USA > Indiana > Wayne County > Richmond > Memoirs of Wayne County and the city of Richmond, Indiana; from the earliest historical times down to the present, including a genealogical and biographical record of representative families in Wayne County, Volume I Pt. 1 > Part 19
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During the first ten years of Mr. Morton's adult life he was a Democrat. On the day of the Presidential election a young man of large frame, with high forehead, dark eyes, and with clothes that fitted him none too well, rode into Centerville upon a gray horse, bespattered with mud. It was "Ob" Morton, then a student at Miami University, who had come home from Oxford, twenty-eight miles away. to cast his first vote for James K. Polk, the candidate of the Democratic party For ten years after that he continued to
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act with the Democracy, but be it said to his credit that he was among the first to discern the dangerous tendencies of that party and to rebel against the haughty dictation of the slave power. He left the Democracy, but did not join any party then. The Presi- dential campaign was now approaching. The supporters of the Free Soil movement, who in most of the Northern States now bore the name of Republicans, had as yet no national organization. After much hesitation and correspondence a preliminary conven- tion was announced to meet at Pittsburgh. Wayne county took an active part in this movement and a meeting of the citizens was held at Richmond, Feb. 18, at which resolutions were made appointing Oliver P. Morton as a delegate to the convention. So Morton was present at the birth of the Republican party.
On May 1, 1856, the Republicans met at Indianapolis to nomi- nate candidates for State officers. The Hon. Henry S. Lane, then, as now, honored by the Republicans of Indiana, was president and inspired the body with his lofty enthusiasm. A delegate moved that Oliver P. Morton be nominated by accclamation for Governor. The motion was received and carried amid deafening and long con- tinned cheers .* In a brief address accepting the nomination, Mr. Morton defined his position on the public questions of the day, avowed his unalterable opposition to the extension of slavery, de- nounced the outrage of attempting to force the institution upon Kansas, and declared his intention of meeting his opponent before the people and upholding these principles. Mr. Morton accepted this nomination with a full consciousness that there was little or no chance of his election and that he was expected to make a thorough canvass of the State, but he had embarked in the new movement and his heart was in the cause. His opponent in the contest was Ashbel P. Willard, a very able and one of the most brilliant speak- ers of his day. He represented an old, compact, and powerful po- litical organization, strengthened by the prestige of time and past successes, while Mr. Morton appeared as the champion of a new party, comparatively weak in members and organization, but strong in the consciousness of right principles. Willard was sort of a party pet, a fluent speaker, ready in debate and widely known throughout the State, with an established reputation as an orator. Morton was at that time comparatively unknown to the people of the State at large and had his reputation as a political speaker to make. Willard indulged much in ridicule, invective, and person- ality. Morton abstained from these. Willard was impetuous and
*Account in the Indianapolis Journal of the next day.
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violent ; Morton always slower, always self-contained, and had greater reserve power. An arrangement for a joint canvass between the two candidates was gladly entered into by the Democrats, who thought their eloquent champion would easily dispose of his com- paratively unknown antagonist. But the canvass had not pro- gressed far before Mr. Morton showed himself to be greatly the superior of Governor Willard in political information, force of ar- gument, and all the essential elements of political oratory.
From that time forward he was the recognized leader of the Republican party in Indiana. The campaign ended as he probably expected it would, in his defeat, but the foundations of the Re- publican party had been laid broad and deep in the minds of the people. At that time the Republicans of Indiana considered his defeat a great misfortune, but in the light of subsequent history it cannot be so regarded. "There is a divinity which shapes our ends." He was reserved for greater things. Had he been elected, he could not have been our great War Governor. What changes might have happened, not only to the State but to the fortunes of the Union arms had Morton in his first campaign obtained the ob- ject of his desires.
After the unsuccessful campaign of 1856, Mr. Morton resumed the practice of law. His advice was constantly sought for in party affairs and he had already come to be recognized as by far the best political organizer and director in the State. In 1860 the Re- publican party stood before the country with a complete organiza- tion prepared to dispute the field with the Democracy in every Northern State, with fair prospects of success. In this year the Republicans again demanded the services of Mr. Morton, nominat- ing him for lieutenant-governor, with the Hon. Henry S. Lane for governor, with the distinct understanding that if the party was suc- cessful Mr. Lane should go to the United States Senate and Mr. Morton become governor. Again, as in 1856, the latter threw aside private and professional business at the call of the party which he honestly believed represented the salvation of the country and pre- pared for another thorough canvass of the State. His splendid physical health at that time, his tireless energy and devotion to the cause, pointed to him as the principal worker in the campaign. Commencing at Terre Haute, he traversed the entire State and delivered many masterly speeches. His speech at Terre Haute was logical and argumentative and was a triumphant defense of the Republican principles. There were other workers in the good cause, but perhaps not another so earnest and effective as Mr. Mor-
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ton. The election resulted in the success of the whole Republican ticket by about 10,000 majority. Immediately upon the convening of the legislature, Gov. Henry S. Lane was elected by the Re- publicans as United States Senator, and on Jan. 16, 1861, Oliver P. Morton became Governor of Indiana. The office had in store for him such labors and responsibilities as seldom fall to the lot of any man and was destined to bring him a corresponding amount of honorable fame.
On Nov. 22, 1860, a Republican mass meeting was called in Indiana to ratify the election of Lincoln and to present their views on the political situation. After a speech by Governor Lane Mor- ton followed with a speech. After a glowing eulogium upon the Union and the advantages and necessity of its preservation, he de- clared that if the issue were disunion or war, he, and as he believed, the Republican party, was for war. The audience knew he was a strong and bold man and they expected strong and bold words, but their hearts leaped with joy when they heard these sentiments. Then and there, for the first time by any leading man, was the duty of the government in the pending crisis clearly and boldly asserted. The grandeur and glory of the Union were set forth in eloquent words and the power of the government to coerce a seceding State was asserted in the strongest terms. These sentiments were rap- turously applauded, and when the speaker closed the whole audi- ence was in a state of patriotic excitement. It went to the popular heart like a bullet to its mark. Mr. Lincoln said: "It covers the whole situation and declares the whole policy of the government. It is the policy I shall pursue from the first." This speech was the keynote of Morton's subsequent career.
Governor Morton was a man of affairs and took hold of the business of the office as one who knew there was work to do. His first attention was turned toward reforming the civil administra- tion of the State. The financial affairs of the State were in great confusion and embarrassment. In spite of the immense labors devolved upon him, he was able to accomplish wonders in the way of placing the finances of the State on solid basis. Meanwhile, the storm clouds were gathering in the South. Governor Morton fore- saw the coming storm and was one of the most active in preparing to meet it. At this period events follow each other in rapid suc- cession and culminated in the firing on Fort Sumter and the sur- render of that post to the Confederates. On April 15, 1861, Presi- dent Lincoln issued his proclamation calling for 75,000 men, and before the proclamation was received in Indianapolis, Governor
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Morton had telegraphed as follows: "On behalf of the State of In- diana, I tender to you for the defense of the Nation and to uphold the authority of the Government, 10,000 men." Six additional regi- ments were soon ready to be put into the field, and thus at the very threshold of the conflict he showed an appreciation of its probable magnitude and an energy in preparing for it not evinced by the governor of any other Northern State. At the beginning of the war, the attitude of Kentucky was a constant source of alarm along the border. Iler governor, Benale Magoffin, had refused, with in- sult, the call of the President for troops. The Unionists of that State began to call Morton, "the Governor of Indiana and Ken- tucky," and their affection for him was unabounded. Morton's great services in protecting the State were fully appreciated at the time and are still remembered by the Union men of Kentucky. In acknowledging his services after one of the invasions, the Louis- ville Journal, of whom George D. Prentice was editor, said: "He has been emphatically Kentucky's guardian spirit from the very commencement of the dangers that threatened her existence. Ken- tucky and the whole country owe him a large debt of gratitude." Governor Morton has been called "the Soldier's Friend," and he fairly earned the title by his indefatigable efforts in their behalf. These efforts were directed not only towards securing for the Indi- ana soldiers the best of everything in the way of arms, thus adding to their efficiency and safety in the field, but to seeing that they were well supplied with every comfort that could possibly be sup- plied in time of war. He issued a proclamation to the women of Indiana, asking for articles of clothing which they could make themselves. In response to this, an immense quantity of clothing was forwarded to the soldiers.
As the summer went on, the victories gained by the Union arms were followed by reverses. Lincoln was fearful lest a public call for troops would lead to a panic, and he therefore, on June 30, addressed to Morton, as well as to other governors of loyal States, a letter asking for 150,000 men. Morton's response was prompt and satisfactory and Stanton sent to Morton the laconic congratula- tions, "Well done, Indiana." A serious difficulty in forwarding these troops was found in the absence of money for bounties and advance pay. Many of the men had left their homes suddenly, without providing for their families. Morton's action in this emer- gency was characteristic. He telegraphed to Mark E. Reeves, a merchant in Cincinnati, asking that $100,000 be sent that evening to pay the troops. By the 19th it is said that Morton had borrowed
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$500,000, and when the payment was made the banks would accept no interest.
Before the legislature met there were hints of the misuse of public money by the Governor. There was a resolution introduced that there should be a statement of all expenditures presented. The very next day the Governor sent the statement to the legis- lature. His critics could find nothing to object to, so nothing more was heard of it. Nothing could be found wrong in any place, and thus the threatened exposures ended in disappointment. Mean- while, the General Assembly went on with its consideration of war. The soldiers proposed that the legislature pledge itself by appro- priate resolutions to preserve the Union, to prosecute the war, to sustain the State and National authorities with money and sup- plies, and they tendered to Governor Morton the thanks of his grateful friends in the army for his extraordinary efforts in their behalf, and assured him that neither time nor the corrupting in- fluence of party spirit should ever estrange the soldiers from the "soldier's friend." The successful establishment of a Home for Disabled Soldiers and afterwards a Home for Soldiers' Orphans, upon his recommendation and plans, added in no small degree to the glory of Indiana's war record. In recommending, in his last message to the legislature, the erection of a State monument in honor of all her brave soldiers who perished in the war, he was actuated by the same tender appreciation and solicitude for their memory which characterized his whole life. Thus, while giving the General Government a powerful support in the work of putting down the insurrection, and while looking vigilantly after the inter- ests of Indiana soldiers in the field, he was still able to administer the domestic affairs of the State with unequaled ability, and to give her a much higher rank in the sisterhood of State than she had ever held before ; and he converted the name of Hoosier from one of ridicule to one of honor.
Therefore, when the Republican convention met at Indianap- olis, Feb. 22, 1864, to nominate a State ticket, he was unanimously nominated for re-election. In accepting the nomination he made one of the ablest speeches of his life, reviewing the whole adminis- tration, the measures he had taken to uphold the honor and pre- serve the peace of the State, pointing out the perils of the Govern- ment and the duty of the times. His opponent for the governor- ship was Hon Joseph E. McDonald. A joint canvass of the State was arranged for and the opening debate was appointed to take place at Laporte. The character of the occasion and the import-
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ance of the issues involved drew an immense crowd, being esti- mated at not less than 20,000. llis competitor was ten years his senior, a skilled debater and a strong man. Although politically opposed, they were really friends, and the contest between them was conducted in a fair and dignified manner. Governor Morton's speech at Laporte was pronounced by all who heard it a great and convincing one. The result of the opening debate was a decided victory for Morton, and from that moment his friends confidently predicted his election. After a thorough campaign he was re- elected governor by over 20,000 majority and the Republicans gained a majority in the Senate.
Governor Morton then entered upon his second term. He was now forty-two years old and in the prime of his physical and men- tal strength. His energy, patriotism, executive ability, and fer- tility of resources, were a theme of general comment. His services to the State and Nation were known and honored everywhere. At this time there were secret societies formed all over the State. The "Knights of the Golden Circle" was organized before the war and had members in Indiana at the outbreak of the struggle. About the first of December it was discovered that the order of the "Golden Circle" had been introduced into the Federal camp at Indianapolis. This created much anxiety and vigorous measures were taken to eradicate the order from the army. The Governor received information that many of the Knights were armed and were plotting mischief. A project for the assassination of Morton was also conceived. The Governor received letters of warning, one insisting that he change his sleeping room, as the conspirators knew the exact arrangement of his house. One night when he was out late a shot was actually fired at him and the ball whistled close to his head. No clew was ever found to the man guilty of this cowardly act.
The war was now rapidly drawing to a close. It was just after the re-election of Lincoln that Sherman started upon his march to the sea. Lincoln began his second term by the inaugural containing the words, "With malice toward none, with charity for all." Grant was tightening his relentless grasp upon Petersburg and the Confederate capital. The final blow was delivered at Five Forks and on April 9, Lee's army surrendered at Appomattox. This event was celebrated with great rejoicing. The war was over. Every face was radiant with the hope of coming peace. At 2 o'clock on the night of April 14, Morton was awakened from his sleep to receive the fateful telegram. Before he opened it he had a foreboding of a danger which had been often before his eyes.
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Ile said, "Lincoln is killed," and so it was. The hearts which had been beating high with enthusiasm were now crushed with sorrow. The blow fell with crushing weight upon the whole country, and amid a Nation of mourners no man felt it more keenly than Gover- nor Morton, the trusted friend, counsellor, and co-laborer of the martyred President. The Governor and his staff met the funeral cortege at the Ohio line, the body lay in state at the Capitol during Sunday, and at night it was sent westward to its final resting place.
About the first of June the veterans began to come home, and many regiments, one after another, passed through Indianapolis. Morton determined that not one of them should be without its public reception. On each of these occasions the gun was fired at S o'clock in the morning, the ladies of the city prepared breakfast at the Soldiers' Home, and the veterans then marched to the state house, where there was a speech by the Governor, or by some one in authority. During this time it became evident that Morton's health was seriously impaired. Ile came often to the reception of the veteran regiment, so haggard and careworn that he could hardly deliver the speech of welcome expected of him, and some- times he had to stay away. Thus came the disease which afflicted him during the remainder of his life. He was immediately placed under medical treatment, and, after a few months, little or no benefit being gained, he was advised to visit Europe and place himself in the hands of an eminent physician at Paris. The scene in the hall of the house of representatives on the occasion of his formal leave-taking was impressive and affecting. At this time party jealousies and party strifes were forgotten and the better instincts of men were permitted their natural action. Resolutions complimenting the Governor in the highest terms and expressing deep sympathy with him in his affliction were drawn up and adopted by the general assembly without a dissenting voice. The indiffer- ence of friends, the prejudices of enemies, now gave place to a profound realization of his talents, his patriotism, and his labor. Early in December, 1865, Governor Morton sailed from New York, accompanied by his wife, his son, and a friend, and proceeded with as little delay as possible to Paris. He remained in that city under medical treatment about six weeks. Then, hoping to get some benefit by change of climate, he traveled through portions of Italy and Switzerland. Ile received little or no benefit, either from the treatment or travel, and returned home in March, 1866.
During Governor Morton's absence in Europe his duties had been ably performed by Lieut .- Gov. Conrad Baker. It was decided
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by the State legislature that, if the Republicans carried the State, Governor Morton was to be elected United States Senator. The Republican campaign opened at Indianapolis, June 20, Governor Morton being announced as speaker. The largest hall in the city was densely crowded with an audience anxious to see him once more. He was received with a storm of applause, the audience ris- ing to their feet and cheering for several minutes, He spoke sit- ting, but through his physical helplessness the power of his mind gleamed more brightly than ever. His speech was powerful and eloquent. Now the war was over, the question was whether the fruits of victory should be preserved or surrendered. The latter portion of it was terribly severe. He dwelt upon the course of the Democracy during the war and recalled their countless acts of dis- loyalty. He hurled facts and history at them with fatal precision and effect. Nearly every sentence was received with cheers by the audience and the applause seemed to inspire the speaker. There had been no such enthusiasm in Indianapolis since the surrender of Lee at Appomattox. The speech was regarded by the Republic- ans of Indiana and other States as a powerful campaign document and nearly 3,000,000 copies of it were circulated in different States of the Union. The election resulted in a sweeping Republican vic- tory. The legislature elected Morton United States Senator. His political record and services were known to the Senate as they were throughout the Nation and he was at once welcomed into the full- est political confidence by the other Senators.
The great question before Congress and the country when Senator Morton entered the Senate was that of the reconstruction of Southern States. The great question was just how far the government could safely go in restoring the late Confederates to their political rights. On this question Senator Morton had well settled views. He held that treason was a crime and that those who had engaged in it should be made to realize the fact. He de- sired to accord them all civil and political rights as soon as it was safe to do so, but he also wished to have the future peace and security of the Union "so imbedded in the imperishable bulwarks of the Constitution that the waves of secession might dash against it in vain." His first speech in the Senate was upon this subject. When he began the Senators conducted themselves in the manner usual during a long speech, but after a few sentences the news- papers were dropped, the writing of letters was abandoned, and every Senator gave his attention to the speaker. Morton spoke for one hour and twenty minutes. His sentences fell like sledge-
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hammer blows. Every word was weighty. He had made no prep- aration, excepting a few notes, to which he seldom referred. At the conclusion of his argument the senators flocked around him to congratulate him. It was intended that some Democrat should answer it, but there was no one found willing to undertake the task without future preparation. Two hundred thousand copies of it were printed in Washington and 2,000,000 copies were dis- tributed during the following campaign.
Morton, himself, regarded it as the best argument he had ever made. It was translated into German, French, Spanish and Italian, and Morton received 600 letters of congratulations in regard to it. To no one person, living or dead, is the credit for the adoption of the Fifteenth amendment to the Constitution so largely due as to Senator Morton. He championed the measure from the beginning and was ably seconded by other Republican senators. Another Presidential election was approaching. There was some little op- position to Grant, made public by some of the newspapers. Oliver P. Morton attended the convention at Philadelphia, June 5. and in a speech before that body indulged in sarcastic allusions to the dissatisfied Republicans. Grant was nominated without a dissent- ing vote. In Indiana, Morton had to make his fight for re-election to the Senate. Ile realized that it was a doubtful and bitter strug- gle and his whole strength was thrown into the contest. He made a thorough canvass through the State and on Nov. 26 Morton was elected.
In the second term his work was as admirable as in the first term. He led in the great debates on the Ku-Klux-Klan in the South, the Louisiana case, the Mississippi election, and other ques- tions which have passed into political history. He wished to base the reconstruction of the South on enduring principles and to rear the temple of peace, not on a foundation of shifting sand, but upon the solid rock. Andrew Johnson had come back to the Senate with a heart filled with bitterness against many of the Republicans who had turned upon him during his administration. He died on July 30, 1875. In spite of their political differences, Morton always had a feeling of personal friendship and a certain admiration for the old Military Governor of Tennessee and he paid a sincere tribute to Johnson's memory with much depth of feeling. During the whole of General Grant's two administrations Senator Morton was his trusted friend and counsellor. He offered him two or three high positions, which Morton rejected with logical reasons. Morton was also a great aid to President Hayes in making his cabinet ap.
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pointments. Hayes was determined to withdraw the Federal troops from the South and Morton gave his reluctant approval. Indeed his one great aim throughout his career in the Senate was to keep the Republican party whole and sound.
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