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Brief History of the Louisiana Territory.
Across the Atlantic three towering personalities peered through the murky diplomatic air toward the horizon of the New World. One was Don Manuel Godoy, dissipated, unscrupulous, able, the "Prince of Peace," the despised Spaniard before whose diplomacy Napoleon had to bow. He was the power behind the throne of Spain, and his enforced retirement alone paved the way for the ambition of France. Behind the ambitious First Consul stood Talleyrand, the conspiring, trafficking, ex-Bishop of Auton, who was sorry that he had ever sympathized with liberty, and on the famous 18th Brumaire, betrayed the French republic with as little conscience as he used in his efforts to restore New France in the Mississippi valley. He knew not the truth, recked not friend or foe, scrupled at no means to restore the despotism and ancient glory of the French monarchy. In the breadth and steadiness of his purposes and in conscienceless political cunning he was the superior of his chief. Above all towered the match- less, picturesque Napoleon Bonaparte, who, as Henry Adams says, "like Milton's Satan on his throne of state,-sat unapproachable on his bad eminence; or, when he moved the dusky air felt an unusual weight." He had turned his eyes toward America, and only fate, with the aid of Jefferson's pacific diplomacy, prevented ·a river of blood flooding our western wilderness.
France had never become reconciled to the loss of Louisiana or ceased to hope for its restoration. When Count de Vergennes planned a treaty of alliance to aid our Revolutionary forefathers, he had a covetous eye on an American colony. He later made definite advances to Spain for the purchase of Louisiana, but the condition of the French treasury made it impossible to pay the price demanded by Spain. In 1795, at the Peace of Bâle, the French republic made an effort to obtain the retrocession, and in 1797, under the leadership of Carnot and Barthelemy, the French Directory offered Godoy a munificent sum for Louisiana. Talley- rand had wandered through America in 1794, and correctly in- terpreted the spirit of our nation to rule alone in the United States. He returned to France, our implacable enemy, and, as
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foreign minister of the French Directory in 1798, he began his intrigues to shut up the aspiring nation "within the limits which Nature seems to have traced for them." He sent Citizen Guille- mardet to Spain to protest against carrying out the provisions of the treaty of 1795 and offer the aid of France to put "an end to the ambition of the Americans" who, he said, were "devoured by pride, ambition, and cupidity" and were ruled by the Cabinet of St. James. "Let the Court of Madrid cede these districts [the Floridas and Louisiana] to France, and from that moment the power of America is bounded by the limit which it may suit the interests and the tranquillity of France and Spain to assign her." The advantage to Spain was to accrue from having the French provinces as an impenetrable barrier to the aggressions of the United States upon her vast dominions to the west and south.
As a preliminary step to the success of this policy Talley- rand secured the dismissal of Godoy as head of the Spanish coun- cil; but it was destined to failure from the venality of its author. The infamous X. Y. Z. fiasco drove Talleyrand out of power and all but provoked an open declaration of war by the United States.
Talleyrand's next move was to ally himself with the for- tunes of the adventurer, Bonaparte, who returned from Egypt in 1799 to execute his coup d'état and become First Consul. Na- poleon readily accepted Talleyrand's policy and for three years assiduously nursed an ambition for a colonial empire in America. Spain had ceded her share of the Island of St. Domingo to France in 1795 and had now sunk to such a state of dependence as to be a mere tail to Napoleon's kite. The plan of the First Consul was soon matured. He would obtain from the craven Spanish monarch the retrocession of Louisiana. This should be scoret. Then he would use St. Domingo as an excuse for a mili- tary expedition and as a basis of operations from which he could suddenly land an army at New Orleans before the United States could offer any definite resistance. Once in possession of Louis- iann, time and his own star could dictate further conquests. Re- actionary Europe would gladly see democracy throttled in its last stronghold.
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Brief History of the Louisiana Territory.
With an energy never wanting at this period of his career, Napoleon set about his new task. Peace must be made with the United States, England, and Austria. Difficulties with the first two were to be settled by diplomacy; with Austria by blood and iron. The irascible John Adams had declared after the X. Y. Z. imbroglio that he would never send another minister to France un- der existing conditions; but with rare self-sacrifice he braved the war sentiment of his party and in March, 1800, sent over a non- partisan commission at the request of the suppliant Talleyrand. Joseph Bonaparte was at the head of the French commissioners and negotiations made rapid progress; but the interference of Napoleon, whose successes in the Austrian compaign made him arrogant, threatened to ruin the peace. At last the Treaty of Morfontaine was signed, September 30, 1800, and finally ratified by the Senate under protest, December 19, 1801.
Meanwhile Austria had been humbled and the Peace of Luneville had removed her from among Napoleon's obstacles. England had.likewise been pacified in October, and now the way was clear for the prosecution of his colonial designs. So eager was Napoleon to get control of his projected colony that within six weeks after his victory at Marengo, convinced that he was master of the situation, without waiting for the conclusion of any of the above treaties, he dispatched a courier to Citizen Alquier, French minister at Madrid, bearing orders for him to conclude a treaty for the retrocession of Louisiana to France. The compen- sation was to be an equivalent addition to the domain of the Duke of Parma, son-in-law of the Spanish King. In August, 1800, General Berthier was sent over to take charge of the negotiations on account of their importance and the secrecy demanded. Ber- thier's instructions were contained in the famous projet of a treaty of retrocession drawn up by Talleyrand. "The French Republic," it said, "pledges itself to procure for the Duke of Parma in Italy an aggrandizement of territory to contain at least one million inhabitants; the Republic charges itself with procuring the consent of Austria and the other states interested,
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so that the Duke may be put in possession of his new territory at the coming peace between France and Austria. Spain on her side pledges herself to retrocede to the French republic the colony of Louisiana, with the same extent it actually has in the hands of Spain." She was further to add to this cession that of the two Floridas and give to France six ships of war. The two powers were to make common cause against any nation that should oppose
the execution of this engagement. But King Charles refused to grant the Floridas or the six ships and Berthier was compelled to conclude the bargain without them. On October 1, Berthier signed the treaty of retrocession at San Ildefonso. The treaty of peace with the United States had been signed by Joseph Bona- parte not twenty-four hours before, but, while the one completely undid the work of the other, in the crooked policy of Talleyrand, it appeared to be a double diplomatic triumph for Napoleon.
In the midst of success, however, the black figure of Godoy appeared in the shadow of the Spanish Court to mock at the Frenchmen's supremacy over Charles IV. As the time for the actual transfer approached, Lucian Bonaparte, Napoleon's ablest brother, was sent over to Spain to take charge of affairs and Godoy was recalled as the only man able to uphold the honor of Spain. It was now Greek against Greek, for the wily Corsican was met by a cold-blooded villainy equal to his own. Lucian was bribed into signing a treaty which thwarted Napoleon's designs in Portugal, and Godoy began accumulating obstacles to delay giving possession of Louisiana. A new treaty was signed at Madrid, March 21, 1801, in which the bounds of the new king- dom for the Prince of Parma were settled. Parma was to be made King of Etruria (Tuscany) and was invited to Paris where he was entertained with patronizing hospitality. But when he reached his new Italian possession he found it garrisoned by French troops and ruled by French officers. Under such con- ditions he was the mere shadow of a King, and Godoy soon let it be understood that the delivery of Louisiana would have to wait on a better fulfillment of the treaty on the part of the First
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Brief History of the Louisiana Territory.
Consul. Bonaparte was furious, but Godoy remained firm and cool. He stood by his guns and Napoleon determined to crush him; but in doing so he lost valuable time, and every moment was precious in carrying out his cherished scheme. Delay would be · fatal; and indeed, from this time forth every hour put Napoleon farther away from the promised land of Louisiana. But Euro- pean complications, skillfully wrought by the magic of the hated Godoy, stood not alone in the way of Napoleon's ambition; two obstacles beyond the sea loomed bigger with each passing day, and it may be well to examine these before proceeding with the narrative.
The first of these was the United States, whose interest, am- bition, and sturdy tenacity of purpose were well known to Talley- rand, if not to Napoleon. "Spain," according to Mr. Henry Adams, "lay alongside the south and west of the United States like a whale-huge, helpless, profitable. Her rule stretched from the Lake of the Woods to the Gulf, including Texas, Mexico, and California, as well as Louisiana; while still farther down, South America even to Patagonia was also under her sway. Far more than half the territory of the United States has been gained from this vast inert bulk, rarely in ways not open to criticism." The Americans did not object to the control of this immense region by the decrepit monarchy of Spain; it was only when a powerful and aggressive nation like France began to intrigue to get pos- session that the United States was thoroughly aroused. Spain was an unloved though not a bad neighbor; but who could foretell the future complications if France under the monstrous autocrat. Napoleon, ruled just beyond our sparsely-settled western border? Every neighbor in Europe was suffering from French aggression ; why should the republic of the United States fare better at the hands of the despoiler?
Fortunately for the United States, a partisan of France occu- pied the presidential chair. A war with France had narrowly been averted in 1798 by the patriotism and courage of John Adams. Any hasty action would have now been fatal. Napoleon
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had set his heart on an American colony and could not be bullied. Whatever feelings we may have with regard to Jefferson's tem- porizing diplomacy, there can be no doubt that it was wise; for time ruined Napoleon's scheme and the President's policy was justified by the event. Jefferson had been hailed by the press in the United States and in Europe as the Friend of France. In theory he was a disciple of Rousseau, having seen at close range the early events of the French Revolution, and sympathized with the revolutionists; but the Reign of Terror had dampened his ardor and the coup d'etat of Napoleon had still further shocked his democracy. Nevertheless he came into office in 1801 feeling that the late rupture with France had been largely caused by the Federalist agitators, and determined to pursue, if possible, an open policy of friendship with France and Spain. He had been slow to believe the rumors of French designs in America, and in August, 1801, Chancellor Robert R. Livingston was sent as min- ister to France with very mild instructions. Jefferson's real feel- ings, however, were shown in a letter to C. C. Claiborne, who had been sent down as governor of the Mississippi Territory shortly after his accession to the Presidency. With regard to Spanish control of Louisiana he said: "We consider her possession of the adjacent country as most favorable to our interests, and should see with an extreme pain any other nation substituted for them."
Before Livingston sailed rumors of the retrocession of Louis- iana became more definite. Although it had been nearly a year since Berthier had signed the treaty, such profound secrecy had been observed that the facts were not known. When Livingston arrived in November, he confronted Talleyrand with the accusa- tion. The imperturbable ex-bishop flatly denied the treaty. Liv- ingston wrote the result of the interview to Jefferson, but in the very mail that Jefferson received Talleyrand's explicit denial he received a copy of the treaty itself, which the Frenchman's arch-enemy, Godoy, had contrived to let fall into the hands of Rufus King at London. Jefferson was thus rudely awakened to Talleyrand's treachery and became alarmed. Before proceeding
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further, however, it is necessary to notice the second trans-Atlan- tic obstacle to Napoleon's success; and that was the island of St. Domingo.
Before the French Revolution, St. Domingo was largely a Spanish island; but the French owned the western end which, under the old regime, was far the most important dependency of France. In 1789, it is said, that nearly two-thirds of the com- mercial interests of France centered in St. Domingo. In pros- perous years over seven hundred ships, employing eighty thousand seamen, plied the seas in handling its exports and imports valued at more than a hundred and forty million dollars. In a popula- tion of 600,000, five-sixths were full-blooded negroes held in rigid slavery. Of the remaining hundred thousand half were free mulattos without political or social privileges and half were French creoles. The fifty thousand French creoles lived off the labors of the other eleven-twelfths of the inhabitants in a semi- Parisian ease and luxury and formed an aristocratic and govern- ing caste. Between the mulattos and the creoles was a natural feud which burst into open warfare under the electric thrill of liberty sent out by the French Revolution. During the struggle of the two dominant classes, a spark touched off the "vast powder magazine upon which they both rested. One August night in the year 1791 the whole plain of the north was swept with fire and drenched with blood. Five hundred thousand negro slaves in the depths of barbarism revolted, and the horrors of the massacre made Europe and America shudder."
Three years of convulsions followed and the French National Assembly proclaimed the freedom of the slaves. The French Revo- lution brought forth its Napoleon Bonaparte; the Haytian Revo- lution brought forth a scarcely less remarkable figure, the most distinguished negro of all history, Toussaint L'Ouverture. The burning eloquence of Wendell Phillips so exaggerated the virtues of this hero that the rugged outlines of his character have gen- erally becn obscured in a halo of glittering eulogy. Toussaint was a full black, the grandson of a native chief on the coast of
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Africa. He was born in 1746, making him forty-five years old at the opening of the negro insurrection. He was a man of great sobriety, indefatigable energy, and an audacity and cunning equal to that of Napoleon. In ordinary affairs he was gentle and straightforward, but when aroused vehement, treacherous, and even ferocious. His morbid ambition, his indifference to means in gratifying his lust for power, his reckless personal courage, his fatalism, led Mr. Adams to draw a striking parallel between his character and career and that of Bonaparte. He was indeed the Napoleon of St. Domingo, and was hated by the greater Napoleon with a fervor not uncommon between strikingly similar characters whose aims conflict.
Toussaint in the early period of the war fought on the side of the Royalist creoles under Spanish pay, but when the Republic proclaimed the freedom of the slaves in 1794 he transferred his allegiance and took over his army of 4,000 men with which he executed the sudden blow that drove the Spaniards out of the island. A year later he was made brigadier-general in the ser- vice of the republic and within two years more was general-in- chief, with military command over the whole colony. In this position he was practically dictator and began paving the way for · a crown. When France and the United States were on the brink of war in 1798, Toussaint did not hesitate to favor the United States. Amicable trade relations were established and American seamen ran a thriving business with the island. In this way, Toussaint became independent of French supplies and Edward Stevens, the able American Consul, wrote home that the negro chieftain was only waiting for a more auspicious time to publish a declaration of independence. The French Consul was ban- ished, and in May, 1801, Toussaint executed his Napoleonic coup d'état by assuming the dictatorship for life, with power to appoint his successor.
The problem in hand is now fully stated. Napoleon has set his heart on the occupation of Louisiana, and has made peace in Europe in order to free his hand for the work. The treaty of
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retrocession is fixed. Preparations are being rapidly pushed to fit out the fleet and army for the expedition. Across the Atlantic is the young republic, weak in preparation, slow to anger, but de- termined in policy. In the presidential chair sits Thomas Jefferson, peaceful, adroit, concealing beneath his slouchy posture an unending flow of conversation, his sunny smile and suave manners, a political cunning never surpassed. Anxious for peace himself, his finger is on the pulse of the nation and every throb of its heart is carefully measured. At the threshold of the United States is the island of St. Domingo, the only center from which a French colonial system in America can be built up, and which Bonaparte must control before he can safely occupy Louisiana. It is now under the dictatorship of Toussaint L'Ouverture, with 20,000 disciplined troops, able, ambitious, de- fiant. The First Consul must act, act quickly and powerfully ; yet sleepless energy was the basic principle of his greatness and the lethargy which sometimes hindered his later enterprises was now wholly absent.
During the month of October, 1801, the French and Spanish ports where the combined fleet was being prepared, saw immense activity. A large army was to accompany the fleet and General Leclerc, Napoleon's brother-in-law and ablest sub- ordinate, was put in charge. The "Napoleon of the Antilles" was to be crushed, slavery restored at Guadaloupe and St. Do- mingo and the island used as a stepping stone to things higher. To this end Napoleon did not hesitate to use a bit of the meanest diplomacy that ever blackened the annals of mankind. Leclerc was given a proclamation which he was to publish to the blacks. "If you are told," it said, "that these forces are destined to ravish your liberty, answer: The Republic has given us liberty, the Republic will not suffer it to be taken from us!" In order to disarm Toussaint with flattery he wrote: "We have conceived esteem for you and we take pleasure in recognizing you and proclaiming the great services you have rendered the French people. If the French flag floats over St. Domingo, it is to
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you and the brave blacks that they owe it. Assist the captain- general with your counsels, your influence, and your talents. What can you desire ?- the liberty of the blacks? You know that in all the countries where we have been, we have given it to the peoples who had it not." Further assurance was given in his message to the French Legislature. "At St. Domingo and Guadaloupe there are no more slaves. All is free there; all will there remain free." But to Leclerc his instructions were far different. "The moment you have rid yourself of Toussaint, Christophe, Dessalines, and the principal brigands, and the masses of the blacks shall be disarmed, send over to the continent all the blacks and mulattoes who have played a role in the civil troubles. Rid us of these gilded Africans, and we shall have nothing more to wish." Later he wrote: "As regards the return of the blacks to the old regime, -- use the utmost caution. For some time yet vigilance, order, a discipline at once rural and military, must take the place of positive and pronounced slavery."
Napoleon's policy of combining force and lying diplomacy was for the time being all too successful. Leclerc, with his large fleet and superb army of ten thousand men, arrived at St. Domingo in January, 1802. A desolating war of three months duration followed. The magnificent French cavalcade melted before the attacks of the ferocious guerilla chieftains and ab- ject failure stared Leclerc in the face. But treachery appeared in the forces of the blacks and Toussaint's ablest lieutenant, Christophe, surrendered his posts to the French. Betrayed by his friends, Toussaint, in an evil moment, decided to trust the word of Bonaparte and on May 1, 1802, put himself in the hands of Leclerc. It was his fatal misstep and sealed his doom. On June 10 he was arrested, hurried on board ship, and sent to Brest.' From there he disappeared. The few who knew the sceret kept silent through shame. He was sent to a dungeon high in the Jura Mountains, where his tropical nature suc- cumbed to the cold and dampness and solitude of a single win- ter. For refinement of cruelty and treachery this was even Napoleon's masterpiece.
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The betrayal of the leaders, however, did not give Leclerc possession of the island. It only led to premature action and the ruin of Napoleon's cause. Within four days of the arrest of Toussaint orders were given for the restoration of slavery in Guadaloupe. When news of this order was spread among the blacks of St. Domingo, their fanaticism became frenzy. "They laugh at death" wrote General Leclerc. The first French army of seventeen thousand men was destroyed in fight- ing the blacks. A second was swept away by yellow fever. Be- fore Leclerc had been in St. Domingo nine months he wrote to his chief that of twenty-eight thousand three hundred men sent to St. Domingo, only four thousand remained fit for service. 'Add to our losses that of five thousand sailors, and the occupa- tion of St. Domingo has cost us till now twenty-four thousand men, and we are not yet definitely masters of it. In order to be master of St. Domingo, you must send me twelve thousand men without losing a single day." In addition he demanded twelve hundred thousand dollars in specie and five thousand more men for the summer campaign, without all of which said he, the colony "will be forever lost to France." In less than two months more Leclerc himself followed his army to the grave and Napoleon's plan had failed. Toussaint L'Ouverture, the fren- zied ex-slaves, and the tropical fevers of St. Domingo had drained the First Consul's treasury, buried his armies, and saved Louis- iana.
Meanwhile the United States had become thoroughly aroused. . When Toussaint and the other black leaders had been seized, Napoleon, thinking the conquest ended, ordered that the expedition which was to occupy Louisiana be immediately fitted out. "My intention is," said he, "to take possession of Louisiana with the shortest delay, and that this expedition be made in the utmost secrecy, under the appearance of being directed on St. Domingo." We have seen this expedition sink into the yawning abyss on the island which was to be only its pretended destination. The secret of its intent, however, was soon out. Before Living-
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ston had been in Paris a second month he wrote: "I know that the armament, destined in the first instance for Hispaniola, is to pro- ceed to Louisiana provided Toussaint makes no opposition." By the spring of 1802 the designs of France became well known in the United States. Livingston was coldly received and soon ig- nored; American agents and merchants were maltreated in St. Domingo; the pacific Madison became irritable and Jefferson, the friend of France, became pugnacious. The President had in- structed Livingston in September, 1801, to suggest to France that she secure the cession of West Florida to the United States, which "would contribute to reconcile" us to the French occupation of New Orleans; but his attitude was now changed. Dupont de Nemours was a French gentleman of influence who was at the time on a visit to the United States. Being on excellent terms with Dupont, Jefferson decided to send through him an unofficial message to Bonaparte. This method of communication was for- cible by reason of the fact that Jefferson was known to be a friend of France and he could thus analyze the situation more coldly. He enclosed to Dupont a letter to Livingston which he desired him to read and then seal. In regard to the cession of Louisiana to France Jefferson wrote to Dupont: "The cession of New Orleans and the Floridas to us would be a palliation, yet I believe it would be no more, and that this measure will cost France, and perhaps not very long hence, a war which will anni- hilate her on the ocean, and place that element under the despot- ism of two nations-which I am not reconciled to the more be- cause my own would be one of them." The enclosure to .Liv- ingston which Dupont was to read and report to Napoleon was couched in still stronger terms.
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