landed on what is now called Corn Island and built a block-house for the protection of his supplies. At this time there was no settlement at the Falls, though 2,000 acres now included in Louisville had been patented in 1773 to Connolly, the notorious commander of Fort Pitt at that time. Here Clark first informed his men of the real design of the expedition, and naturally enough it put a damper on the ardor of many of them. A num- ber of the Tennessee men asked leave to return home, but were refused; guards were placed over the boats to prevent desertion. In the night a part of the Tennes- seeans evaded the sentinels, waded to the Kentucky shore, and started for the settlements. A force was sent after them in the morning with instructions to shoot any one who would not return, but only eight of them were cap- tured. Strict discipline was now enforced, and though there still remained many who would gladly have aban- doned the hazardous task set before them, they found no opportunity to escape. £ Says the dare-devil com- mander : " I knew that my case was desperate, but the more I reflected on my weakness the more I was pleased with the Enterprize."
On June 24th, leaving his block-house in possession of
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THE HANNIBAL OF THE WEST.
several pioneer families which had followed him down the river, Clark embarked with his army of 153 men. They rowed up-stream far enough to gain the main channel, and then plunged down through the Indiana chute " at the very moment of the sun being in a great eclipse, which caused various conjectures among the superstitious." Clark abandoned his original design of attacking Vincennes first, as he had erroneous informa- tion that there was a large garrison there, besides In- dians. The oars were double-manned and plied night and day until, on June 28th, the party landed on an island at the mouth of the Tennessee River. We must pass the details of their march across southern Illinois, the surprise of Kaskaskia on the night of July 4th, the terror of the French settlers on finding themselves in the hands of the Americans, and their transports of joy on learning that they were not only to be unmolested, but also to be received and protected as fellow-citizens, - a joy which Clark tells us they manifested by "addorning the streets with flowers & Pavilians of different colours, compleating their happiness by singing &c." On receipt of information of the actions and intentions of the Amer- icans from their Kaskaskian brethren, the Cahokians also came over to the American cause, with manifestations of great pleasure. Vincennes remained to be secured, but Clark supposed that for want of men and supplies he was unable to march against it with hope of success, on account of the strength of its garrison. He was desirous that some of the Kaskaskians should go there, and seek to win the inhabitants to the American cause, but he was also desirous that none of the French should know his actual feeling on the subject. He attributed his success thus far to his policy of intimidation, and this
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was probably correct, to some extent. He had entered Fort Gage at night, and by misrepresenting his actual force, and excluding the villagers from the fort, he had made them believe his command much larger than it was. He had also pretended that he had a strong gar- rison at the Falls, and could obtain any number of men he wanted from Kentucky by calling for them. This policy was still necessary to be pursued, because the In- dians were yet to be dealt with, and there was no pos- sible way of bringing them to subjection except overaw- ing them. After reflection, he announced that lie was about to march against Vincennes, and should send a messenger to the Falls ordering a body of troops from there to join him at a certain point, to aid in destroying the post. The Kaskaskians at once interposed to save their friends at Vincennes. Father Gibault and Dr. Lafonte volunteered to go to the post and win over the inhabitants. The proposition was accepted, and on July 14, 1778, the two emissaries departed with a little ret- inue, in which, for additional security, the wary Clark had placed a spy. In two days after their arrival Vin- cennes was an American post. Abbott was at Detroit, and there was no garrison. The people went to the vil- lage church in a body and took the oath of allegiance ; an officer was elected, the fort garrisoned, and the American flag was raised for the first time on Indiana soil.
The Indians were astonished at the transformation. When they were informed by their French friends that the French king had come to life and joined with the Americans, - that he was angry with them for fighting for the British, - they began to experience a change of heart. Father Gibault returned to Kaskaskia about the
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first of August and brought the cheering news to Clark, but Clark now had a new trouble. The time for which his men had enlisted had expired, and he had no author- ity to extend it. Very little time was needed for arriv- ing at a decision that he must hold the acquired terri- tory, even without authority. He reënlisted for eight months all his men who could be induced by liberal promises to longer service. About one hundred of them decided to remain with him, and the vacancies were quickly filled by French settlers. Those who did not reënlist were sent home, and at the same time orders were sent to the Falls to move the stores to the Kentucky shore and build a fort there.1 Captain Leonard Helm was put in command of Vincennes, and appointed Super- intendent of Indian affairs on the Wabash by Clark. The principal business entrusted to him was securing the friendship of the Indians of the Wabash, particularly of the Piankeshaws, as they were located at and near Vin- cennes. Their head chief was Tabac,2 who, inasmuch as his tribe lived lower down the Wabash than any other, and therefore commanded its navigation, was called the Grand Door of the Wabash. Clark sent a message to him by Helm, telling him to espouse the cause of the British, or the Big Knives, as he pleased, - to select peace or war, - but to stand firmly by his choice when it was made. After several days of ceremonious negotiation,
1 An unsuccessful attempt to recover compensation for building this fort was made in 1841 by the heirs of Richard Chenowith. House Reports, No. 183, 2d Sess. 26th Cong. The families left by Clark had removed to the Kentucky shore and built cabins soon after his departure. They were joined by others in the spring of 1779. Louisville was laid off in 1780 by William Pope.
2 Tobacco ; his father had the same name, hence this chief was sometimes called Young Tabac, or Tobacco's Son.
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during which the causes of the war were explained to the Indians in a figurative way, Tabac declared himself satisfied that the British were wrong, and that, if they succeeded in conquering the Americans, they would treat the Indians with similar oppression; from which con- siderations he announced himself a Big Knife. His example was followed by some of the other Wabash tribes ; and as the news of the doings of the French and their neighboring Indians passed from village to village through the wilderness, the tribes of the Northwest began flocking to Cahokia to treat with the Big Knife captain, some of them coming a distance of 500 miles. Clark treated them with a characteristic assumption of coolness and indifference, until they were in fear that they were in danger of immediate destruction, and then granted their humble prayers for a treaty of peace, which was what he wanted above all things. Soon afterwards Helm went up the Wabash with a small force to attack Celeron, the British agent at the Wea towns, who was interfering seriously with the pacification of the Indians. Celeron fled, but his red adherents were surprised and captured. Helm made a treaty with them and released them.
Clark continued to use every art of diplomacy to at- tach the French and Indians to the American cause, and his efforts were completely successful ; but the Eng- lish had a very clear knowledge of his strength, and rightly attributed his successes to his extraordinary spirit and tact.1 They were not ready to relinquish the West without a struggle. In the fall of 1778, General Henry Hamilton, Lieutenant-Governor of Detroit, raised a force of thirty regulars, fifty Canadian volunteers, and four 1 Annual Register for 1779, p. 16.
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hundred Indians, and proceeded by the Wabash to Vin- cennes. His expedition was successful. He captured the spies that Clark had put out, and on December 15th appeared at Vincennes. Helm was in the fort with only one man, but he stood by a loaded cannon with a lighted match in his hand, and declared that no one should enter until he knew the terms that would be given, whereupon Hamilton conceded the honors of war to the garrison, and Vincennes was again an English post. Hamilton sent his Indians out to harass the frontier, and also sent a party of forty to attempt the capture of Clark, but the plans of the latter party were frustrated and they re- turned empty-handed.
Clark remained at Kaskaskia without any exact in- formation of the situation at Vincennes, knowing only that it was in the hands of the British, until January 29, 1779, when his state of uncertainty was relieved by the appearance of Colonel Francis Vigo. Vigo was a Sar- dinian, born at Mondovi in 1740: he left his home in his youth and enlisted in a Spanish regiment, with which he went to Havana, and afterwards to New Orleans. After brief service there, he left the army and engaged in the Indian trade, the capital being supplied by per- sons of importance in the colony. . His headquarters were at St. Louis. Governor de Leyba, who resided there, was interested in business with him. He became acquainted with Clark and tendered him his services. Clark requested him to go to Vincennes and report from time to time the exact condition of affairs there, for which purpose Vigo at once departed, accompanied by one servant. At the Embarrass River he was captured by hostile Indians, who carried him before Hamilton, then lately arrived at the post. For several weeks he
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was held on a parole requirement to report every day at the fort, then called Fort Sackville, he having refused to accept liberty which was offered him if he would agree "not to do any act during the war injurious to the Brit- ish interests." Father Gibault, who was at Vincennes, interested himself actively in Vigo's behalf, and finally, after services one Sunday morning in January, went to the fort, at the head of his parishioners, and notified Hamilton that they would furnish no more supplies to the garrison until Vigo was released. Hamilton, hav- ing no evidence against Vigo, and being desirous of re- taining the friendship of the villagers, released his prisoner on condition that he should " not do anything injurious to the British interests on his way to St. Louis." Vigo embarked in a pirogue with two voyageurs and sped away, down the Wabash, down the Ohio, up the Mississippi, until the Illinois settlements were left behind and the village of St. Louis was reached. He spent a few minutes changing his clothes and obtaining a few supplies, and was in the boat again ; the flying paddles stir the chill waters ; he is at Kaskaskia, and Clark has minute and exact intelligence concerning all matters at Vincennes.
The situation was desperate. Hamilton had eighty men behind the stockades of Fort Sackville, with artil- lery and an abundance of ammunition. He might receive reinforcements at any time. If unmolested until spring opened, he would certainly have a large force of soldiers and a thousand or more of Indians. Clark flung his gauntlet in the face of Fate and assumed the offensive. On February 4th he dispatched a large boat, mounting two four-pounders and four large swivel guns, com- manded by Lieutenant Rogers, witli orders to go within
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ten leagues of Vincennes and there await orders. Says Clark : "This Vessel when compleat was much admired by the Inhabitants, as no such thing had been seen in the country before." She was called The Willing. On the next day Clark began his march overland with one hundred and seventy men. It is probably impossible that any one at this time could conceive the hardships of that march of one hundred and sixty miles. The weather was not severe, though it was the depth of win- ter, but rain fell during the greater part of the time. The prairies were very wet, and that meant more in those days than it does in this era of drainage and ele- vated roadways, although no experienced person would select a pilgrimage through Illinois in wet weather for a pleasure trip even now. They were twelve days in reaching the Embarrass River. Three of those days were consumed in passing the Little Wabash and one of its affluents, which had united their floods, overflowing the bottom lands to a breadth of five miles. The chan- nels of the two streams were passed by means of a large canoe; the remainder of the distance the men waded through water three and at times four feet deep. On the evening of the 17th, when they reached the Em- barrass, they found it impassable and marched down it till eight o'clock, seeking for a dry camping-place, but as they could find none they remained over night at a place where they "found the water falling from a small spot of ground." In the morning they marched on to the banks of the Wabaslı.
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