USA > Indiana > Indiana, a redemption from slavery > Part 28
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33
1 Laws of 1807, p. 232.
2 Previous to this time the polls were kept open for three days, but by act of September 16, 1807, the time of voting was limited to one day. Laws of 1807, p. 490.
386
INDIANA.
was there occasion that they should, for they were well- known Harrison men, favoring the introduction of slavery and opposed to division. The difference between them was that Johnson had respectable qualifications for the office and Sullivan had not. General W. Johnston was a candidate for reelection. He declared that his own feelings had always been against the introduction of slavery ; that he had formerly favored it from deference to the wishes of his constituents ; and that he had changed his positions because he was satisfied that a majority of the people no longer desired the importation of slaves. He was opposed to division, and showed that he had lost his election to Congress by the last legisla- ture for that cause.1 Thomas Randolph, the Attorney General, appeared as a candidate, apparently with a view to the race for Congress before the legislature. He sought to divert the minds of the people from local affairs to those of the nation, which had scarcely been considered in Indiana politics since the organization of the Territory. He urged as the matter of primary im- portance our complications with the European powers, particularly England, which had already brought us to the verge of war; and insisted that everything else should be subordinated to national considerations. As to slavery, he said in response to a published letter ad- dressed to him : " Your former delegate will inform you that Congress would not give its sanction to the intro- duction of slaves was there a majority of the citizens of the Territory in favor of it. You say, and I believe it probable, a majority is opposed to it. I differ with them in opinion ; my voice would be in favor of the introduc- tion. Let us not, however, agitate this question when
1 The Western Sun, February 4, 11, 18, March 4, 1809.
387
THE ARISTOCRATS AND THE PEOPLE.
more important subjects loudly demand our attention." 1 In this same letter he explains at length his opinion that it is the imperative duty of a representative to be con- trolled by the wishes of his constituents.
The situation was not satisfactory to the pro-slavery voters. John Johnson was an acceptable candidate, but Dennis Sullivan lacked ability, and Randolph, in addition to a want of interest in local matters, was evidently trimming on the slavery question. It might, of course, be desirable to have a delegate in Congress from the Territory who could adjust our differences with European powers, but it was not apparent that a person of such qualifications was needed in the territorial assembly ; besides which if he should be elected to Congress from the assembly a temporary vacancy would be caused, and this might prove disastrous to Knox County inter- ests. It was on account of this dissatisfaction that John Haddon appeared as a candidate in the latter part of March. He declared himself in favor of the introduc- tion of slavery, but said he would be governed by the wishes of his constituents on this as on other questions.2 If he had offered a week earlier he could scarcely have failed of election. As it was, the poll resulted : John Johnson 203, G. W. Johnston 140, Haddon 120, Ran- dolph 110, Sullivan 66. No one but Johnson received a majority of the votes cast, and G. W. Johnston owed his plurality to his personal popularity and the division of the pro-slavery vote among the other candidates.
It is probable that Harrison had received intelligence of the approval of the division act previous to the elec- tion, and let it go on for the purpose of feeling the pub-
1 Western Sun, February 25, 1809.
2 Ibid., March 25, 1809.
388
INDIANA.
lic pulse, for news had been published three weeks earlier at Vincennes that the bill awaited only the approval of the President, and that in all probability this would not be withheld.1 On April 4, the day after the election, the governor issued a proclamation announcing the divi- sion, redistricting Indiana, and calling an election for May 22. He apportioned three representatives to Knox, two each to Dearborn and Clark, and one to Harrison,2 making in all eight representatives. It is evident that the suffrage act of February 27, 1809, had not yet reached him, for it gave him no authority to district the Territory, and made the minimum number of representa- tives nine ; besides this, the law gave him authority to apportion the councilors, but he did not do so until April 10, when he assigned one each to Dearborn, Clark, and Harrison, and two to Knox. By the new law the dele- gate to Congress was to be elected at the same time as the members of the legislature. Thomas Randolph and John Johnson at once announced themselves candidates for this office. Randolph comprehended the situation. He realized that the vote of Indiana must now be in op- position to slavery, and, at the outset, he undertook to cut away from his former position altogether, while at the same time he conciliated the pro-slavery voters by reiterating his personal preference for the introduction of slaves. In his address to the people he said : " It is my belief that a great majority of the people of the Ter- ritory are opposed to me in opinion. I therefore yield
1 Western Sun, March 11, 1809.
2 By act of October 11, 1808, the legislature had organized the county of Harrison from parts of Knox and Clark. It extended six ranges, or thirty-six miles, east from the second principal meridian, and from the Ohio to the Indian boundary. The county seat was established at Corydon.
389
THE ARISTOCRATS AND THE PEOPLE.
the point. I think this question ought now to sleep. I think the interests of the Territory demand it; and should I be honored with your suffrages I will not make an attempt to introduce negroes into the Territory, un- less a decided majority of my constituents should par- ticularly instruct me to do so."1 Johnson adopted the policy of keeping quiet on the slavery question, and making his race on general grounds.2
But now appeared a new champion in the field, - a young Hercules, stripped for the fray, and wielding the mighty bludgeon of "No slavery in Indiana." This was Jonathan Jennings, then only twenty-five years of age. He was a native of New Jersey, but soon after his birth his parents moved to Fayette County, Pennsylvania, and there the child grew to manhood, receiving his education at the Presbyterian school at Cannonsburg, in the ad- joining county of Washington. His father was a Pres- byterian minister, and both his father and his mother had taken degrees in medicine. In 1806 he emigrated to Indiana ; stopped for a short time at the rising vil- lage of Jeffersonville ; and then pushed on to Vincennes, where he completed his legal studies, and at the April term, 1807, was duly examined and. admitted to the bar.3 While here, he was employed as a clerk by Nathaniel Ewing, then receiver of the land-office. He also added to his earnings by those odd jobs that fall to young law- yers, among which was an employment for six days, as assistant to the clerk of the House of Representatives, in copying a portion of the revised laws of 1807.4 But
1 Western Sun, April 15, 1809.
2 Ibid., April 22, 1809.
3 Territorial Court Docket, pp. 274, 284.
4 Rev. Laws 1807, p. 537.
390
INDIANA.
Jennings was not satisfied with Vincennes. He was ambitious of entering public life, and there was little op- portunity for him in Knox County. He had been reared with anti-slavery ideas, and meant to hold to them, but tenets of that kind were obnoxious in Knox. The gov- ernor, too, was very influential there, and he had a host of personal friends whom he desired to advance, among whom Jennings was not included. Over in Clark County was growing up the village of Charlestown, which had been laid out in 1807 by Charles Beggs, and there, Jen- nings knew, were people who agreed with him in senti- ment; there, too, was an open field for his ambition ; there, too, was a Miss Anna Hay, who was said by those who knew her to be the very prettiest woman in all In- diana, and who some months later became Mrs. Jennings.
Several days after the election proclamation, Jennings was preparing to mount his horse for the journey to this place, when Ewing, who had come out for a farewell chat, said to him, "Look us up a good candidate for Congress." Jennings turned to him with the question, " Why would n't I do?" The thought struck Ewing favorably, and after a few minutes' conversation they concluded that Jennings would have a fair prospect of success in the race, if the people of the eastern counties would accept him as a candidate.1 With a determina- tion to make a trial, the young aspirant mounted his horse and traveled on to Charlestown, where he found the Beggs brothers and their numerous friends. He talked the matter over with them ; a meeting was called ; and it was decided that Jonathan Jennings should be the candidate of the anti-slavery people in Clark. Up rose
1 The incident comes to me through the family of the late Judge Isaac Naylor, of Crawfordsville, to whom Ewing related it.
391
THE ARISTOCRATS AND THE PEOPLE.
Jennings and posted away over the Indian trails to Law- renceburg, but there matters were not so smooth. In the lower part of Dearborn, which it will be remembered then included all Indiana east of the Greenville treaty line, the Harrison party had considerable strength. The local leaders were General James Dill and Captain Sam- uel Vance. Dill was an Irish barrister, whose neat queue, white flannel summer suit, and perpetual boutonnière are remembered by old people as the accompaniments of a very smooth tongue and the most agreeable of man- ners. He had married Mrs. Eliza Lawrence, the oldest daughter of General St. Clair. Vance was the husband of one of the daughters of Mrs. Lawrence. Both were personal friends of Harrison, and had been kept in office by him since the organization of the county, Dill as re- corder and Vance as clerk of the courts. In addition to their official position, their influence was extended by the common understanding that they controlled the of- ficial patronage of the county. Randolph was at this time on terms of intimate friendship with the family, and a year later was married to Catharine Lawrence.
As a matter of course Jennings received no encour- agement in that quarter, but in the northern part of the county there was a fairer prospect. For several years there had been pouring into the upper Whitewater val- ley a veritable tide of emigration from North and South Carolina. These settlers were nearly all Quakers, many of them of Huguenot descent, who had left the South on account of their dislike of slavery. There were also a number of settlers from New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and a few from other states, but they hated the institu- tion of slavery almost to a man, as did their descendants after them. It was this feeling that made the White-
392
INDIANA.
water valley a line of the Underground Railway in later years. It is the memory of generations of opposition to slavery that has made the region unalterably Republican since that party was in existence, and probably will make it so until some political earthquake shakes the American people from their present party ruts. This section at this time was very closely connected with Clark's Grant in sentiment, and quite largely so by personal acquaint- ance, for several of Clark's old soldiers had located on the Whitewater. Of these, two of the most influential were George Holman and Richard Rue, whose captivity among the Indians forms an interesting chapter in the history of the border wars.
As soon as intelligence had been received in this por- tion of the county of the call for an election for Con- gressman, and of the announcement of the Knox County candidates, preparations were made for a public meeting to decide upon a candidate. Notice was given at the log-rollings and other gatherings of the vicinity, and the entire masculine portion of the community assembled at the designated place, which was near Elkhorn Creek, about a mile above its mouth. A number of logs that had been cut for a building served for seats, and for this reason the assemblage has since been known as "the Log Convention." It required but a few minutes for the convention to decide that opposition to the introduc- tion of slavery into the Territory was the platform on which they wished to stand. All of them were opposed to the existing indenture law, as well as to any change in the Ordinance, and as a corollary they wanted noth- ing of Thomas Randolph, or John Johnson, or any other person who had been identified with the pro-slavery movement, as a candidate for Congressman. They
393
THE ARISTOCRATS AND THE PEOPLE.
agreed unanimously that their candidate should be George Hunt, a member of one of those wonderfully multiplicative North Carolina families which have so extended their roots and branches through the White- water country that thereabouts every one seems related to everybody. He had lived in the neighborhood for two years, and was a man of some capacity. He was a competent surveyor, and afterwards served as clerk of the Wayne County courts, being the first occupant of that office. His nomination, however, was made with a proviso that if Clark County had selected a suitable candidate, who was in harmony with their ideas, Hunt would be withdrawn.
For the purpose of obtaining definite information on this point, Joseph Holman, a son of George Holman, then lacking a few months of his majority, was dele- gated to confer with the people of Clark. He proceeded thither on horseback, over the old trail to the Falls, and on arrival at Charlestown learned of the meeting there and the nomination of Jennings. He passed a few days in consultation with the people; found that their ideas were in harmony with those of his neighbors; and started on his return. In the mean time Jennings had arrived in the upper Whitewater country, but his youth- ful appearance had well-nigh ruined his prospects. Some called him "a beardless boy," and intimated that he would not be able to find lis way to Washington if he were elected ; while others were so irreverent as to de- nominate him "a cold potato." To make the matter worse, Dill and Vance came up from Lawrenceburg and circulated charges against Jennings, in the interest of Randolph. They soon discovered that Randolph would not be acceptable to the people here, and therefore, in
394
INDIANA.
order to prevent the vote from going to an opposition candidate, they proposed Vance as a candidate on whom Dearborn County could harmonize, and induced Hunt to withdraw in his favor. Possibly his subsequent ap- pointment to the clerkship was in consideration of this complaisance.
At this stage of the proceedings young Holman re- turned from Charlestown and found his neighbors gath- ered at one of their log cabins. As he entered, Jennings, who was unknown to him, asked, "What news from Clark's Grant?" Not deeming it prudent to announce the result of his mission in the presence of a stranger, Holman withdrew with one of his friends to the outside, where an exchange of information was made. When they came in they whispered the information brought by Holman to those present, except Jennings, and every one arose and walked away without a word to the youth- ful candidate. This was somewhat discouraging, but as he was walking slowly away, behind the others, the Holmans came up to him and entered into conversation. Young Holman showed him the handbills that had been put in circulation, including the charges against him which had been largely instrumental in producing the coolness of the settlers; and then the skies began to brighten. The most serious of these charges, and the one that had been injuring him most, was that while in the land-office he had bid up land against actual set- tlers and forfeited his bids in the interest of speculators, who afterwards bought it in at a reduced price. The occurrence on which this charge was founded was the bidding-in of a piece of land known as the McFadden tract, which had been forfeited on account of complica- tions in the title. It was explained by Jennings's friends
395
TME ARISTOCRATS AND THE PEOPLE.
that this tract was finally sold to Governor Harrison, who bought off the rival bidders, John Johnson, Parme- nas Beckes, Jonathan Jennings, General W. Johnston, and Elias McNamee, by paying them $150. The op- position party made no denial of this statement, but ex- plained that Harrison had bought it in to protect some poor men who claimed title.1 Jennings refuted the charges to the satisfaction of the Holmans in a very few minutes, and won them so completely to his support that for several days Joseph Holman accompanied him about the neighborhood, during which the two succeeded both in breaking down all the prejudice that had arisen and in securing the support of the settlers for Jennings.2
The campaign was now well under way. Jennings put in his remaining time in Dearborn, Clark, and Har- rison. Knox he had little to hope from, and all that could be obtained there, Ewing, McNamee, and McIn- tosh were working for. Randolph had Knox County well under control, and Dill and Vance were making a vigorous fight for him in Dearborn ; but the anti-slavery people of Dearborn and Clark were working actively against him. In personal approach to the voters, Jen- nings was far superior to his opponent. He knew how to bend far enough to conciliate and yet retain respect. I have the honor to number among my friends a vener- able gentleman who saw the two in this campaign and noted the differences of their methods.8 It was at a
1 Western Sun, April 29, May 6, May 27, 1809.
2 Young's History of Wayne Co., pp. 94-96. I am also in- debted for some particulars to Hon. W. H. English, who was a neighbor and intimate friend of the Holmans, and had often heard from them the story of the Log Convention.
3 Mr. Samuel Morrison, of Indianapolis. He died March 1, 1888, since the above was written.
396
INDIANA.
log-rolling on the farm of David Reese, in Dearborn County. Randolph came up on horseback and was re- ceived by Reese with the common salutation of "Light you down." Randolph dismounted, and having chatted for a few minutes was asked by Reese, "Shall I see you to the house?". Randolph accepted the invitation, and, after remaining there for a short time, rode away. On the next day came Jennings, who had a similar recep- tion, but to the invitation to repair to the house he re- plied, "Send a boy up with my horse and I'll help roll." And help roll he did until the work was finished ; and then he threw the maul and pitched quoits with the men, taking care to let them outdo him though he was very strong and well skilled in the sports and work of the frontier farmers. So he went from house to house ; and long after he had gained rank among the great men of the commonwealth the people treasured up their anec- dotes of his doings in his campaigns : how he used to take an axe and " carry up a corner " of a log-house ; how he took a scythe in the field and kept ahead of half a dozen mowers; and other agricultural deeds which proved him a man of merit.1
There was no making headway against such a man in those days. General Dill followed Jennings about in his canvass, but he found only bad news to report to Randolph. In one letter he says, " Wherever Jennings goes he draws all men to him; " and in another, dated at Brookville, he declares that the only man there who
1 The custom in mowing was for one man to lead off, and after he had gone far enough to give scythe-room, another began, and so on. The best mowers were started first, so that those follow- ing would not be held back. In no branch of farm-work was there more rivalry than in this.
397
THE ARISTOCRATS AND THE PEOPLE.
favors Randolph is Enoch McCarty, and even he says that Jennings will be elected.1 As the reports came in Randolph realized the danger to him of Johnson's can- didacy, and made every effort to have him withdraw, but in vain. At length he issued a handbill warning the people that Johnson's candidacy was a scheme to defeat him and elect Jennings, but he conceded that Johnson was not knowingly playing this part, and expressed his "high respect for this gentleman." Some of Johnson's supporters were brought to regard his case as hopeless, but the more rabid pro-slavery men were disgusted with Randolph's concession on the slavery question and es- teemed it little choice between Randolph and Jennings ; so they stood by Johnson. In the mean time the little anti-Harrison clique in Knox had been insisting that the anti-slavery people should not be lulled to sleep by Ran- dolph's professions, and urging as a notorious fact that he was " under the particular patronage of the execu- tive." 2 Randolph repeatedly denied that he had any connection with Harrison except personal friendship, but the charge could not be shaken off ; and worse than that, by dint of reiteration the entire Harrison interest be- came known as the Virginia Aristocrats, while the oppo- sition coolly appropriated the title of the People. These names continued all through the territorial times, and until national politics became superior to local politics in the state. Protestations and explanations were useless. Any candidate identified with the Harrison party was a Virginia Aristocrat, or a tool of the Virginia Aristocrats, for campaign purposes, and he might as well resign him- self to it at the outset. In fact the Harrisons, Ran-
1 Woollen's Sketches, p. 30.
2 Western Sun, April 22, 1809.
398
INDIANA.
dolphs, Taylors, Dills, and Vances were aristocrats, if we ever had any in Indiana, but no one could discover that their aristocracy was particularly detrimental to the gen- eral welfare, and but for their prominence in politics they might have been as aristocratic as they liked with- out rousing any objection.
The eventful 22d of May arrived and the votes were given. When they were counted it was found that Dearborn had given Jennings 143 votes and Randolph 72. In the northern or first district every vote had been for Jennings except that of George Hunt, the origi- nal nominee of the Log Convention. Clark had given 219 for Jennings and 16 for Randolph. Harrison had given 22 for Jennings and 83 for Randolph. Knox had given 44 for Jennings, 231 for Randolph, and 81 for Johnson. Hence the total stood : Jennings, 428; Ran- dolph, 402 ; Johnson, 81.1 It would be difficult to im- agine a political disaster that would make an associa- tion of people sorer than were the Harrison partisans over this defeat. Waller Taylor desired to drown his disgust in blood, and for that purpose sought to pick a quarrel with Jennings. On June 3 he wrote to Randolph from Jeffersonville concerning his successful rival : " I expected the fellow would have been so much elated with his success that he would have been insolent and overbearing, but he says very little on the subject, and is silently preparing to go on to the city. Our meeting was not cordial on my part ; I refused to speak to him until he threw himself in my way and made the first overtures, and then I would not shake hands with
1 Western Sun, July 8, 1809. The figures given in Randolph's memorial to Congress are, Jennings, 421; Randolph, 381. Liberty Hall, January 31, 1810.
399
THE ARISTOCRATS AND THE PEOPLE.
him. He has heard, I am told, of everything I said against him, which, by the by, was rather on the abusive order, but he revenges himself on me by saying that he never did anything to injure me, and professes esteem. He is a pitiful coward, and certainly not of consequence enough to excite resentment, nor any other sentiment than contempt. He may rest in peace for me. I will no longer continue to bother myself about him. I expect before you have received this you will have passed through the list of your enemies in asking them over the Wabash to partake of your company and the amusement you wish to afford them. I make no doubt they will de- cline your invitation, although it may be couched in the most polite and ceremonious style ; if they do, you will have acquitted yourself agreeably to the rules of modern etiquette, and can then be at liberty to act afterward to them in whatever way may best suit your humor." 1
Randolph was already moving in the line suggested. In those days nearly everything political that appeared in the newspapers was contributed over fictitious signa- tures, the editor reserving the right to furnish the names to the parties attacked. Little distinction was made as to party, if the article were reasonably decent, in its ad- mission to print. Elihu Stout, the editor of the "Sun," had supported Randolph, but had published almost as much matter against him as for him. When Randolph demanded the name of the author of the articles against him, he was informed that Dr. McNamee was the man. He forthwith challenged McNamee, who was a Quaker and consequently noncombatant, whereupon that gentle- man repaired to Judge Vanderburgh and had Randolph put under bonds to keep the peace. Randolph then
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.