USA > Indiana > Wayne County > Richmond > Memoirs of Wayne County and the city of Richmond, Indiana; from the earliest historical times down to the present, including a genealogical and biographical record of representative families in Wayne County, Volume I Pt. 1 > Part 21
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In this Thirty-first Congress he began the fight for the Home- stead Policy, which he continued during his later years in Con- gress. The Swamp Land Act and the Act granting land bounties to the soldiers of the Mexican war, which opened the way for the monopoly of the public land by specialty, he earnestly opposed, and saw the evils and disadvantages which were not seen by others until the laws were applied. The Homestead Bill of the present time was initiated in that Thirty-first Congress, although it did not become a law for eleven years. Julian, at that time, delivered a speech,I advocating his Homestead Policy, which was not enthu- siastically received, his thoughts being too advanced for the time. However, it did become of value in his next Congress. Things looked bad in Indiana at this time. Slavery seemed to be holding its own and the colored people were receiving no aid whatever. In compliance with the wishes of his anti-slavery friends and the wish to help in the cause of the day, he stood for re-election in I851. The Whigs had completely changed their basis, standing for the compromise acts and the Fugitive Slave Law, which took away many of his votes. Also, the feeling that newspaper men were his enemies had influenced the people against him, which accomplished his defeat. Julian then turned his attention to the approaching Presidential election. He realized they must try for a final settle- ment of the slavery question. The Whig party in their platform joined the Democrats in their ideas on slavery. Julian, although the case appeared most degrading, looked upon it as an omen of success. The real enthusiasm of the campaign was in the Free Soil party, as the Whigs were disheartened and the Democratic forces were not working in harmony.
At the Free Soil convention which met in Pittsburgh, John P. Hale was nominated for President, and the services and reputation
1. Julian's Speeches on Political Questions, p 50.
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of Julian received honorable recognition in his nomination for Vice- President. He then "took the stump," and, with Cassius M. Clay, canvassed Lewis, Bracken, and Mason counties, in Kentucky. Their first meeting, near Maysville, was a success, having a sym- pathetic and orderly audience. In Maysville, the next day, al- though finding some opposition to their speaking in the court house, they finally gained the consent and spoke to a fine audience, even in some instances winning applause. At their next appointment, in Brookville, they met that rough and rabble element which formed the background of slavery. Although there was no audience, Julian and Clay both spoke and considered themselves lucky to get off without being mobbed. This closed their work in Kentucky and Julian returned across the line. During this campaign, he also delivered a speech in Cincinnati on the "Strength and Weakness of the Slave Power," which had an exceptional character as a political speech. He arraigned both Whigs and Democrats as allies of slav- ery and discussed the relation of church and slavery and the moral- ity of political action. Ilale only succeeded in getting one-twen- tieth of the votes. This was rather discouraging to Julian, but he saw the immense odds against which they had to work and was somewhat encouraged at the pitiful annihilation of the Whigs. Now there was more chance of placing party against party, which to Julian seemed to be the only way to win.
During the next year or two Julian was actively engaged in forming a new party. From the remains of the Whig party, the Know-Nothing party, and the Free Soil party, they had hopes of building up a strong Republican party. The Know-Nothing party had become very popular about that time, but Julian opposed it with all his might. llis speech on that subject, which was pub- lished in the "National Era," is reckoned by many as the ablest argument against that strange political fanaticism. He was the only political leader in the West to oppose them, Many of his old Free Soil brethren went over to the new party, and he says, in his "Political Recollection": "At one time I think I had less than a dozen political friends in the State, and I could see in the glad smiles which lighted up the faces of my old-time enemies that they considered me beyond resurrection." But Julian was a fight- ing man and was in his element in the midst of a political fight. He never gave up and firmly hoped that in the end the truth would be vindicated, although he did not dream that in less than twenty years he would be the recognized leader of his enemies. He had no sympathy with the new party. the Know-Nothings. After much
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work, however, the fragments of the anti-slavery parties were united enough to make an attempt to nominate candidates for President and Vice-President for the campaign of 1850. At the National convention which met in Pittsburgh, Feb. 22, Julian was elected chairman and had the honor of reporting the plan of action through which the new party took life.
In this never-to-be-forgotten campaign both parties reached "white-heat." Julian says concerning it, in his "Political Recollec- tions": "To me the memory of this first great national struggle for liberty is a delight, as the part I played in it was a real jubilee of the heart. I was welcomed by the Republican masses everywhere, and the fact was gratifying to me as it proved mortifying to the party chiefs who a little before had found such comfort in the assur- ance that henceforth they were rid of me." Although Julian's party was defeated he was not discouraged, because he did not hope for success at first. The Republican movement had made great gains and could not go backwards, and great things were predicted for its future. In 1860, Julian's honest, daring, and un- relenting character, commended to him the respect and confidence of the people, and by a signal trumph over every conceivable form and combination of personal and political jealousy, he was nomi- nated, by vote, to Congress, with an overwhelming majority. He remained in Congress for the ten succeeding years, and these years were some of the most trying in the history of the Nation. During those years of war and reconstruction the tasks of Congress were unequaled in their importance and could not have been discharged so satisfactorily had it not been for men like Julian. He was ap- pointed on the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War, which pleased him very much, because it gave him an opportunity to learn something of its internal policies and movements. He was active on this committee and did not hesitate to criticise President Lincoln and the Generals for their delay in acting. This commit- tee was deemed by many as useless and a bother, but after the war, in its first report, which consisted of eight huge volumes, any fair- minded man could not deny that the policy it originated finally saved the country.
During his entire term in Congress he was a member of the Committee on Public Lands and for eight years was chairman. This aided him in perfecting and carrying through Congress one of his pet policies, the Homestead Law. He believed in free men, free soil, and free homes for free men lle had acquired a better knowledge of public land systems, probably, than any other man,
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to it by an article by Miss Harriet Martineau, in which she pithily stated the substance of all that has since been said respecting the logic of woman's right to the ballot, and Julian says, "Finding my- self unable to answer it, I accepted it."
The rich mineral lands of the United States also received a share of his attention. He objected to their being reserved from sale and deprecated the system of leaving them or the policy of abandoning them to settlers without law, but advocated selling these mineral lands as any other lands, in order to help raise the enormous war debt, in which the country was swamped at that time. The Government had had no policy whatever in dealing with the great depositories of wealth and had been gaining no revenue, except for a trifling amount on the bullion. Julian placed a bill before the House providing for the survey and sale of these lands in fee, thinking it the best and only method of promoting security of titles, permanent settlements, and thorough development. Al- though the bill fully protected all in their right of exploration and discovery, and carefully guarded against any interference with vested rights, it was bitterly opposed by some who thought that it contemplated a sweeping confiscation of all their claims. There was much discussion concerning this bill and it was finally lost. But to Julian is due the awakening of interest and the beginning of the reform in legislation concerning the rich mineral lands ; and although at the time his bill was defeated, the reforms which he ad- vocated have been partially carried out since.
Julian did valuable work as a member of the Committee on Public Lands in opposing the policy of Military Land Bounties. It was proposed, as was done at the close of the Mexican war, that soldiers of the Civil war be awarded a land bounty for their service. Julian saw the consequences of this policy before and prepared a report denouncing the scheme. He saw that it would be in direct opposition to the purpose of the Homestead Bill, which he had la- bored so hard to have passed. The report showed that more than one-third of the public domain would be necessary to supply land bounties and that it would cover nearly all that was fit for agri- culture ; that speculation was bound to follow and would mean the overthrow of the Homestead policy. This report was accompanied by a bill providing a bounty in money. This satisfied the appeals of the soldiers and, although it failed to be passed, it was the means by which Julian saved the public domain from ruin. Julian was a friend of the working people and did all he could to better their condition. The interest of labor and the resumption of specie
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payments were earnestly plead by him. He introduced a bill pro- viding for an eight-hour working day in the navy yards. This was the beginning of the eight-hour agitation.
Although he was not a believer in Free Trade, he thought the tariff system of his time was simply legalized robbery of the people, and especially of the laboring poor. He thought the tariff question would become as great a problem as the slavery question, and a reform in it was paramount in importance. Of all the schemes of reform, he considered the co-operation or profit-sharing scheme the best. It takes the poor into friendly partnership and makes their cause and that of the capitalist one. On the question of temper- ance he also had decided opinions. He believed that legislative moves to destroy the saloon never would help, but the uplifting of the masses, the removal of poverty and want, and the multiplication of well-ordered Christian homes would be the only solution. After ten years of faithful and effective work in Congress, in the cam- paign of 1870, the forces against him were so well managed that he was defeated. For several campaigns prior to this he was at vari- ance with some of the political leaders in Indiana, on account of his radical views on the subject of right and toward the Homestead Bill. These men had tried various methods to defeat him, which they finally did by gerrymandering the State.
Soon after this Julian changed his position and became a Liberal Republican and later drifted into the Democratic party. Some of his enemies have said that he changed politics when he was beaten, but many who were against him have abandoned these views. During his last session in Congress he had acquired an in- tense contempt for President Grant, which he was not able to over- come, and had fully made up his mind never under any circum- stances to support him again. Julian was a staunch believer and earnest advocate of Civil Service reform, and he would not fall down in his convictions to support a man like Grant, who em- ployed the whole power and patronage of his high office to secure re-election, by throwing out of office honest and efficient men to put men in office in order to pay them off for political favors in worldly gifts. Julian hated to withdraw from his party, but he never acted contrary to his own convictions, and he felt as if he could not again stand by Grant, who seemed to be the inevitable candidate for the Presidency. He says, in his "Political Recollections": "If it had been morally possible, I would have supported him gladly. If I had consented to my own selfish ambition, I would have chosen a different course, since I knew by painful experience the cost of
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party desertion. I made it with many keen regrets, for the history of the party had been honorable and glorious and I had shared in its achievements." lle said the Republican party never was a real party with one creed, but a bunch of men, with various creeds, joined together for one end. After the war the party continued to exist and the leaders treated it as a perpetual institution, "out- side of which no good exists and in which all good originates." The practical results of this party idolatry make up one of the worst chapters in the history of party corruption and misrule. The Re- publican party had become simply a political machine, and "had been driven to the lowest depths by its long-indulged greed for power" and "the devilish infatuation that its good behavior during the war could justify its career of lawlessness and crime." The management of the Civil Service, which they had so strongly advo- cated, was an utter mockery of political decency. Julian thought the last card had been played and that the party was bound to fall.
He then attended the Liberal Republican convention, where he was delighted to meet many of his old Free Soil friends in this party whose chief aim was to rebuke the scandals of President Grant. During the campaign which followed Julian made many speeches and presented the issues from the Liberal standpoint. The treatment which was tendered him on these occasions was not even equaled by the campaign of 1856. The Liberals were con- sidered as rebels and treated as such, eggs and even firearms being much in evidence at the meetings. But Julian was not unprepared for it and met the attacks with argument and invectives. He was charged with "changing sides, but Julian contended that he had not changed sides," but the "sides had changed," and it was now a question of an entirely different nature, that of denouncing "knaves and trades which used the Republican party as the instrument of wholesale schemes of jobbery and pelf."
After this campaign of 1872 he withdrew from political activity. He again changed his politics after the Liberal party died out and remained a Democrat the remainder of his life. Although not tak- ing a decided stand as a Democrat, like most all Abolitionists he acted with that party against the white slavery of government. His last public office was surveyor-general of New Mexico, which he occupied from 1885 to 1889, and did much valuable service in ex- posing the Spanish land grant fraud. After leaving New Mexico he returned to his home, "Village Nector," in Irvington, where he remained until his death, July 8, 1899, due to a stroke of paralysis. In his private life Julian had the universal reputation of being most
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exemplary. Ilis private character was beyond reproach. At the time it was said that probably no man had truer and more devoted friends and admirers or more relentless foes. He was eminently western in his character ; frank and fearless; prompt and decided ; loyal in his attachments, but ready to thrust at friends or foes, if they placed themselves in a position to impede the progress of Truth and Freedom. No man was ever more inflexible in purpose or more positive. He possessed, however, a kindness of heart, strong social qualities, and the faculty of making good friends. Ile was a laborious student and, although without the graces of oratory, he was an impressive and effective speaker. He had a very extensive library at his home in Irvington and took a great delight in literature during his later life. After his active political life he wrote many articles for magazines on current topics, and two books, one, "The Life of Joshua Giddings," and the other his own "Political Recollections." His speeches all breathe the spirit of freedom and have the merit of useful thought, methodical argu- ment, and a remarkably clear and forcible diction. Grace Green- wood says of his speech on Public Lands: "This was a strong, fearless, and eloquent expression of a liberty-loving and philanthropic spirit. It seems vivid with the strength of a great purpose, vivid with a vital truth, a moral life, and blood beating through it warm and generous."
As a politician he was determined, vindictive, intensely radical, and appeared to contemporaries absolutely lacking in political sagacity. Yet his judgment on the conditions and the needs of the times was almost unerring. In campaigns he was tireless in his efforts, profound in his arguments, and possessed the soul of a re- former. Some writer said, in the Indianapolis Journal, of Saturday, July 8, 1899: "Julian had no sympathy for conservatism, was a born radical, and had inherited an aversion to wrong in all its forms through the long line of Quaker ancestors." He loved a life of activity and fretted under enforced idleness. He dreaded the loss of his faculties, being a lover of all beauties and phenomena of nature. Ilis courage was remarkable, as was shown in his various campaigns, and especially in the campaign of 1856, on his trip through the wild country of Kentucky, and also at Terre Haute, where, after hearing Robinson, the Free Soil candidate, had been mobbed, fearlessly made an engagement to speak.
lle was a great admirer of certain men, such as John Quincy Adams, Charles Sumner. Horace Greeley. and Henry Clay. But no man ever had more bitter enemies, among whom was Oliver P.
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Morton. Although from the same town, both members of the "Dark Lyceum," and always more or less connected, there was no friendship whatever between them. They disagreed on all political questions, and partly from this and also jealousy, their enmity was bitter. Ile was not a friend to Sol Meredith, another Wayne county statesman, and a great disturbance arose when Julian made the charge against Meredith that he was removed from command of the Western District of Kentucky on account of sympathy with traitors and the failure to protect Union men. Julian says of him : "He is incapable of a noble action and utterly devoid of honorable principles." There was no half-way feeling by Julian. In this, as in everything else, his convictions were firm-he either liked or hated intensely. Finally, George W. Julian was a great statesman and should receive due credit. Although he had many enemies, on account of his stern and vindictive manner, these forceful char- acteristics brought him many rewards in Congress. One writer said of him, in the Indianapolis Sentinel of July 8, 1899: "If a dis- criminating history of the past half century were written, Julian would probably be the most foremost statesman Indiana has pro- duced-as a statesman measured by measures and laws he succeeded in getting passed which have had untold success." Thus his value to his country must not be forgotten, and the honor and fame which he achieved unaided should give the men of to-day courage.
CHAPTER XIV.
MILITARY MATTERS.
RICHMOND DURING THE CIVIL WAR-MORGAN'S RAID-UNITED STATES SANITARY COMMISSION-HEART-RENDING SCENES IN OUR HOSPITALS -THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR.
RICHMOND DURING THE CIVIL WAR.
As the campaign of 1860 progressed the feeling between the two parties grew more strained and bitter, and Lincoln's election only made matters worse. The Democrats of the North who had taken the part of the South were very bold, believing that when the crisis came the South would, as she always had done, have her own way. The "Union men," as they were then called, anticipated the firing upon Fort Sumter, and waited with dread and fear the opening of hostilities. In the forenoon of Monday, April 15, 1861, the news came of the bombardment of Fort Sumter. Of course, the reports were exaggerated and the streets were soon crowded. It created a rapid and radical change in public sentiment. When the populace heard that the Stars and Stripes, which had never been lowered before in their history, had been struck by insurgent citi- zens, a very great many who had sympathized with the South be- fore and defended her, came out squarely for the Union and said that the Southern States were no longer "erring sisters" to be humored, but rebellious subjects to be conquered by arms. That night a mass meeting of the citizens was held at the corner of what are now Main and Sixth streets. Trouble was expected by everyone and a local military company was present as a guard to the speaker's stand. It turned out that it was not needed. Rev. J. T. W. McMullen, a Methodist minister, opened the meeting with prayer. John A. Bridgeland, a Bell-Everett man in 1860, was chosen chairman, and the meeting was addressed by William A. Bickle, William P. Benton, John Yaryan, John C. Whitridge. John A. Bridgeland, and John H. Popp. Great enthusiasm was aroused
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and Judge Benton announced his intention of raising a company of soldiers. The next day Governor Morton issued a call for six regi- ments of three months' men, and Benton carried out his intention by opening a roster in John S. Lyle's office and putting his name down first. In less than twenty-four hours he had a full company and forty-five on a second company. On the morning of the 18th they marched to the depot about sunrise, accompanied by the en- tire city, boarded the train for Indianapolis, and Richmond's com- pany was the first body of Indiana soldiers to reach Indianapolis in response to the Government's call for troops, in 1861.
Throughout the war Richmond responded nobly and quickly to the demand for troops. A camp was established here, "Camp Wayne," at which soldiers were quartered nearly all the time. Richmond companies were in the Sixteenth, Eighth, Thirty-sixth, Fifty-seventh, Sixty-ninth, Eighty-fourth, and One Hundred and Twenty-fourth infantry regiments, the Nineteenth battery and Fifth cavalry. Nearly the whole of these regiments were raised in Wayne and adjoining counties.
MORGAN'S RAID.
At 10 o'clock on Thursday night, July 9, 1863, dispatches were received from Governor Morton, stating that General Morgan had entered the State at Brandenburg with 8,000 men and was moving toward Corydon. He called for all able-bodied citizens to come to Indianapolis immediately, with or without arms. The bells of the town were rung, the people awakened, and the news spread. The militia companies that had been drilling began preparations to leave the next morning, and at 5 o'clock two companies under John C. Davis and Daniel B. Crawford left for Indianapolis. After staying there for twenty-four hours and organizing, they left for Cincin- nati, passing through Richmond in the early morning of July 14. However, as it was not known in advance of this movement, no one saw them go through. They went to Cincinnati and remained there until the danger of "Morgan's Raid" was over, when they re- turned to Indianapolis, were mustered out and returned to Rich- mond, after just a week's absence. In this number of volunteers age did not count, and some of the old inhabitants were seen in the ranks as well as some of the younger men.
The news of the fall of Richmond, Va., was received here with great rejoicing, which was far surpassed a week later with the receipt of the news of Lee's surrender. On this occasion the city
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