USA > Indiana > Wayne County > Richmond > Memoirs of Wayne County and the city of Richmond, Indiana; from the earliest historical times down to the present, including a genealogical and biographical record of representative families in Wayne County, Volume I Pt. 1 > Part 18
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27
The Declaration goes on to say how during the "Yearly Meet- ing in 1841 Charles C. Burleigh, an eminent philanthropist from the East, came to Richmond, Ind., on a mission to plead the cause of equal and impartial justice-to plead the cause of millions of our innocent suffering brethren and sisters in bonds, who were not permitted to plead for themselves." But he was treated with con- tempt and forbidden to speak, both in the meeting house and the public houses of the town, although he was a man of irreproachable character.
175
NEWPORT IN ANTI-SLAVERY TIMES
One argument against the anti-slavery societies was that the South universally hated them, and as a result Friends' ministers could have no influence with the slavehoklers, and it was very probable that their lives would be in danger.
In speaking of the four members who were dismissed from the Meeting for Sufferings, they simply said that they were dis- qualified for service in that body. "The discipline authorized this meeting or body to suggest the removal of members of that body, only in consequence of their declining or greatly neglecting the attendance of said meeting; and as the members alluded to were among the most regular attendants thereof we cannot but regard these proceedings as altogether arbitrary," etc. *
* "Can we then abandon the cause and be clear of our brother's blood? We cannot."
"This question being decided, the next is, is it better for us to suffer ourselves to be separated, disowned, and scattered abroad ; to be deprived of the comforts, consolations, and preserving in- fluences of the church fellowship, or to avail ourselves of our un- disputable right to form a religious society in which we can en- joy these privileges?" It was only after much deliberation that they decided to separate.
It must be remembered that this is only one side of the ques- tion. The Friends who opposed the action of the anti-slavery members were just as conscientious in their judgment as the other side had been. Many of the members of the Yearly Meeting were Southerners and were still unable to put themselves on a level with the negroes; however, they tried very hard to persuade these members to remain in the Yearly Meeting. As has been stated before, most Friends believed in freeing the slaves, but could not agree to the method used by the anti-slavery element, since they did not believe in entering into any kind of excitement, but in a quiet, deliberate sort of way. The joining of any kind of a society, such as the temperance, anti-slavery, or peace, was a step towards excitement. Another thing that lead to great excitement was the hearing of public speeches. And as a result they thought it wrong to have their churches used for such, no matter what the sentiment of the lecture was. Here again the anti-slavery element had stepped beyond their bounds, for they had been guilty of such.
Now we will try to see the other side of the question more fully. The following is taken from the "Review of the Declara- tion of a Meeting of Anti-Slavery Friends," which is an answer to the Declaration issued by them. This is their opinion of the Aboli- tion Society :
176
MEMOIRS OF WAYNE COUNTY
"The modern Abolition societies took their rise as lately as 1832 and do not agree, in practice nor throughout in principles, with the worthy individuals whom they name. It is very apparent that the seceders are anxious to identify themselves, if possible, with these worthy predecessors, by claiming them as fellow operators in the anti-slavery cause; whereas the society they have left hold and endeavor to put in practice the views of Woolman and others in regard to slavery; yet they so far differ that they proceed to separate. Would it not be more honorable in them to take their own stand ; to assert their own origin in 1832 and not inconsistently claim our folks and reject us?"
In answering the statement about the cotton gin they said : "Is not the whole of this an assumption without proof? Does it not sound like matter proceeding from an excited lecturer, who is endeavoring to make capital whereon to base his discourse? The cotton gin is a labor saving machine, not calculated, one would think, to increase but to lessen the demand for human labor."
Then, in reference to Henry Clay's intention to attend a public session of the Indiana Yearly Meeting, they answered: "Who gave out such word, and where was it given out?" And then in reference to the petition they answered: "It is well known that this petition was gotten up merely for effect. It is said it was signed by men, women and children, and persons of color, and that many of Henry Clay's political enemies signed it who prob- ably cared nothing about Abolitionism, but liked well enough to do something that would gall him." He was informed that . Friends were not back of this petition. They say that it was "very proper information and such was due Henry Clay and the Society of Friends, more particularly as the petition had been presented by a person who had been taken for a Friend. But the Friends who gave Ilenry Clay this information did it on behalf of themselves and are persons responsible for all they said; they were not dele- gates." Then, as to the way they made over him they said: "What was wrong with this? A distinguished stranger visits our neigh- borhood on meeting day ; he tells a member whom he meets that he is inclined to go to our meeting. Shall we do less than show him the way and to find a seat when he gets there? Would it not be a great and reprehensible violation of all good breeding and duty to disrespect such an intimation?" Friends said that the anti- slavery element "overstrained" it when they told how every man, woman and child made over him.
And last as to how they treated Charles C. Burleigh, the
-
.
177
NEWPORT IN ANTI-SLAVERY TIMES
Friends answered, "a great flourish this, when the words 'abolition lecturer' would have expressed the whole affair. Then, as to the way he was treated, they said this was 'not by Friends, however, as is insinuated.' No application was made to the Trus- tees, in his behalf, for the use of the house to appoint meetings; hence it must be incorrect to say that the doors were closed against him, even though they know that Friends are not in the practice of opening their meeting house for the lectures of strangers. If the doors of the public houses in town were not open to him, it was because the house had been previously filled, as is frequently the case in time of Yearly Meeting."
The following is quoted from "An Exposition to Those Who Ilave Lately Seceded From the Religious Society of Friends," writ- ten by George Evans, First month, 1844. In speaking of the "ad- vices," he said : "If any of its members were so regardless of the advices of the body as to be engaged in endeavoring to throw dis- couragements in the way of such out of the pale of our religious society as were honestly laboring on Gospel principles for the aboli- tion of slavery, by telling them and the slaveholders that the So- ciety of Friends, who had heretofore been distinguished for their zeal in promoting the cause of the abolition of slavery, were now throwing their weight and influence in the pro-slavery scale, and were now actively engaged in endeavoring to put down the cause of emancipation, would such be suitable to fill important stations in the Society?" In reference to their cause for seceding, he said : "Do you own that you seceded because you could not be appointed to some station that you desired? If not, why do you give it as a cause for separation?" He thought this was probably true from what, he learned, took place at a Caucus Meeting at Newport, dur- ing the Yearly Meeting of 1842. "The object of this Meeting ap- peared to be to endeavor to devise means to secure your standing in the Society, this showing that your desire for appointment was so great that you would even hold meetings to endeavor to secure them."
The anti-slavery people objected because no causes were given for the removal of some of their members. It seems that causes in those days were not given and that it was not the thing for them to ask for reasons, because it was not according to the discipline to bring such before the business meeting, but leave it in the hands of the Overseers, etc. Then he goes on to say how he heard Charles Osborn caution Friends to dwell among themselves as much as possible, and that he was trying to abide by this advice. Then, to
178
MEMOIRS OF WAYNE COUNTY
think that he-Charles Osborn-would see his way clear to join the anti-slavery society.
In advising the anti-slavery element to consider carefully the stand they had taken, Charles Osborn said: "Unless the character of that paper [ the one published at Newport, name not given] is changed and made what it professes to be, an anti-slavery paper, instead of an anti-Quaker one, vain will be our attempt to give the subject an impartial examination, while you believe its version of affairs. It is true that sometimes there are anti-slavery pieces in it, but they are few and far between." In regard to Henry Clay he said: "I wish it distinctly understood that I do not blame them or any body else for shaking hands with Henry Clay or any other man, provided it be done in a friendly and becoming manner ; but that to which I call your attention is the construction you put upon it." In conclusion he said: "Be assured that, notwithstanding the unmerited abuse that some of you have poured upon us, we would rejoice at your return ; believing that many of you have been drawn away by being made to believe that you had no other alter- native but to forsake the cause of the slave or our religious society."
On Ninth month, 4th, 1843, the Indiana Yearly Meeting of Anti-Slavery Friends opened at Newport. This yearly meeting took up the same line of work that the old yearly meeting was doing and both carried on their work very much the same way.
It is an interesting fact to note that the Anti-Slavery Friends! built to the old Friends Meeting House, but a door was left between the two parts. Jeremiah Hubbard was head of the West End Meeting and Daniel Puckett was head of the East End Meeting, which was the anti-slavery side. The west end had their entrance from the west and the east end had theirs from the south. A fence also divided the yard and the Friends on either side would not speak to those on the other side. Things went on this way for about fourteen or fifteen years, and finally, without any demon- strations or public announcement, the Anti-Slavery Friends dis- banded and went back to the old Yearly Meeting. One soon learns that the dividing lines in history are not sharp and distinct, but rather a continuous flow of events. As far as is known there was no decided change at Newport after the Anti-Slavery Friends went back to the old Yearly Meeting, but things went on much as before.
In the meantime, Levi Coffin had moved to Cincinnati, but other Friends took up the work and carried it on. Still fugitive slaves came there and still they were cared for in very much the 1. The two factions were in Newport the same as in the Yearly Meeting.
-
179
NEWPORT IN ANTI-SLAVERY TIMES
same way as before, but the entire country was being aroused as to the awfulness of slavery. At first there were only faint whispers of war and then they became louder and more distinct, but the full force of it was not felt in the North because it was fought on Southern soil. The awfulness of the war was only realized by those whose loved ones left the home ties, many never to be reunited in this life. To others only the high prices indicated that war was in progress. Time dragged on for four long years, but with the end of the war came the end of slavery. Then it was no longer neces- sary for individuals and societies to protect fugitive slaves, for now they had National protection. Here was probably one of the sharpest dividing lines in history, for one day found them slaves and the next found them free, yes free.
Here we have seen Newport, first, as merely a part of a farm ; then how it grew to be quite an industrial, educational, and most of all, a religious center. The very nature of the people determined the course of action they took toward slavery. Some believed in an unconditional emancipation, while others believed in the coloni- zation method; and how these ideas gradually grew. Some of the first work of the former element, generally known as the anti-slav- ery element, was the taking up of the different free labor move- ments, i. e., the different societies formed, the press, the platform and the free labor goods. And, all along, the work of the Under- ground Railroad was going on quietly. And then the separation in the church as a result of the conflict of the two forces men- tioned above; and lastly, the end of slavery. However wrong the method of the anti-slavery people was, the motive back of it all was right; and this strong desire for the right will have its influence upon the people for generations to come.
The following is an account of the temperance movement at Newport during anti-slavery times, taken altogether from the book entitled, "Reminiscences of Levi Coffin," pp. 120-138:
In 1826 there were only about twenty families in Newport. Among the other industries here were two dram shops where liquor was sold in small quantities. With the increase in population came the increase in the demand for liquor. It was not until 1830 that the struggle began. "It was no uncommon thing to see a drinking, swearing gang of rowdies about the places of dissipation, or to hear them quarreling or fighting among themselves." Saturday seems to have been a good day for the rowdies from the surround- ing neighborhoods to visit the village. The time had come for something to be done. Friends became very much disturbed over
180
MEMOIRS OF WAYNE COUNTY
such conduct and often labored with the liquor sellers, but accom- plished nothing. Finally, Levi Coffin, Henry Il. Way, and Daniel Puckett, held a conference regarding this evil. The first thing for them to do was to arouse public sentiment against it. They thought to organize a temperance society, but there was no such organiza- tion west of the mountains. They knew that the Friends opposed the unnecessary use of liquor, but thought they would probably differ as to its necessary use. All Friends were not total abstain- ers, so they had to have the support of the Methodists to carry out their plans. Three from each denomination had a meeting, called at the town school-house for the purpose of organizing a temperance society.
After much discussion the organization was completed under the name of the "Newport Temperance Society," with twelve sign- ers to the constitution and pledge. The meeting adjourned to meet in. one week from that time in the same place. "We knew that no church could be obtained for the purpose of holding such an incendiary meeting, as it was termed." The opposition was still noticeable at the next meeting and all sorts of flimsy arguments were brought up against the organization. For example, they said they were taking away the liberties of the citizens, also wishing to connect church and State. However, forty names were added to the roll. The women then began to take a decided stand, which always means strength and encouragement. The better the people understood the situation the more excited they became. Some said, "Our liberties are endangered by these fanatics at Newport ; they are turning the world up-side-down in their fanatical zeal," etc. Among others to be alarmed were the liquor dealers, not only of Newport but of the surrounding country. At Williamsburg, a village four miles west, a council was held, which resulted in chal- lenging Newport for a debate. Williamsburg chose John Hough, E. Lee, and Joseph Lomax, while Newport chose Dr. Henry H. Way, Willis Davis, and Abel Lomax, for their side. It was decided to hold this debate at the Newport school-house and to begin at 2 o'clock in the afternoon. One can get some idea of the debate when they learn that it continued till midnight. The negative debated fiercely, but were answered in a gentle way by the affirmative, and victory was gained for temperance. This organization met with de- cided opposition, even on the part of professors of religion, but amid such opposition the number reached between 300 and 400 signers of the pledge within a year.
Public sentiment was rapidly changing in and around the vil-
181
NEWPORT IN ANTI-SLAVERY TIMES
lage. It was not long before a man was looked upon with disgrace who would enter a saloon. Several of the saloon dealers were starved out for want of customers. As a result, they closed their doors and moved out of town when their licenses expired. Many of the rowdies moved away to more congenial quarters. Finally, all the shops, with the exception of one, was closed. This dealer had repeatedly promised to close his doors, but he did not until it was forced upon him. Later, a man by the name of Mann, almost a stranger in the town, rented the house, under the pretense of setting up a grocery, but a remonstrance was gotten up against him and the license was not granted. But Mann was not to be outdone; he employed a lawyer and with his help succeeded in getting his license. It was not until a pistol was fired in his saloon, the ball entering the head of the bed of a nearby neighbor, that the citizens were able to arrest him and thereby were able to close his doors. He was placed in jail to await his trial, which was to take place some time later, and he was finally bailed out. He then left the country and was never heard of again. 'Squire Curtis, a strong temperance man, was sent to the legislature, and through him the town succeeded in obtaining a special Act (under the old constitu- tion of the State) passed. This act provided that no liquor should be sold in the corporated limits of Newport for any purpose, with- out permit from the trustees of the town. It was thought best by some to keep spirits in the town for medical purposes; so Levi Coffin was chosen to have charge of them. Later, a drug store was set up by Dr. Henry H. Way, who was given charge of the liquor, greatly to the satisfaction of Levi Coffin.
M
1
CHAPTER XII.
OLIVER P. MORTON.
BORN AT SALISBURY, OF ENGLISH DESCENT-EARLY EDUCATION-MAR- RIAGE-EARLY POLITICAL AFFILIATIONS-NOMINATED FOR GOVERNOR AND DEFEATED IN 1856 -- BECOMES GOVERNOR IN 1861-IIIS ADMIN- ISTRATION DURING WAR TIMES-ELECTED UNITED STATES SENATOR- PHYSICAL SUFFERING IN LAST YEARS-DEATHI.
Upon a backwoods road which leads south from the National Road, in Wayne county, Indiana, is an old building, two-stories high, used as a barn, although the window frames opening through its decaying weatherboards show that it was, in earlier times, a dwelling. Near by it is an old cabin and a clump of trees, west of the house, which marks the site of an old brick building which is also deserted. One would find it hard to imagine that this had once been the prosperous little town of Salisbury, at one time the county seat of Wayne county. But in this little village, on Aug. 4, 1823, there was born a child who was destined to act a very con- spicuous part in the history of this State and county, and whose name is now as familiar as household words. This was Oliver Perry Morton, the great senator and war governor of Indiana. Oliver Hazard Perry Throck Morton (for thus the name stands in the family register) was the fourth child of James Throckmorton and Saralı.
Throckmorton is an old English name. In the ship with Roger Williams came John Throckmorton, who settled and lived in Provi- dence, in the house next to Roger Williams, but his sons-John Throckmorton, Jr., and Job-went to New Jersey, where they are recorded among its earliest settlers. Among their descendants were James Throckmorton, who was born in New Jersey, May 4, 1782. It is not known why the family name was changed, but a sufficient reason would be found in the fact that Morton is much more convenient. But the first syllable of the original name has always been preserved in the family as a middle name, and James
184
MEMOIRS OF WAYNE COUNTY
Throckmorton commonly called himself James T. Morton. He was a man of sterling worth, sound sense, excellent judgment, and strict integrity. His wife, Sarah, was a large, robust, fine-looking woman, of strong character, good sense, remarkable memory, and excellent conversational powers. While no doubt Senator Morton inherited something of Puritan sturdiness and patriotic spirit from his father's family, yet his splendid physique, his energy and in- domitable will came mostly from his mother's side. She died while Oliver was quiet young, so that he scarcely knew what it was to have a mother's love or care. While the family were in moderately comfortable circumstances, Oliver had none of the aids of wealth or social position in early life. Oliver P. Morton was named after Oliver H. Perry, the naval hero. His full name was, as has been mentioned before, Oliver Hazard Perry Throck Morton, but this was too much of a name for practical use, so the second title was thrown aside, as was also the first syllable of the family name, for convenience, and the name adopted was the one now well known to fame. After the death of his mother his boyhood was passed with his grandparents, in Ohio, and with two widowed aunts in Centerville. His aunts were Presbyterians of the strictest kind and the carly impressions received from them influenced his whole life.
When about fourteen years of age he was placed, by his aunts, in the Wayne County Seminary. He was not generally noticed as a boy of extraordinary parts. He was quiet and undemonstrative, showing few characteristics different from those of the ordinary boy. He was large and sturdy and fond of athletic sports, excell- ing most of his companions in running, leaping and swimming. Morton's father moved to Centerville when Salisbury fell to decay and lived there until his death. Oliver was put to work in Center- ville with his elder half-brother, William F. Morton, to learn the hatter's trade. During the four years spent here his spare hours were spent in reading and he finally quit his trade and entered the little college which bore the pretentious name of "Miami Univer- sity," at Oxford, Ohio. His splendid physique and his sociable disposition drew to him the regard of that little community. He was a leader in athletic games, and those who saw him in later life, broken down by paralysis, remembered with a pang the days of youthful vigor, when he kicked the football clear over the dormi- tories at Oxford. But his chief delight was in extemporaneous de- bate. Caring nothing for literary display, his aim was to make his thoughts clear, impressive and forcible. During his stay here he
185
OLIVER P. MORTON
achieved the reputation of being the best debater in college. Ile left college because of financial affairs and immediately began the study of law in the office of Hon. John S. Newman, at Centerville.
Hle formed the acquaintance of a young lady, Lucinda S. Bur- bank, at Oxford. She had a brother who was a student there and who was a close friend of Morton's. At the end of the first year she went with a party of young women to attend commencement. Morton fell desperately in love with her and on May 15 they were married. The marriage proved a very happy one and the gentle lady with whom he thus became united exercised a most gracious influence over his subsequent life. He repaid her devotion with tender affection. ller presence and care were a necessity to him. At this period of his life it is not probable that Mr. Morton had any political aspirations or indeed any plans beyond acquiring a knowledge of law and taking a proper position at the bar. His two years of college experience had taught him how to study and he grappled with the intricacies of law like one who both intended to master them and was conscious of his ability to do so. He was very young and his practice was of quite recent growth, yet he is spoken of in high terms as a judge. He was never a man of many words, but what he said went to the core of things. As one attor- ney-B. R. Sulgrove, of Marion county-said, "His first words laid hold of the 'nub' of the case and all that followed peeled off the husk and he was done." He advanced steadily in practice and soon came to be regarded as a rising lawyer. So successful was he that in five years after his admission to the bar he was appointed, by the governor as Circuit Judge. He served as a judge about a year, but preferred the bar to the bench. After his term expired he went to the Cincinnati Law School and took a six months' course. After six months of close study he returned to his profession and de- voted himself to his practice with an assiduity and zeal that won new success. During the next few years he accumulated enough money to buy a few acres of land and to build a neat little dwell- ing west of Centerville.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.