USA > Louisiana > The province and the states, a history of the province of Louisiana under France and Spain, and of the territories and states of the United States formed therefrom, Vol. III > Part 17
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They meant the restoration of the MeEnery state government. 'The whites who were opposed to negro rule and Federal inter- ference, had organized throughout the state for the purpose, quietly or violently as the case demanded, of taking public affairs into their own hands, and were known as "White Leaguers." The same trouble arose at the elections of 1874, as had occurred
IZI
LOUISIANA, THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.
at those of 1872. It was a desperate struggle to gain control of the state government. Again troops of the United States were called in to prevent open war. The legislature which assembled in January, 1875, was sustained by Federal muskets and the other organization was destroyed. The house was organized by the Democratic members. It was reorganized by order of President Grant by military force, and the speaker and Democratic members were removed from their seats. A congressional committee finally settled the contests of 1874 in favor of the Kellogg party, but this settlement only postponed the inevitable conflict-the conflict as to who should rule the state. There could be no permanent peace until the white people should exercise the functions of state gov- ernment. This meant the non-interference of the Federal gov- ernment. The people rose in September, 1874, the 14th, and defeated Kellogg's metropolitan police, and installed Governor McEnery in office, driving Kellogg from the state house. Presi- dent Grant sent down a large military and naval force which restored him, meeting with no resistance from the people. The congressional committee referred to by what was called the Wheeler Compromise, restored the Democratic majority and con- trol in the house of representatives.
In January, 1874, Gov. William Pitt Kellogg stated to the legis- lature that the collections in January, 1873, for the year 1872 did not reach the amount returned delinquent for that year. War- rants to the amount of nearly two million two hundred fifty thou- sand dollars had accumulated, and arrears of interest on the bonded debt of the state amounted to nearly three hundred thou- sand dollars. But a great change occurred in 1873, for during that year about four million dollars of revenue was collected. In January, 1874, the total funded and unfunded debt amounted to twenty-four million two hundred eighty-three thousand eight hun- dred and eighty-six dollars, thus being perilously near the limit of twenty-five million dollars. It was observed that the great state and municipal debt kept out emigrants, restricted commerce, excluded capital and oppressed the people. The governor recom- mended refunding the state debt in consolidated bonds, with forty years to run, to be offered bond creditors at sixty cents on the dollar. Under his recommendation the rate of taxation would be reduced from twenty-one and a half mills to fourteen and a half mills. Should his plan be adopted the debt would be reduced from over twenty-four million dollars to fourteen million five hundred seventy thousand three hundred and thirty-two dollars. He said, "Our bonds do not now average more than fifty cents on the dol-
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TIIE PROVINCE AND THE STATES.
lar. The purchaser of our six per cent bonds at this time really receives twelve per cent on his investment. Of this twelve per cent, six per cent represents his actual outlay, and six per cent is the insurance he receives on his investment, or the premium we pay on our discredit." This suggestion of the governor brought from all parts of the state the cry of "Repudiation." A consider- able portion of the debt was thought to be illegal. The state was already fighting the bonds voted to the amount of two million five hundred thousand dollars to the Chattanooga Railroad; it was likewise contesting other bonded obligations. Although congress had appeared willing in 1870 to extend assistance to Louisiana for the construction of levees, the state, by contracting with the Louisiana Levee Company, had placed a bar in the way of such a step. While Mr. Kellogg had been in the United States senate, he and others had successfully urged the passage of a bill provid- ing for the removal of the big raft from Red river. This had been accomplished in 1872-73, and was considered a brilliant . engineering feat. The benefits remained to be seen. The state had no doubt suffered from the riots, assassinations, and murders between the two races, but there was a better feeling prevailing, because the white race was securing the ascendency in spite of carpet-bag rule and other forms of Federal assistance. The unwavering determination never to submit to negro domination was succeeding and bearing fruit, though at a dreadful cost; but the results were worth the outlay. Another hopeful sign was that the colored population was beginning to buy, occupy and cul- tivate land, instead of idling or depending on the whites. The panic of 1873 did not seriously affect Louisiana. Of the 8,000,000 acres of arable land in the state, about 3,000,000 were largely under cultivation.
In 1874 the assembly authorized the issue of fifteen million dollars, or so much as was thought necessary, of "the consolidated bonds of the state of Louisiana" for the purpose of reducing and consolidating the floating and bonded debt of the state, the bonds to run forty years and bear seven per cent; levied a tax of five and one-half mills to provide for the payment of the principal and interest of these bonds; announced at the same time that it was the intention never to increase the indebtedness of the state prior 10 1914 over fifteen million dollars; favored a system of national quarantine; consolidated the New Orleans, Jackson & Great Northern and the Mississippi Central Railroads; secured certain reductions in the tax levy for the Louisiana Levee Company ; enabled farmers, planters, traders, etc., to pledge their growing
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LOUISIANA, THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.
crops for advances in money, goods and other necessary supplies ; incorporated the Fruit Growers' Association of the Gulf states; provided for a state exhibit at the Centennial Exposition in Phila- delphia in 1876; incorporated a Society for the Suppression of Cruelty to Animals; incorporated a Workingmen's Bank; estab- lished the Louisiana State Agricultural and Mechanical College under the congressional act of 1862, and repealed the act creating the Commission of Immigration and established the Bureau of Immigration.
In January, 1875, Governor Kellogg called attention to the serious political disturbances, to the numerous crevasses and to the heavy taxation ; but announced that for the first time since the war the state debt had not been increased in 1874. The legis- lature of 1873 had passed the act to refund the state debt and the people had ratified it. At the same time they had limited the debt to fifteen million dollars, had limited the state tax, exclusive of that for schools, to twelve and a half mills, had confined the revenues of each year to the expenditures, and had prohibited" the issuance of warrants in excess of the revenue. He exhib- ited the following as showing the excess for a series of years of the warrants over the receipts :
Year.
Receipts.
Expendi- tures.
Excoss.
1569
$1,758,379
$2, 508, 982
$750,602
1870 ..
1,441,218
2, 569, 533
283,311
1871
1,996,576
3, 493, 739
1,497,162
1872.
985,854
2,101,895
1,116,040
1873
1,505,914
1,690,795
181,880
At this time the city of New Orleans was in sore straits. The governor had recommended that the city should be prohibited from running any farther in debt on any pretext and that no warrant should be issued except against money actually in the treasury. The legislature had passed a bill to this effect and it had been ratified by the people. Great good was expected from these measures. There were many large crevasses, and it was realized that unless the government came to the state's relief more serious damage might be expected. The object of the extra session of 1875 was "to give effect to an adjustment of past political differences." Considerable good legislation was effected.
The legislative session of 1876 was characterized by its attempt to impeach Governor Kellogg for high crimes and misdemean-
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THE PROVINCE AND THE STATES.
ors. The senate acquitted him, but the house refused to do so. It was claimed that the attempt to impeach him resulted from his refusal to agree to the passage of the house election bill. But the facts are that his administration was so aggressively against the views and best interests of the white people and was so thoroughly sustained, regardless of what course he might pur- sue for their humiliation, by the colored element and the rifles of the government, that they resolved to do everything in their power to accomplish his removal and to replace his administra- tion with one of their own dictation. The State Central Com- mittee of the Democracy made the following statement to the public: "The time for decisive action has arrived. The issues are few in number, and simple in their character. The course is plain and straight-forward. There must be an honest govern- ment in Louisiana-a State the fairest among all her sisters -- or Louisiana, burdened with debt, exhausted by taxation, and suf- fcring from the supremacy of ignorance over intelligence, will become a colony for convicts and the home of depravity. The" people for whom this committee speaks, are resolved in this cen- tennial of their liberties to test the relative strength of intelli- gence and ignorance. They will use no violence, but all the means in their power will be employed to defeat the further rule of the vicious and ignorant in this State." This meant nothing less than the defeat of colored and carpet-bag rule.
In his message of January, 1876, Governor Kellogg said that peace, good order and good crops prevailed. The legislature had wiped out the twenty-one million dollars of contingent debt. A large block of the consolidated bonds had been sold or rather exchanged for old ones and the exchange was continuing rap- idly : Five million eight hundred eighty-two thousand six hun- dred and forty dollars had been issued prior to January 1, 1876. The state debt could not be increased over fifteen million dollars until 1914, at which date all the consolidated bonds would have been retired. At this time United States engineers reported that 7,000,000 acres of fertile cotton land and 2,500,000 acres of sugar land could be reclaimed by proper systems of levees throughout the state. January 1, 1876, the state debt was nineteen million sixty-four thousand six hundred and forty-five dollars. As carly as 1845, Jolin C. Calhoun had said, that as the Mississippi river was in reality an inland sea or an ocean river, it should be improved by the government. The commercial convention held at Louisville in 1860, had resolved that the Mississippi was a great national highway and should therefore be improved and con- trolled by the government. The United States Senate Commission
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LOUISIANA, THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.
of 1871 reported in favor of the national control of that river. It was estimated that suitable improvements would cost thirty million dollars, which large amount seemed to be the stumbling- block for congress. But the question of governmental control was growing. The Louisiana Levee Company had failed to build the 3,000,000 cubic yards agreed upon annually ; therefore, the state did not feel boun 1 to pay that or; anization the ten per cent of the aggregate amount which the estimates thus made would call for. Owing to this failure of the company, the gov- ernor suggested that the contract with that organization should be abrogated. The total tax which had been levied for their benefit had been four mills, but had been reduced by certain concessions to three mills. It finally transpired that the contract between the state and the company was not a contract at all, and that the company was nothing more than the agent of the state. Prior to September, 1875, the company had built 5,619,530 cubic yards, for which they were paid by December, 1875, one million nine hundred forty-three thousand seven hundred dollars. Dur- ing 1872 and 1873 their rate was four mills, and during 1874 and 1875 was three mills.
It was at this time that the important question of employing the state convicts on the levees came strongly before the people. There were over 500 available men there, who could handle 1,000,000 cubic yards per annum. Two important questions could be settled by thus employing them: The care of the levees and the care of the convicts. The affairs of New Orleans had gone on from bad to worse: the floating debt June 30, 1875, was twenty-three million two hundred eighty-eight thousand nine hundred dollars, while the total assessment of both real and per- sonal property was one hundred twenty-four million five hundred eighty-two thousand and two dollars. The delinquent taxes due the city from 1870 to 1875 inclusive was two million three hun -. dred fifty-two thousand one hundred and seventy-five dollars. Every additional year there was a big deficiency. There were really seven councils at this time, and the municipal machinery was ridiculous and cumbersome. Again the question of refund- ing the city debt came up for consideration: the premium bond and other plans were suggested.
In 1875 the assembly appropriated two hundred fifty thousand dollars with which to buy the St. Louis hotel property for a state capitol; revised the lists of registered voters; created the New Orleans Chamber of Commerce; incorporated many associ- ations and companies, and resolved "that they would not disturb the present state government claiming to have been elected in
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THIE PROVINCE AND THE STATES.
1872, known as the Kellogg government, nor seek to impeach the Governor."
The legislature of 1876 provided for the succession of the state offices; reapportioned the senators and representatives of the state; endorsed the act of General Sheridan in preventing blood- shed and riot on the night of January 4, 1876; asked congress to assume the construction of levees in the Mississippi valley; requested congress to stock the waters of the state with food fish ; authorized certain cities to vote on the question of granting aid to railroads ; authorized New Orleans to adjust, regulate and provide a plan for the settlement of its debt, which at this time amounted to over twenty-three million dollars, which "resulted from the occurrence of the Civil war and from the reckless expenditure of public moneys and which required a five per cent tax to insure the retirement of both principal and interest ;" asked for the re-establishment of the assay office and mint at New Orleans, and authorized the city to issue refunding premium bonds.
Interest in the campaign of 1876 centered in the election of governor, S. B. Packard being the nominee of the Republicans and F. T. Nicholls that of the Democrats. The result was close, involved in doubt, and eacli party claimed success. The gov- ernment of the United States sent a committee to watch the count of the State Returning Board. That body reported the election of the Republican candidates, the majority being fixed approximately at 4,000. This report was combatted by the Dem- ocratie party, who investigated the returns and announced the (lection of their candidates by about 6,000 majority. In Janu- ary, 1877, each party organized what it claimed to be the legally clected general assembly. Each declared that its candidates for electors for president and vice-president of the United States had been chosen. Each inaugurated and installed its governor and other state officers. Then followed the appointment of the elec- toral commission, through whose report R. B. Hayes became president of the United States. Finally, after many months, the president resolved to withdraw the Federal troops from their menacing positions, whereupon the Packard government slowly faded away, and that of Nicholls assumed the administration of state affairs. Thus, for the first time since the war were the Louisiana people placed in charge of the state. The delay that never should have occurred, that tore the state into tatters for more than a decade, that caused many deaths and innumerable heart-burnings, that placed the colored people in a false position, was at last correctly settled, and the long reign of humiliation,
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LOUISIANA, THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.
of misrule, of carpet-bag government and of colored and ignorant domination was at an end forever.
In his valedictory to the legislature, January, 1877, Governor Kellogg said that an organized plan of tax resistance had been inaugurated and an armed insurrection was threatened, in which emergency the legislature was appealed to for assistance. A revo- lutionary party, he said, had attempted to take possession of the lower house of the legislature and had made attempts to impeach the state officials. He declared that, the state was clearly Republican and said that the legislature of 1865-66, under the reconstruction policy of President Johnson, "tabled the Fourteenth amendment by a unanimous vote in both houses and passed laws consigning the freedinen to virtual peonage. One of the first efforts to give practical effect to the new amendment when finally adopted by the country, was met by the terrible massacre of July, 1866." In 1868 the government through the instrumentality of bayonets had opened the way for the colored vote, with the result that the Republican ticket had been elected. "That administration was at once denounced as a usurpation thrust upon the people by Federal bayonets, and the young men of the State were invited by public resolution to form themselves into clubs and arm for its over- throw. The same year ( 1868) the Vice-Presidential candidate of the Democratic party, Blair, declared the Constitutional amend- ments void and the reconstruction acts a nullity and called upon the President to suppress the usurping Southern governments established under those enactments. The result was that only about 3,000 out of 48,000 colored voters were permitted to poll their votes for President."
In his message the governor called attention to the difference between the financial condition of the state in 1873 and 1877. In 1873 the actual debt was twenty-four million ninety-three thou- sand four hundred and seven dollars, and the contingent debt twenty-one million ninety thousand five hundred dollars, and the rate of taxation was twenty-one and a half mills; in 1877 the con- solidated debt outstanding was nine million three hundred eighteen thousand three hundred and forty-two dollars, old bonds when funded two million five hundred thirty-seven thousand five hun- dred and eighty dollars, total eleven million eight hundred fifty- five thousand nine hundred and twenty-two dollars with a rate of only fourteen and a half mills.
In his message of 1877 Gov. S. B. Packard deplored the inter- nal strife rampant throughout the state, where whipping, wound- ing, intimidation and assassination were every-day occurrences. III-12
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THE PROVINCE AND THE STATES.
It seemed that the "bulldozers" had possession of the entire com- munity. The governor said it was apparent that a minority was determined to rule the state government; but he was wrong, because it was only another movement against negro domination or carpet-bag rule, the result of which rule would be to make the negro the political, and, therefore, the social equal of the whites. The white majority were steadily pursuing their course to render nugatory all such attempts. It was not a question of politics, nor of controlling the state government, nor of oppressing the colored people, except incidentally, but was a movement, the ulti- mate object of which was opposition to the social equality of the two races. The governor only partly presented the case to the court of the world. He said that a pretended election had chosen an opposing governor and a full set of state officers. As a matter of fact, the governor and state officers referred to were recognized by President Hayes and became the legal administration.
First came the fusion frauds of 1872, then the massacres of Col- fax and Coushatta, the white league riots of September, 1874, the violations of elections in 1876 and others. It was not possible to convict the leaders of the Colfax massacre, because the massacre was designed to be a terrible warning to the colored race that they could not dominate Louisiana. It was a bloody deed, but it seemed necessary. It meant that nothing short of constant Fed- eral intervention on a large scale would prevent the white race from dominating the affairs of Louisiana. It meant that the existing laws were an outrage upon the whites of the state and should be modified or repealed. It did not mean that the whites desired the re-enslavement of the negro: they willingly agreed that slavery was dead forever, but "Louisiana is a whiteman's government," was the policy that actuated the mass of white peo- ple. The rule of the negro backed by the bayonet would never be permitted; the rule of the negro in any event would never be permitted. This was the cause of the upheaval, this was the rotten spot in Denmark, this was the negro in the woodpile.
Governor Packard said, "It is pointed out that in Georgia and Alabama and other Southern States which have been 'redeemed,' as it is called, from Republican rule, peace prevails and political murders are comparatively unknown. The very statement of this proposition carries with it confession of guilt. It discloses the fact that the disorders in the South are created by the opponents of Republicanism for the purpose of obtaining control of the Gov- emment, and that until they obtain possession of the offices, whether they have such a majority of the legal voters as would
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LOUISIANA, THE RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD.
justly entitle them to those offices or not, political turmoil will continue. . The first case of successful prosecution for political crime has yet to occur in Lonisiana. . It may here be recalled that during the local election for State officers and Congressmen in 1874, the State Central Committee of the opposition passed a formal resolution pledging their influence to secure a discontinuance of political violence throughout the State upon certain conditions, which being complied with, open acts of violence against Republicans almost immediately ceased."
This statement was not denied officially then, nor is it denied in 1904. The "opposition," as it was called, had an object in view, and organized to carry that object into effect. That object they deemed a duty to them and their descendants for a thousand years. It meant the perpetuation of the white blood, the suprem- acy of the white civilization and the domination of the accumul- lated pride and social honor since 'Adam first stood in the golden garden of Eden. It meant the social separation eternally of the white and the black races. It was a rebuke to the fanatics of the North, for it meant the improvement of both the white and the black races in the lines of their color. It meant that an amal- gamated race of mulattoes would not be sanctioned by the South, nor could such a diabolical and shameful policy of social degra- dation 'be sustained even with a multiplicity of Federal muskets. It meant the triumph and domination of Latin and Anglo-Saxon pride and glory and civilization. That object was to negative the amendments to the Federal constitution, which, backed by rifles, meant the humiliation, degradation and subjugation of the whites to the blacks. Another object was to gain by artifice the control of the state government, which otherwise would continue in the hands of the negroes and their political friends. Great sacrifices were made, but the objects were accomplished. The year of our Lord 1904 sees the majority of the North applauding the accom- plishment by the South of making all of the United States a whiteman's government.
But it should be remembered that the above message of Packard was never delivered to a legal legislature. Ile was never legal governor de jure or de facto for a day ; his so called legislature, after a fitful life of a few months, died and left neither journal, nor record, and never passed a statute.
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THE PROVINCE AND THE STATES.
CHAPTER X
Events Since the Reconstruction Era
I N 11IS message of 1878, Governor Nicholls announced that all was now peace, law, order and prosperity, whereas, the year before, all had been disorder and turmoil. In 1877 state war- rants had ranged from fifty-five cents in March to ninety-nine and seven-eighths cents in December, owing almost wholly to the political troubles. In January, 1878, the state debt was eleven million seven hundred eighty-five thousand two hundred and ninety-three dollars. During the extra session of 1877, the Board of State Engineers was re-created, and their efforts soon made it manifest that the levee system would have to be vastly improved, if almost annual inundations were to be prevented. The governor said in January, 1878: "During the troubles through which Louisiana has now happily passed, her sons coolly, quietly, but steadily and firmly stood ready to assert and maintain, even to the death, the supremacy of her legally constituted authorities; their patriotic devotion to duty, gallantry and endurance, were all called into requisition at that critical period and were specially exhibited on several conspicuous occasions under your own eyes. They deserve and have the warmest gratitude of their fellow citizens."
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