USA > Louisiana > Brief history of the Louisiana territory > Part 3
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New Orleans and French Louisiana.
year later, that same youth led a military force to the same neighborhood and fired the first shot in a war that was to deter- mine the nationality of the whole valley of the Mississippi and her tributaries. Yet two times more that young man returned, and not a Frenchman was left to rule the disputed territory. A quarter of a century later this self-same leader was to be the hero of a second war and drive the last red coat from the soil of the United States.
But before taking up the results of the momentous struggle that was to decide the fate of Louisiana, it may be well to consider further the government of the territory under French rule. In general features, the control of Louisiana was like that of Can- ada. New France was simply a reproduction of Old France. Louis XIV. was its benevolent despot, the paternal source of every species of activity. From his palace in Versailles the Grand Monarch issued edicts to control the minutest affairs of life. Parkman declares that "the new settler was found by the King, sent over by the King, and supplied by the King with a wife, a farm, and sometimes with a house." Even when Louis- iana had grown burdensome and was shifted to the shoulders of the monopolist Crozat, and later tossed into the lap of the Mis- sissippi Company, the paternalism of Versailles continued. The people of Louisiana were. naturally indolent and shiftless, and this excessive coddling tended to reduce them to helpless auto- matons. What an instructive contrast the race of people this system developed presents to that produced by the lassez faire policy of the English government. The sturdy Puritan from the southeast of England, the covenanting Scotchman from the north of Ireland, the Huguenot refugee from the fetters of the supreme bigot of France, the sober Dutchman from freedom- loving Holland, left to shift for themselves in a wilderness in- hospitable and full of danger, were molded into sympathy in the crucible of distress and developed a self-sufficiency and an independent spirit which, when aroused, were irresistible. Self- government became second nature, and before their steady ad-
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Brief History of the Louisiana Territory.
vance, the wilderness faded away. The hunting grounds of the savage gave place to civilized homes, and when at last they were brought face to face with the French, the inexorable law of the survival of the fittest decided the result.
At New Orleans the usual French governor appointed by the King stood at the head of affairs. He had autocratic power over the general enterprises of the colony-a little Louis XIV. in his domain. But as others were subject to his orders, so was he likewise subject to the minutest whim of the court of France. Standing next to the governor, and taking the place of the in- tendant of Canada, was the comissaire-ordinnateur, a sort of commissary general, who had control of the stores and regu- lated details of administration to which the governor could not well give attention. He was also to keep a watch on the actions of the governor, and report any irregularities to the King. There was consequently at no infrequent intervals bad feeling or regu- lar feuds between the two leading officers. In the early period, military law alone prevailed and was administered by a military tribunal, composed of these two officials. The advice of the priests was doubtless of some value, but not regularly sought. After 1715 the tribunal was enlarged and its powers more specifically defined. With the advent of the Mississippi Company, a royal edict was promulgated (1719) which erected a Superior Council for the free administration of justice and the general affairs of the colony. It was to be composed of such directors of the com- pany as might chance to be in the colony, the governor, two lieu- tenant-governors, the King's attorney-general, the King's com- missary, and four other persons. This council was to share the former power of the governor, who was no longer absolute.
In 1720 a proclamation was issued informing the inhabitants that they could get supplies from the company's stores at fixed rates, and that they must send all of their products to these stores, where they would be paid for at the scheduled prices. The straight-jacket trade policy which was preparing the peasantry of France for the Revolution and the Reign of Terror was now to
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New Orleans and French Louisiana.
be strictly enforced in Louisiana. To this commercial servitude was added the restriction that the inhabitants were not to leave the colony without the consent of the company. The vine, hemp, flax, all products that could come into competition with those of the mother country were proscribed. In 1724 a severe Black Code was enacted, Jews were forever expelled from the colony, and every mode of worship except the Roman Catholic was pro- hibited.
One thing to be noticed about Louisiana in contrast with Canada was the small influence of the priests. Soon after the founding of the colony the Curate de la Vente, who was the spiritual head of the settlement, had essayed to play a leading part in temporal affairs, whereupon Bienville had sent him about his business. He then became a malcontent, and had much to do with Bienville's dismissal as governor, but the priests were never able to gain as much control of the government as they did in Canada. Louisiana was divided for ecclesiastical administration into three districts. The Carmelites had control of the settle- ments to the east of the mouth of the Mississippi; the Capuchin territory reached from New Orleans to the Illinois, and the Jes- uits were allotted the Wabash and Illinois district. The morals of the people were naturally low and the difficulties besetting the work of the priests were multitudinous. In addition to their task of administering to the spiritual wants of the dissolute colon- ists was the urgent call for the conversion of the Indians. In Canada their labors of love had often preserved the French from Indian hostility; in the feeble condition of Louisiana such a mis- sion was even more indispensable.
The general affairs of the colony, it must be admitted, were poorly managed. Bienville left Louisiana in 1743, never to re- turn. He had spent nearly half a century in honest service for the upbuilding of the territory; but the most that can be said for him is that he was faithful and patriotic. He was sensible and public spirited, but had none of the brilliance, the tact, or the compelling energy that characterized Champlain and La Salle in
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Brief History of the Louisiana Territory.
Canada, or Dupleix and Labourdonnais in India. Yet it must not be forgotten that the materials with which he had to build were inferior, that the obstacles in his pathway were many and stupendous, and that to him Louisiana owed more than to any other individual. He is rightly styled the father of Louisiana.
After the departure of Bienville, few things of importance occurred before the transfer of Louisiana to Spain. The Mar- quis of Vaudreuil was sent over as governor, and served until his services were required in Canada. He was then succeeded (1753) by Kerleric, who held the office during the remainder of the French ownership. The population of the territory steadily grew, but the state of affairs was ever critical. Official corruption was common; political cliques and factions kept up a perpetual tumult; and rival religious organizations intrigued for each other's ruin. The finances were necessarily unstable, and the paper- money curse periodically appeared. The annual budget continu- ally increased. For the first twenty years of the colony's history, the annual expense to the King of France was about 150,000 livres. The budget now ran from half a million to a million livres a year, a large part of which must come from the hard- pressed treasury of the mother country. No wonder that the French ministers were ready to part with a colony which had been a constant burden for half a century and showed as yet no signs of ever becoming self-sustaining!
But with Louisiana was destined to go the whole of New France. The visions of Champlain and La Salle were never to materialize. The glittering fabric of empire, which had cost so much blood and treasure, which had inspired so many heroic deeds and sustained so many despairing souls, was woven too thinly to stand the stress of conflict. The attenuated settlement, stretching from Acadia to New Orleans, was no match for the compact mass of English-American citizens, clustered on the Atlantic . coast, whose industry had made them opulent, whose government had made them self-sufficient, and whose number had grown to ten times that of their rivals. The French and Indian War was a
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New Orleans and French Louisiana.
struggle of England against France, of the self-governing colo- nies against the paternal absolutism of New France; the result is not far to seek, nor does its events need to be recounted. Louisiana played little part in the struggle, but was present at the division . of spoils. In 1761 the French ambassador presented a memorial to the Spanish government, in which he confessed that France was unable to protect Louisiana, and solicited the aid of Spain. On November 3, 1762, a treaty was signed at Fontainebleau, by which the French King, "from the pure impulse of his generous heart" ceded to his "cousin of Spain" all the country "known under the name of Louisiana." But France retained possession, and in February of the next year, a new distribution of territory was made by the Peace of Paris. According to this treaty, the part of Louisiana west of the Mississippi, together with the island of New Orleans, was left to Spain, in return for aid given to France during the war; Spain ceded Florida to England, getting Havana in return; Canada and the remaining territory east of the Missis- sippi, went to England. Thus crumbled into ruins, by virtue of its own infirmities and before the growing enterprise of the Eng- lish colonies, aided by the genius of Pitt and Wolfe, the magnifi- cent conception of a great French empire, within whose huge . dimensions the paltry acres of Old France could be hidden with as much ease as the political shrewdness of le Grand Monarque amidst the statesmen of our Constitutional Convention of 1787.
CHAPTER III.
ST. LOUIS AND SPANISH LOUISIANA.
T HE news of the transfer of Louisiana to Spain in 1763 was received with consternation by the loyal inhabitants of that province. Fleeting rumors of the first transfer had reached them, but they had been cast aside with in- credulity. Were they to be bartered away as merchandise? Were their national character and rights so far forgotten that they were to be transformed into Englishmen or Spaniards without their consent? What was to become of their property, their laws, their society? Was the prospect of a glorious empire to be renounced by the dastardly impolicy of surrender on the very threshold of success? It was only with the publication of the King's Procla- mation that the bitter truth went home; and then, for a brief moment, the spirit that glorified the Fourth of July, 1776, stirred .their wrathful souls.
Governor Kerleric was recalled in 1763, and M. D'Abbadie sent out to succeed him under the title of director-general. Ker- leric was accused of extravagance and peculation, probably not without justice, and cast into the Bastile. It was to D'Abbadie that Louis XV. addressed his communication which was published in October, 1764. D'Abbadie was instructed to deliver up the country to the Spanish governor, and the colonists were assured that under his Catholic Majesty the "protection and good will" which they had heretofore enjoyed would be extended, their re- ligion and property would not be disturbed, nor would the ordi- nary course of justice be interrupted. Even the Superior Council was to be continued. Indeed, so gradual was the change, so little energy did the Spanish government show in assuming con- trol, that the people began to imagine the transfer was only a
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St. Louis and Spanish Louisiana.
ruse to circumvent in some way the English, and when, more than a year later, the Spanish governor arrived, his dilatory tactics confirmed the suspicion.
Meantime, the colonists had not remained silent. The Su- perior Council had invited each parish to send some of its most distinguished citizens as delegates to an assembly which met at New Orleans. Resolutions were passed, humbly supplicating the King of France not to cast them away from his benign control, and Jean Milhet, the wealthiest merchant of the colony, was sent to carry it to the throne. When he arrived in Paris he called upon the aged Bienville, who went along to help plead the cause with the King's minister, Choiseul. But Choiseul informed them that Louisiana could not maintain its precarious existence without an enormous expense which France was utterly incapable of meeting. "Is it not better," said he, "that Louisiana should be given away to a friend and faithful ally, than be wrested from us by an hereditary foe?"
The failure of this mission shrouded the colony in gloom. The dismal outlook grew drearier still when in March, 1766, Don Antonio de Ulloa arrived as governor to take possession in the name of the King of Spain. Ulloa, was a man of the highest dis- tinction in science and letters. He held high rank in the Spanish navy, and had been equally successful as a civil administrator. His courage was undoubted and his humanity far exceeded that of the usual Spanish official. The instructions given to him by Charles III. were also quite liberal. He was accompanied by other civil officers, but since the necessary military force had not yet arrived, it was decided to postpone taking formal possession until the arrival of more troops.
Such liberalism was new to the inhabitants of Louisiana, and they proceeded at once to misinterpret it. Those who had received Ulloa with cold and sullen respect began to foment se- dition. The Superior Council asked him to show his commission, whereupon he informed them that he was not yet ready to take charge, and that if he were, he could only deal with Aubry, who
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Brief History of the Louisiana Territory.
had succeeded D'Abbadie as governor. This rude blow at the authority of the Superior Council made matters worse. A secret association was formed throughout the region and a conspiracy was hatched to drive out the Spaniards, with Ulloa at their head. A petition to the Superior Council urging this action was pre- pared by two members of the Council and sent around for signa- tures. It was presented at a meeting of the Council in October, 1768. At the same time, a large body of the insurgents marched into New Orleans under arms. Ulloa, glad to escape to his books from such a turbulent position, prudently took to a ship and sailed away.
The chief objects of the Revolution were now accomplished, and the people, trained to despotic government, shrank back in terror at the boldness of their own actions. What would France think? What would Spain do? The leaders soon found them- selves isolated, while the few Spaniards that were left were being courted. How different the followers of Samuel Adams and John Hancock when the decree of George III. had declared those sterling patriots beyond the reach of pardon! One of the lead- ing conspirators, Foucault, turned traitor to his confederates. The others knew not what to do. They appealed to the English at Pensacola, but their emissaries were coldly received. Wild schemes of proclaiming a republic with Lafrenère as protector filled the air.
But the suspense was soon relieved by the news that General Alexander O'Reilly had been appointed to succeed Ulloa as gov- ernor and was coming with a large military force. He arrived in July, 1769, with 2,600 choice Spanish troops, bearing orders to punish the leaders of the insurrection, and to establish Spanish control and administration. O'Reilly was an Irishman whose ability and courage had overcome the prejudice and pride of the Spanish dons and had raised him to the front rank in the army of Charles III. His military services were long and distinguished, and he was equally able as an administrator.
The leaders against the Spanish in Louisiana saw the use-
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St. Louis and Spanish Louisiana.
lessness of resisting such a force, and O'Reilly received a hearty welcome. His attitude was conciliatory and flattering. A proc- lamation was issued, granting pardon to all save a few of the lead- ing conspirators. The inhabitants were all required to take the oath of allegiance to the Spanish King, while several members of the Superior Council and a number of others, twelve in all, were shot or sent to Havana, where they were safely ensconced in Moro Castle.
On the morning of the eighteenth of August, 1769, amidst booming cannon and shouts of "Viva el Rey !" "Viva el Rey !" the flag of France was lowered from the gate of New Orleans, while that of Spain was raised to take its place. Then O'Reilly, ac- companied by his retinue of officers and the former French gov- ernor, Aubry, led the procession around the square and to the cathedral, where addresses were made, and a solemn Te Deum was sung, during which the fleet and army renewed their salutes. These pious services over, they returned to the public square, where the ceremonies were completed. Thus ended the supremacy of the French in the land where, ninety-seven years before, La Salle, with superb genius, had planted the fleurs-de-lis, as the .basis of a new empire to be carved out of the vast, unknown conti- nent.
The colonial government set up by Spain was not materially different from that established by France. The governor was to be assisted by Loyola, commissary of war and intendant; Gayarre, contador or royal comptroller; Navarro, treasurer; and a num- ber of minor officials. The Superior Council was to be replaced by a Cabildo, composed of six perpetual regidors, two ordinary alcades, an attorney-general-syndic, and a clerk. The Cabildo was to sit weekly and to be presided over by the governor. The offices of regidor and clerk were to be purchased at auction, and were transferable. The ordinary alcades were elected annually, and performed functions similar to those of an English justice of the pcace. After the organization of the cabildo, O'Reilly 3
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Brief History of the Louisiana Territory.
gave up the governorship, and remained in general charge as captain-general. The French code of laws was succeeded by a set of regulations based upon the laws of Castile and the code of the Indies; but since both French and Spanish law were based upon the Roman law, the changes were not burdensome.
While these things were occurring about New Orleans, inter- esting and important events were taking place in Upper Louis- iana. Early in 1764, Major Loftus arrived at New Orleans and started up the river to take possession of the Illinois country, in the name of the King of Great Britain. He was fired upon by the Indians, and returned, loudly and unjustly condemning the French as instigators of the attack. Meanwhile, the French commandant, St. Ange de Bellerive, continued to exercise control. Early in 1760, however, Captain Sterling reached Kaskaskia, and took possession in the name of the English monarch. A procla- mation was issued, allowing the Catholics freedom of worship, promising to those who would remain and take the oath of allegi- ance and fidelity to their new sovereign the rights and immuni- ties of British subjects, and assuring perfect freedom to those who desired to leave the English possessions. This latter privi- lege was accepted by many who preferred Spanish to English domination. Some departed from the colony in disgust, while many others crossed the Mississippi into Missouri. Among these was the French commandant St. Ange de Bellerive, who went over to St. Louis and became the first governor of Upper Louisiana under Spain.
St. Louis was at this time a growing village of small dimen- sions. Its founding was of no slight consequence in the history of Louisiana. At the time of the cession of Illinois to the Eng- lish, all of the leading settlements of Upper Louisiana, except Ste. Genevieve, were on the east bank of the river. The French desired a strong post on the Missouri side, through which the trade of the northwest could be diverted from the hated English. There was no money for such an enterprise, and the old expedient of granting a monopoly was resorted to. Early in 1763, Monsieur
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St. Louis and Spanish Louisiana.
D'Abbadie granted to Maxent, Laclede & Company a monopoly of the fur trade with the Indians of Missouri and the region west of the Mississippi, as far north as the St. Peter. This firm became generally known as "The Louisiana Fur Company," and they had an expedition ready to start by the third of August.
The leader of the enterprise was Pierre Laclede Liguest, (he generally signed himself simply Pierre Laclede), who was at this time thirty-nine years old. He was a tall, dark, black-eyed Frenchman, spirited, enterprising, ambitious. Reared in the
shadow of the Pyrenees, he was familiar with both French and Spanish character and customs, which fitted him for the great work he was to perform. Peering from the narrow confines of his own home to the hazy continent beyond the sea, his restless imagination began to picture a settlement in far away Louisiana where wealth would flow freely into his purse and the name of Pierre Laclede would be supreme. With a number of friends he set out for an adventurous career in the new world. He arrived in New Orleans in 1755 and was soon head of a commercial es- tablishment. In 1763 he became junior partner in "The Louis- iana Fur Company." This gave him his coveted opportunity for he was put in charge of the expedition to found a post near the mouth of the Missouri to control the fur trade of the northwest.
After three months of toil against the impetuous current of the Mississippi in unshapely and heavily laden boats, the mem- bers of Laclede's party reached St. Genevieve. But finding there no suitable place to store their goods, they crossed to Fort Chartres which was made headquarters for the winter. From there Laclede, with a small party, explored the west bank of the river up to the mouth of the Missouri. After careful examination he selected a site for the new trade center, and later generations have proved the wisdom of his choice. It was none other than the high and delightful spot upon which the present metropolis of St. Louis stands, a situation combining the excellences of "healthful residence and of matchless facilities for commercial exchange." He returned to Fort Chartres and enthusiastically
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Brief History of the Louisiana Territory.
predicted that "he intended to establish a settlement which might become hereafter one of the finest cities of America."
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On this expedition he was accompanied by the youthful Auguste Chouteau, whose name was to be indissolubly connected with the founding of St. Louis, and whose brother, Pierre Chou- teau, was to become the patriarch in the development of the fur trade of the west. These brothers were sons of Madame Chouteau, who accompanied Laclede on his voyage up the Mississippi, and with whom she lived in civil law marriage after separation from her Catholic husband, Monsieur Chouteau. In the spring of 1764, Auguste Chouteau, then only thirteen years of age, was sent in charge of about thirty workmen to begin felling the pri- meval forest for the new settlement. Laclede soon followed, and the first buildings were erected on the block bounded by First, Second, Walnut and Market streets. Here was erected the com- pany's store, and in the immediate neighborhood, the cabins of the men, the home of Laclede, and in 1770, the first church in St. Louis. The embryo village was named St. Louis in honor of Louis IX., the patron saint of the reigning monarch, Louis XV., of France. Such was the beginning of the future capital of Upper Louisiana, the metropolis . of the Mississippi Valley, to be the scene one hundred and forty years later of the grandest memorial celebration the world has yet seen.
The development of St. Louis was a brilliant contrast to the tedious and painful growth of the other villages of the Louisiana Territory. Circumstances favored the child of Laclede, for- tune smiled upon her, and almost immediately she sprang into prominence. Within a few months St. Ange came over with the French garrison from Ft. Chartres, and was followed by many of the French families from Kaskaskia and Cahokia, who turned with disgust from the clumsy, self-governing English intruders. Within five years the hill-tops overlooking the stately Mississippi were dotted with the cabins of some seven hundred inhabitants. A family of young villages soon sprang up about the mother set- tlement, such as Carondelet, St. Charles, Bonhomme, Florissant,
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