USA > Indiana > Indiana, a redemption from slavery > Part 11
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They were now ten miles from Vincennes, separated from it by two rivers and by more than seven miles of land that was overflowed to a depth of three feet or more, over which they must pass. They were entirely
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out of provisions. The Willing was not expected for two or three days. Four men were sent out to steal boats from opposite Vincennes, but returned unsuccessful and reported it impossible to cross the Embarrass. Rafts were made and four others were sent to look for boats, but they too returned unsuccessful, having "spent the day and night in the water to no purpose ; for there was not one foot of dry land to be found." By the time they returned (three o'clock on the afternoon of the 19th) a canoe had been made, in which Clark sent two men to search for The Willing, with orders for it to come on day and night, but their search was fruitless. On the 20th signs of despair began to appear in the famish- ing party ; many of the French volunteers talked of going back. To employ them, Clark set them all to work making canoes. At noon a boat containing five French- men from Vincennes was hailed on the river and brought to shore. The men gave information that the party was not discovered; that the villagers were favorable to them ; and that there were two canoes adrift on the river above. One of these canoes was secured by a party sent to look for them. This day one of the men killed a deer and brought it in. It furnished a mouthful of food for each of the one hundred and seventy hungry men, and saved the expedition.
On the 21st the men were all ferried across the Wa- bash channel, after which they marched for three miles, through water that was at places deep as to their necks, and camped on a little hill. It rained all day and they were without provisions. On the 22d they succeeded in getting three miles farther, wading all the way, with not a morsel to eat. That night the weather turned cold, and the wet clothing of the mnen froze upon them.
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Morning found the little army almost exhausted. Be- fore them stretched for four miles the Horseshoe Plain, covered with water breast deep, through which they must march if they reached Vincennes. Clark addressed them briefly, telling them that at the woods which they saw beyond the plain their fatigues would be over. He turned without waiting for any reply and entered the water, crushing the thin ice that covered its surface. The men gave a shout and followed him. He turned, after a few had entered the water, and directed Captain Bowman to fall back with twenty-five men and shoot any one who refused to march. Another shout of ap- probation went up at this order, and the men pressed forward to the task, which they soon found to be a heavy one. The woods were reached, but the dry land was be- yond them, and the strength of the men was well-nigh spent. Swiftly as possible the canoes plied along the line, picking up the weak and carrying them on to the shore. Here a failing soldier was aided by a stronger comrade ; there one clung to a tree or lay helpless on a log. Nature was taxed to her utmost. Says Clark : " Many would reach the shore, and fall with their bodies half in the water, not being able to support themselves without it."
Recuperation was rapid. The day was bright, and the fires which had been built by the first arrivals quickly dried and warmed the band of heroes. Luckily enough, some squaws and children came along in a canoe and were captured. They had with them half a quarter of a buffalo, some corn, some tallow, and several kettles. Broth was made and carefully doled out to the exhausted men. The spirits of the party were soon raised to the highest pitcli. Warmed, dried, and re-
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freshed, they jested over the hardships of which they were still feeling the effects, but those effects were doubt- less felt by many of them in later years, and certainly those hardships were never forgotten. Nine months later, writing to his friend George, Mason, of Virginia, Clark said : "If I was sensible that you would let no Person see this relation, I would give You a detail of our suffering for four days in crossing those waters, and the manner it was done, as I am sure that You wou'd Credit it, but it is too incredible for any Person to be- lieve except those that are as well acquainted with me as you are, or had experienced something similar to it."
The Rubicon was now passed. The Americans were in a position from which there was no escape except by victory. They were in good spirits, and did not for a moment doubt that they would succeed ; but Clark knew that there was little hope of taking Fort Sackville by mere force of arms, unless the village was secured and its inhabitants deterred from aiding the garrison. He determined to resort to braggadocio. In the afternoon his men captured a Frenchman who was out shooting ducks, and Clark made his first move by sending the prisoner to the villagers with a message, in which he an- nounced that his "army " was about to storm the place, and that all who were friendly to him must remain within doors, while all hostile must, on pain of severe punishment, repair to the fort and aid Hamilton, whom he designated as the Hair-Buyer General, in allusion to his having offered premiums for scalps. As evening fell he marched to the town, keeping carefully on low ground where his men were not visible from the post, but giving a view of the numerous standards that he had brought with him, thus causing the villagers to believe
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that his force was several times stronger than it really was. The village was occupied, without resistance, just after dark. The French were all favorably disposed and had given no warning to the garrison. Some of them offered to join Clark, but their services were de- clined. Tabac also was on hand, tendering a hundred warriors to aid in taking the fort, but was informed that no assistance was needed.
The garrison had no knowledge of the approach of the Americans until the firing began, which was imme- diately after they reached the town, fifteen men having been detached for that purpose. Hamilton was at Captain Helm's quarters, playing piquet with his pris- oner, when he was startled by the cracking of the rifles and the rattling of the bullets on the sticks and mud of the chimney, which the riflemen, from a spirit of mis- chief, had taken for a target on learning where Helm was located. There was a fine apple toddy brewing on the hearth, into which part of the débris tumbled, and the jovial captain sprang to his feet, exclaiming that Clark was there and would take the place, but at the same time cursing the assailants for spoiling his bever- age. All night a heavy fire was kept up on both sides, but with no material damage, though several were wounded. The Americans under cover of the darkness made a strong entrenchment across the road one hun- dred and twenty yards in front of the main gate. At nine o'clock in the morning Clark sent a flag of truce to Hamilton, and during the cessation of firing his men had their breakfast, which Major Bowman feelingly re- fers to as " the only meal of victuals since the 18th inst." The message sent under this flag was so charac- teristic of the man and his project that no part of it can be omitted : -
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" SIR, - In order to save yourself from the impend- ing storm that now threatens you, I order you immedi- ately to surrender yourself, with all your garrison, stores, &c., &c., &c. For if I am obliged to storm, you may depend on such treatment as is justly due to a murderer. Beware of destroying stores of any kind, or any papers, or letters that are in your possession ; for, by Heavens, if you do, there shall be no mercy shown you.
"G. R. CLARK." ·
To this fierce missive Hamilton replied that he and his garrison were "not disposed to be awed into an action unworthy of British subjects." The firing was at once renewed with great vigor. The advantage of the Americans was quickly manifest. They surrounded the fort on all sides, stationed nowhere more than a hundred and twenty yards from the stockade and in many places within sixty yards of it, sheltered by build- ings, earth-works, and logs. These frontiersmen were at that time the best marksmen known to the world, and at these distances a silver dollar was as large a target as they cared for. Whenever a port-hole was opened dozens of bullets flew through it, playing such havoc with the gunners that the cannon could not be fired with any effect, and causing them soon to be abandoned. Every crack at which a sign of life appeared was made a target. Several of the British soldiers fell with bullets through their eyes. The garrison became disheartened ; the attacking party were confident and enthusiastic : they wished to storm the fort at once. As the afternoon wore away, Hamilton sent a flag of truce, asking a cessa- tion of hostilities for three days and a conference with Clark at the gate of the fort. Clark replied that he
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would accept no terms but surrender at discretion, and would confer with him at the village church if he so desired. The conference was held at once, in the pres- ence of Major Hay of the garrison, Major Bowman of Clark's party, and Captain Helm. Hamilton offered to surrender if he and his men would be permitted to go to Pensacola on parole. Clark refused anything but un- conditional surrender, and warned the British comman- der that he might not be able to restrain his men if they were obliged to storm the fort. Captain Helm inter- ceded in favor of milder terms, but was sternly reminded that he was a prisoner and could not speak with pro- priety. Hamilton at once said that Captain Helm was from that moment at liberty and might do as he liked. Clark answered that he would permit nothing of the kind ; that Helm must return to the fort and take his chances as a prisoner.
As Hamilton turned to leave, he stopped and asked Clark for his reasons for insisting on the terms he men- tioned. Clark replied that it was because there were several noted Indian partisans (i. e. white men who had been employed in inciting the Indians to war and leading their war-parties) in the fort, whom he desired to be at liberty to put to death, or otherwise punish as he might see fit. " Who is it that you call Indian parti- sans ? " asked Major Hay, visibly disquieted by this re- mark. "Sir," said Clark, " I take Major Hay to be one of the principal." At this Hay turned pale, and trem- bled so violently that Hamilton blushed at his display of terror. There was a silence of a few moments, and then Clark, determining to moderate his demands, told Hamilton that he would reconsider the matter and in- form him of the result ; in the mean time they would
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return to their posts, and not resume offensive measures until a conclusion was reached. A consultation of officers was held, and before the sun set terms had been proposed and accepted of surrender as prisoners of war with all stores and supplies. This was carried into effect on the next morning (February 25) at ten o'clock.
In the negotiations Hamilton had risen noticeably in the estimation of the Americans, especially of Clark, who says that Hamilton never deviated "from that dig- nity of conduct that became an officer in his situation." His men, so he says, were unanimously in favor of ac- cepting the terms offered, and this probably resulted from their anticipation that, if the fort were stormed, the Americans would take vengeance on them for the Indian depredations on the frontier. This appre- hension was not a little heightened by an event that occurred while the conference was progressing in the church. As the men were resting from their attack on the fort, they saw approaching over the plain below Vincennes a party of nine Indians, who had been on a war expedition to the Falls of the Ohio. Captain Wil- liams started towards them with a party of men. The Indians supposed this to be a party sent by Hamilton to conduct them to the fort, as this honor was commonly conferred on their war-parties, and advanced whooping and making demonstrations of joy which signified a successful raid. The American party encouraged their delusion by similar action until the wretches were fairly in their clutches, and then fell upon them. Six were made prisoners, two were killed, and one escaped badly wounded. The captives were brought into town and ordered to be put to death, but two of them were after- wards pardoned on discovery that they were white men,
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and one of them a son of one of the French volunteers from Cahokia. The others were tomahawked in front of the fort and their bodies thrown into the river. This action brought the terror of the garrison to a climax, and also raised the enmity of the hostile Indians against Hamilton, as they thought he should have made some effort to save his allies.
On the 26th, Captain Helm and Major Legare were sent up the Wabash to meet a convoy of boats which were coming from Fort Miamis with provisions and stores. They returned on March 5, having captured M. Dejean, the Grand Judge of Detroit, M. Adimar, the Commissary, and thirty-eight private soldiers, with seven boat-loads of goods. During their absence, on the 27th, The Willing had arrived in safety, but the crew were much disgusted at finding the work finished. On March 7, Hamilton, Major Hay, Captain Lamoth, and Judge Dejean, with twenty-two subordinate officers and privates, were sent to the Falls of the Ohio, whence they were taken East. The subordinates were soon re- leased on parole, but the four named were kept in prison, notwithstanding the protests of British officials, until, after some months, they were released on recommen- dation of General Washington.1 On March 16, the remaining prisoners at Vincennes took the oath of neu- trality and were released. So closed this most memora- ble campaign, by which the Northwest was brought into the possession of Americans and secured to the Union, in the conduct of which General Clark had fairly earned the title which heads this chapter, and which was after-
1 Va. Calendar, vol. i. p. 321; Washington's Writings, vol. vi. pp. 317, 407, 240, 291.
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wards bestowed upon him by that eccentric genius, John Randolph of Roanoke.1
The immediate benefit of the success was the check to Indian hostilities, and this was due not more to their being driven farther back for bases of supplies than to the capture of Hamilton, whom they had regarded as the head and front of the British cause. Clark, on the other hand, was magnified in their estimation to the chiefest of the Big Knife warriors. The loyal Pianke- shaws were much rejoiced at the American success, as it insured them immunity from molestation by their hos- tile brethren, but their joy was still greater when Clark called them to council and assured them that the repre- sentations of the English that the Americans wanted their lands were false; that whoever tried to take their lands "must first strike the tomahawk in his head." They held a council on the following day and insisted on presenting Clark a tract of land, which he at first re- fused, but, on finding that this made them fear that he would not remain among them, he accepted a deed for it. It was two and one half leagues square, on the west side of the Falls of the Ohio, the location of Clark's subsequent grant from Virginia. On August 5, 1779, Clark issued general orders for the management of the Northwest, by which the garrison at Vincennes was put under command of Captain Shelby. The name of the post had been changed from Fort Sackville to Fort Patrick Henry immediately after its capture, and it was
1 Howison's Virginia, vol. ii. p. 237. The sources from which the preceding narrative is drawn are chiefly Clark's memoir, prepared at the request of Jefferson and Madison ; Clark's letter to George Mason; Clark's letter to Jefferson; and Major Bow- man's journal.
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so known for about ten years. Captain Helm was also stationed at the post as Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Wabash. No garrison was stationed at the Ouiatanon villages, or the old post, but " M. Gamilian " [Gamelin], who resided there, was made agent under Helm.1
We must now turn for a moment from the proud con- templation of the success of American arms to a sorry record of American ingratitude. It required money and supplies for Clark to carry on his operations, and these had been furnished him very sparingly. The French merchants came to his relief with the utmost liberality, furnishing him with everything he needed and taking in return his orders on Virginia. In 1780 Charles Gratiot, one of the leading merchants, went to Virginia to get a settlement of his own claims, and also as attor- ney for Godfroy Linetot, Nicholas Janis, Vital Beau- vois, François Bosseron, Philip Legras, and François Charbonneau. After two years of unsuccessful effort he was about to return home, ruined and disheartened, but Colonel Monroe, Mr. Preston, and some other in- fluential friends, advised him to remain and make one more effort. It was successful. In 1783 the Virginia legislature allowed his claims, but his report was so dis- couraging to his fellows that many of the remaining claims were never presented, and those that were pre- sented were neglected for years.2
Faithful, patriotic Father Gibault, whose services had been so valuable to Clark, was excommunicated by the Bishop of Quebec for his action, and also suffered in a pecuniary way for his attachment to our cause.
1 Va. Calendar, vol. i. p. 324.
2 House Report, No. 13, 3d Sess. 25th Congress.
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When Arthur St. Clair came west, as Governor of Northwest Territory, the good old father presented a memorial showing that he had "parted with his tithes and his beasts " to aid Clark, and in return had received depreciated paper currency, which he had sent to the United States Commissioner for redemption, and there- after had heard of it no more. Says the memorial : " The want of seven thousand eight hundred livres [or upwards of $1500 in our currency] of which the non- payment of the American notes has deprived him the use, has obliged him to sell two good slaves, who would now be the support of his old age, and for the want of whom he now finds himself dependent on the public." He asked for a small tract of land that had been for- merly held by the parish priests of Kaskaskia. St. Clair reported that his claims were just, and that no in- jury would be done by granting his request, "but it was not for me to give away the lands of the United States." 1 It appears from the records that it was not for any one to give away the lands of the United States, so far as Gibault was concerned, for his request was not complied with. He received a lot of fourteen toises [about ninety feet] front in Vincennes, on a personal claim,2 and an allowance of 400 acres was afterwards made to him, as to others resident at the post prior to 1783, but his needs had caused him to sell his claim to John Rice Jones before the land was allotted.8
Perhaps the worst case was that of Francis Vigo, the man who most deserved reward. His services were widely known long before his name became famous, he
1 Am. State Papers : Pub. Lands, vol. i. pp. 14, 15.
2 Ibid. p. 9.
8 State Papers: Pub. Lands, vol. ii. p. 199.
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being referred to as "the Spanish merchant " in the early writings concerning Clark's campaign.1 Besides his contribution of time and labor, Vigo had advanced nearly $12,000 in specie value, receiving drafts from Clark to Oliver Pollock, agent for Virginia at New Orleans, which were presented and payment refused " for want of funds." The principal one was for $8,616. Being wealthy at that time, Vigo made no special effort to push his claim. In 1788 he met Pol- lock in Pennsylvania and again presented the draft, but Pollock still had no funds. He advised Vigo to keep his drafts, as they would be paid " some time or other." Vigo sold the smaller drafts at a discount of eighty per cent., but held the large one until 1799, when, being pressed for money, he handed it for collection to Judge Burnet and Arthur St. Clair, Jr. In some way the draft was lost, and nothing was done towards the pay- ment of the claim for more than a third of a century. In this same year of 1799 Vigo contracted a sickness which confined him to his house during nearly five years, and in the course of it his business affairs became so deranged that he was reduced to poverty. The years rolled away. Indiana and Illinois passed their territorial probations and became states. Their popula- tion increased with marvelous rapidity. Farms, villages, cities, covered the wilderness through which Vigo jour- neyed at the risk of his life in aid of the struggling colonies, and he, more than a score of years past the allotted time of man's life, tottered about the streets of Vincennes still unrecompensed. The year 1833 had come, and in the attic of the capitol at Richmond, cov-
1 Marshall's Life of Washington, vol. iii. p. 566; Jefferson's Works, vol. iii. p. 217.
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ered with the dust of half a century, was found a mass of papers relating to Clark's campaign. They proved that many claims which had been disallowed ought to have been allowed, and they added valuable evidence to Vigo's claim. Judge John Law (the historian of Vin- cennes), now took charge of the case, but in 1836, before it was fairly presented to Congress, Vigo died, at the advanced age of ninety-six years. By his will he had provided that, when his claim was allowed, $500 should be appropriated to purchase a bell for the court-house at Terre Haute : he felt grateful to the citizens of that place on account of a flattering public reception they had given him in 1832, and because Vigo County had been named in his honor. His heirs pushed the claim. Seven times House committees reported favorably on it ; twice Senate committees did the same. Lawyers died, but new ones took their places and fought on. In 1872, worn out by importunities, Congress referred the case to the Court of Claims with full authority to decide it. The heirs recovered judgment. The United States appealed to the Supreme Court because the Court of Claims had allowed interest at five per cent. on the claim. It is a dogma of United States law that the government is always ready to pay its just debts, when properly presented, and consequently no interest can be allowed against it except on loans and contracts in which interest is expressly stipulated. Carelessness, political animosity, neglect, or a desire to become reputed " watch-dogs of the treasury," on the part of its agents, make no difference, no matter how long they may delay justice. If a man have not sufficient political influence, or some equivalent, to induce action by Congress, he must wait until it is pleased to be just. The readiness
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of the government to pay its just debts has ruined many unfortunate men who had permitted their patriotism to get the better of their business judgment. The Su- preme Court strained a point in favor of equity, and affirmed the judgment of the lower court in 1875, allow- ing the claim and interest, amounting in all to more than fifty thousand dollars.1 It was but tardy justice. There lacked but five years of a century since the claim was due ; and the noble man, whose praises had been sung by every one who knew him, or had read of Clark's ex- pedition, had been buried for thirty-nine years. When the fever of gratitude sets in, republics can be very grateful, but such fevers are intermittent, and very slow of attack.
In October, 1778, on receipt of information of Clark's success at Kaskaskia, the Virginia Assembly had passed a law organizing all the territory northwest of the Ohio as the county of Illinois. By its provisions, the religion and civil institutions, with the personal and property rights of the people, were preserved to them. The governor was authorized to appoint a " county lieutenant or commandant in chief," who was to be at the head of the civil government, with power to appoint deputy commandants, militia officers, and commissaries. He had also the privilege of pardoning offenders, except in cases of murder and treason, in which he had only power of respite until the case could be brought before the governor or assembly. It has been stated that the laws of Virginia were extended over the Northwest by this act, but this is erroneous. The French laws and cus-
1 U. S. v. McKee, 91 U. S. p. 442. See House Report, No. 13, 3d Sess. 25th Congress ; House Report, No. 117, 1st Sess. 33d Con- gress ; Mag. of West. Hist., vol. i. p. 230; Hist. Vigo County, pp. 14-22.
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toms were carefully preserved, by provision that " all civil officers to which the said inhabitants have been ac- customed, necessary for the preservation of peace and the administration of justice, shall be chosen by a ma- jority of the citizens in their respective districts, . . .. which said civil officers, after taking the oaths as above prescribed, shall exercise their several jurisdictions, and conduct themselves agreeable to the laws which the pres- ent settlers are now accustomed to." 1 This law was to remain in force " twelve months, and from thence to the end of the next session of assembly." It was continued for an equal period by act of May, 1780,2 and there- after no farther provision was made, presumably be- cause this carried the act into the period when Virginia had agreed to release her claim to the general govern- ment.
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