USA > Massachusetts > Suffolk County > Chelsea > Documentary history of Chelsea : including the Boston precincts of Winnisimmet, Rumney Marsh, and Pullen Point, 1624-1824, vol 2 > Part 43
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The following faets concerning the relationship of these men to each other and to the 225 men, women, and children, their descend- ants, now living in Winthrop, will be of interest to many.
Andrew Tewksbury, John Tewksbury, and James Tewksbury were sons of John Tewksbury, who died in 1752. The three brothers are the ancestors of 150 people now living in Winthrop, 50 of whom bear the Tewksbury name. The John Tewksbury, Jr., was a son of John Senior, who lived in the old Bill house still standing on Beal Street.
Andrew Tewksbury married Susannah Hassey, February 18, 1762. He died in 1814, aged 75 years. His descendants now liv- ing in Winthrop number 33, and bear the following names : Tewks- bury, Floyd. Magee, Wyman. Haggerston, Hall, Gilmore. Brown.
James Tewksbury married Mary Sargent, August 16, 1770, and
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died November 7, 1800, aged 56 years. His Winthrop deseend- ants number 31, and they represent the Tewksbury, Ingalls, Rich- ardson, Eldridge, Tucker, Dunham, Greeley, Sanford, Shattuck, Griffin, Whittemore, and Cobb names.
John Tewksbury married Anna Bill, September 21, 1758, and died March 11, 1816, aged 81 years. His posterity living at the present time in Winthrop number 86, bearing the following family names: Tewksbury, Floyd, Paine, Richardson, Strout, Smith, Patch, Lindsey, Dunham, Gilmore, Griffin, Cobb, and Westlake.
Hannah Tewksbury, a daughter of John and Anna (Bill) Tewks- bury, was married to David Floyd, who lived at the Centre (now Revere), November 6, 1798. This couple with their six sons and three daughters moved to "the Point," now Winthrop, in 1825, living in the old Winthrop house, until the children married. All of thic Floyd name are included among the descendants of John Tewksbury.
There are living in Winthrop 60 descendants of Jonathan Belcher, bearing the following names: Belcher, Pomroy, Wyman, George, Battis, Treworgy, and Burrage.
While there are now no descendants of either of the Nathaniel Belchers bearing the Belcher name, these men are represented here at the present time by the descendants of Ann Beleher, a daughter of one of the Nathaniels, who married Ebenezer Burrill, and by another daughter, Martha, who married Bill Tewksbury. These descendants include all the Burrill family, and others in the Brown, George, Collins, Paine, Smith, Lindsey, Beleher, Patch, · Westlake, and Haggerston families.
A Nathaniel Belcher, who was drowned in Boston Harbor, Sep- tember 29, 1797, is one of those named in the " rool."
John Sargent's daughter, Mary, married James Tewksbury, as above stated, and his descendants are ineluded in the families named.
A John Sargent, who is supposed to be the one in the above list, died January 13, 1776, aged 59 years. Nathaniel Sargent was probably a relative of John.
The name of William Brown does not appear in the old records other than in the above list. The little information obtained con- cerning the other names is as follows :
Thomas Cleaverly married Elizabeth Tewksbury, May 6, 1762. Joshua Gleason married Anna Tewksbury, September 23, 1794. Seth Wood married Susannah Bill, March 7, 1769.
Charles Bill was one of the last of the family bearing the Bill name, and he left no children.
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Josiah Gleason is supposed to have been a brother of Joshua.
Job Worrow is a name that has been repeated in Winthrop by one generation to another, from the days of '76 to the present time. The old church records in Revere have this entry concern- ing him under the head of marriages: "1777, July 13th, Job Worrow to Anna Sennie, an indian, a mulatto." Job lived at one time on Deer Island with Captain William Tewksbury. Later he lived at Point Shirley, where he and his wife occupied a house with but one room. Many stories are still repeated of the tricks played upon old black Job by the youngsters of the old days. A few people now living remember seeing him when he was a very old man. He is said to have died in the poorhouse in Chelsea, now Revere, at the age of 100 years.
The last list of legal voters of the town of Winthrop (1897) con- tains the names of 76 men, who have in their veins the blood of some of the 17 men whose names appear in Captain Spragne's list. Twenty-two of these names are Tewksbury, 21 Belcher, 18 Floyd, 6 Wyman, 4 Burrill, 2 Magee, 1 Paine, 1 Richardson, and 1 Patch.
An enumeration of the sons and daughters of the Pullin Point Guard, other than those above referred to, would result in a long list of the residents not only of many cities and towns in Massa- chusetts, but of other States extending from Maine to California, and also of some citizens of the French Republic, at present resi- dents of England.
Amidst these exciting events the people of Chelsea were called to their political duties; for May 29 it was considered, " Will the Town Elect and depute as many members, as shall to them seem necessary and Expedient, to represent them in a Provincial Congress to be held at the meeting-house at Water- town, on the thirty-first of May, instant, . . . to Consult, deliberate and Resolve upon such further Measures, as under God shall be Effectual to save this people from impending Ruin, and to secure those inestimable Liberties, derived to us from our Ancestors, and which it is our duty to preserve for posterity ? " Deacon John Sale chosen Delegate.10
The entries in the note 11 grew ont of the affairs of May
Town Rec., i. 186.
11 May 30, 1775. Elisha Lettinwell to proceed with two teams to Chelsea and bring up from thence the cannon and other stores, saved from the schooner which has been burned by our people, and to lodge said stores in this town. - Jour. Prov. Cong., 561.
June 2. The committee to consider what shall be done with the horses
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27th, and provide for the future security of the hay, cattle, horses, sheep, ete., in exposed places.
taken by our forees from Noddle's Island, which belong to our enemics, report: that the same be delivered to the committee of supplies, to be by them used and improved for the benefit of the colony, as they shall think fit, until further order from this or some future congress or house of representatives. - Ibid., 292.
June 3. Resolved, that it be recommended to all those persons oecupy- ing the islands or sea eoasts, which are exposed to be ravaged or plundered, and cannot be defended by the inhabitants, to remove all their hay, cattle, horses, sheep, &e., so far into the country, or otherwise dispose of them, that they may be out of the way of our implacable enemies; also that the committee of correspondence in each town and distriet, or seleetmen, where no sueh committee is ehosen, take effeetual eare that this resolve be imme- diately, strictly, and fully executed, and that all persons who refuse to ecmply herewith, be viewed as disposed to furnish our enemies with sueh unremoved hay and stoek, and shall therefore be held as inimieal to the liberty and rights of this eountry. - Jour. Prov. Cong., 293.
June 21. Ordered, That Mr. James Munroe, an armorer in the provin- cial service take into his keeping a quantity of Old iron, saved out of the eutter, burned at Winnesimet Ferry, he to be aeeountable to the Committee for the same. - Jour. Prov. Cong., 573.
July 2. Recommended to the committee of correspondenee, or select- men of the town of Chelsea, to remove and secure, if practicable, the lamps and oil from the light-house at the entrance of Boston Harbor, with all the appurtenanees thereto belonging. - Jour. Prov. Cong., 442.
July 5. The Chelsea quota of eoats to be furnished for soldiers, was 31. - Ibid., 457.
July 10th. In Committee of Safety, Cambridge, July 10th, 1775. Re- solved, that the store-keeper, Mr. Cheever, be, and he is Hereby Directed, to supply Mr. Benja Gwilliam with one quarter of a Hundred of the Old Iron, Saved out of the Vessel Burnt at Chelsey, if in your Possession, it being for the Colony armorer. ABRAM WATSON, JUNR. Pr order.
Mr. Benjamin Guillam, an armorer, had an order on the committee of supplies, for two hundred pounds of iron, and what files and old brass, he has oeeasion for, for himself, and others that work in his shop. - Jour. Prov. Cong., 595.
Same date. The Commanding offieer at Chelsea, is, as soon as possible after the receipt of this order, to direet all the eattle at Pulling Point, Shirley Point, and the intermediate place between Powder-horn Hill and the sea, be driven off.
And it is recommended to the Commissary-General, to endeavor to agree with the owners of said eattle to purchase them for the use of the army. - Colonel Henshaw's Orderly Book, Proc. Mass. Hist. Soe., xv. 123.
July 15. It being found advantageous to the publie serviee to remove sundry horn eattle and sheep from the grounds near which they were graz- ing, near Chelsea (to prevent their falling into the enemy's hands), it is earnestly recommended to the several commissioners, to purehase sueh of them, as are fit for slaughter, of the owners, in order that they may suffer the least loss possible, from the unavoidable necessity of reeovering them
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CHAP. XLII] REMOVAL OF LIVE STOCK
from [the] rapacious jaws of our enemies. - Proc. Mass. Ilist. Soc., xv. 124.
August 1. Orders given from the general, for scouting parties to fire at all times, when they have opportunity. The same day, raised the mast that came out of the schooner, that was burnt at Chelsea, for to hoist our flag upon, in the fort upon Prospect Hill, in Charlestown, seventy-six feet high. Paul Lunt's Book. Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., xii. 197.
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APPENDIX
" May 27th, 1775. About 9, or 10 o.c., in the evening, we heard the cannon roar, and the small arms crack for about an hour, in the direction of Marblehead or Medford, as we thought. We have since learnt that it was Col. Putnam and his men on Noddle's Island, where he engaged the regulars, and took 300 sheep, and 200 lambs. One ship run aground, and they burnt it. Hc also took some cattle." Diary of Samuel Bixby. Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., xiv. 285.
General Ward, in a letter to John Adams, October 30, 1775, says that the battle at Chelsea was conducted by General Putnam. Frothingham, Siege of Boston, 159.
From Ezekiel Price's Diary. "Saturday, May 27. - Very warm. In the afternoon, heard the report of cannon. About sun- down, the firing of cannon was very quick. Went down to St: Davenport's, but could hear nothing of the occasion of the firing. About eleven o'clock, went down again, but could get no certain intelligence. A report that Colonel Putnam had gone with a party to Hog Island.
" Sunday, May 28. Early in the morning, report of cannon heard. At noon, received information that yesterday Colonel Putnam, with a party, went to Hog Island, to bring from thence the stock of cattle and sheep and hay there. He was opposed by the navy and army, but came off victorious, with loss of a man. He brought off a number of sheep and lambs; he also burnt a tender, after taking out her guns, stores, and ammunition; he also killed about twelve of the English horses, and brought away three alive, which had been put on the island, to recruit of their fatigue on the passage. It is said this success has given the colonel and the country troops great spirits. In the afternoon, several persons, passing by, heard the report of cannon. It is supposed that a new move is made towards Chelsea.
" Monday, May 29. - had confirmation of the account of Col- onel Putnam's engagement and success. He had five men wounded : onc, it is said, died of his wounds. The Regulars had several killed and wounded, - the number uncertain." Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., vii. 185 et seq.
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From the log-book of the British ship " Preston," preserved in the Admiralty Office in London : -
1775, Saturday, May 27. . . . At two p. M., saw a number of rebels on Noddle's Island destroying the liay ; and made the signal for landing the marines, and sent the " Diana " schooner round to cut off their retreat. She went as far as there was water but the marines drove them off the island. The rebels kept up a constant fire on the " Diana " from Hog Island and the main, which she returned with great spirit: At seven, she got all the boats ahead to tow her. The rebels kept up a constant fire on the boats; which, at last, became so warm, that they were ordered to cast off. Unfor- tunately for her, a breeze sprung up, which set her in upon the rebels' shore. Notwithstanding all these circumstances, she was defended with great spirit until the tide quitted her. She fell on her beam-ends, so that it was impossible any longer to stand the deck.
Sunday, 28. Moderate and fair. The officers and people re- treated to the " Somerset " tender, which lay there for that purpose. At three, A. M., the tide having left her quite dry, the rebels boarded, plundered, and set her on fire, but not without a few grape-shot from the tender who was yet close by. The marines took post on the island for that night, and when all was over, were re-enforced with two hundred men from the garrison. The tender, after seeing no possibility of saving the " Diana," slipped, and came up the harbor. At twelve, the " Cerberus's " quarter-deck guns were sent to the island ; and, at six, two field-pieces from the garrison. They fired several times at the rebels on the continent.
Monday, 29. Light airs, and fair. Made the signals for all boats, and sent them to take marines off Noddle's Island.
Wednesday, 31. Light airs. P. M., a number of rebels came, and set fire to a dwelling-house on Noddle's Island ; fired several shots to prevent their destroying our stores. A. M., made the signal for all boats manned and armed ; with which, and a party of marines, we brought away all our stores, except the casks, staves, &e.
JUNE. Thursday, 1. Fresh breezes, and elcar. Employed in securing the stores taken from the island. A. M. The rebels burnt the store-house, and with it sixty butts, forty puncheons, thirty-six hogsheads, six hundred butt and three hundred puncheon staves, with four hundred iron hoops.
Saturday, 3. Light airs, and fair. Fired several times at the rebels, to prevent their entrenching on the island. Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., v. 53, 54.
The foregoing account by a high officer, made under a sense of official responsibility, is clear and doubtless accurate in respect to
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all matters which came within his personal knowledge. It is by far the best which I have seen, and, therefore, I have given it in full.
Newell's Journal of May 27th, leads one to suppose that the first crossing was to Noddle's Island. Mass. Hist. Coll., i. 262.
CHAP. XLIII]
IN THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR
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CHAPTER XLIII
CHELSEA IN THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. - BUNKER HILL
THE military affairs in Chelsea, and the forces raised and sent there, between April 19th and June 17th, 1775, have been mentioned. At the latter date three companies of Gerrish's regnnent were at Sewall's Point, Brookline; three at Cambridge, and three at Chelsea.1 Those at Chelsea withont doubt were Captain Samuel Sprague's and Captain Richard and Captain Barnabas Dodge's. The Committee of Safety, May 24th, " Voted, That the commissary-general be directed to supply twenty-five of Captain Sprague's company, who are stationed at Chelsea." 2 Nevertheless, it does not appear that his company was in commission; for, as late as June 26th, " A list of the officers and soldiers of Captain Samuel Sprague's company," was presented to the Provincial Congress, which " Ordered, that commissions be delivered to the said officers, viz: Samuel Sprague, captain; Joseph Cheever, lieutenant ; William Oliver, ensign; and that the company be joined to Colonel Gerrish's regiment." 3
If Captain Spragne was without commission, and his com- pany unattached to any regiment before June 26th, it is not easy to understand how he could have joined in " a meeting of eight captains of Gerrish's regiment, June 16, at Chelsea, when Loammi Baldwin was chosen lientenant-colonel, and Richard Dodge, major. Christian Febiger was adjutant, Michael Farley was quartermaster, and David Jones, sur- geon." 4 The fact seems to be, as Frothingham states, that on the 17th of June, Gerrish's regiment was neither full nor its officers commissioned.5
1 Frothingham's Siege of Boston, 178.
2 Jour. Prov. Cong., 557.
8 Ibid., 401.
4 Frothingham, 178.
" See Appendix.
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It does not appear that any of the companies at Chelsea participated in the battle of Bunker Hill; but those stationed on the Naval Hospital Grounds had an excellent position from which to observe the progress of the affair, and one of them has given an account of what he saw in the following letter, written the next day. For a copy of it I am indebted to Mr. Charles Dennison, of Chelsea, a descendant of the person to whom it was addressed.
Chelsea, June 18, 1775.
Hon. Father:
I take this opportunity to inform you that I am well at present, Blessed be God for it. I suppose you will have had heard of the fight before these lines comes to hand. Our company was not in the fight. Our army, the night before, hove up a Breast-Work on Charlestown Point. In the morning, the Fort fired from Boston, and the Ships fired into our Breast-Work. At one o'clock, in the afternoon, the British Troops landed on the point, about 3,500, and marched up to our Breast-Work, and our men gave them the first fire from the Breast-Work & Fence. The fire held 3/4 of an hour. But how many were killed, I know not. How many of our men were killed, I know not. But the fight is not done. Our army retreated to Winter Hill. Capt. Rowe was in the fight, & Capt. Collins. Charlestown is burnt, and all the houses on the Point up to Penney Ferry.
Such a day, New England never Saw. I Saw a number of the troops lay dead. It is thought the troops will not return untill we, or the Troops, give up the Point. I have not time to write to my wife; But, by the blessing of God, I hope to return. Remem- ber me to all my friends. Pray, send me, by John Pearse, your Sword. The boys are well. Gideon Carter is well. There was but 200 of our men, when the fight begun. I heard that Capt. Warner & Capt. Rowe, & Capt. Collins lost some men. I have sent my watch home, by Mr. Lane.
I have nothing more, at present; but you will hear more soon, very soon.
Sir, I am your dutiful son.
JOSEPH EDES.
To Mr. Isaac Dennison, at Gloucester.
May 7, 1775, the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, styled the colonies then opposing the British Crown, " The
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CHAP. XLIII] £ IN THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR
Twelve United Colonies," and June 15th, chose George Wash- ington, Commander-in-Chief of the American Army. By these acts the provincial forces around Boston became the " Continental Army," thenceforth to be recruited, supplied, and regulated by Congress. For recruiting, that body made requisitions upon each colony for its quota of men, duly armed and equipped, to be raised as each might think best. In New England this was made effective (after a fashion) by requi- sitions, according to their population ; and thence forward dur- ing the war their histories, which had been mainly imunicipal, caine to take on a somewhat national character. I shall there- fore set forth, as completely as I can, every recorded pro- cceding of Chelsea relating to the war, though grouping them under several heads.
July 3, 1775, when Washington took command of the army at Cambridge, the British general was in Boston with the light-horse, and a few other troops, while the bulk of his army lay on Bunker Hill, busy throwing up intrenchments, and the remainder were on the neck between Boston and Roxbury, which had been strongly fortified.
The American army formed a line around the landward side of Boston and Charlestown, extending nearly twelve miles, from the Mystic river to Dorchester. Intrenehments and redoubts had been begun at different points, and were in progress. The regiments from New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and part of those from Connecticut, occupied Winter and Prospect Hills; several Massachusetts regiments were at Cam- bridge, and 'others, from Connecticut and Massachusetts, cov- ered the high grounds in Roxbury.6
Washington made three divisions of his army. That form- ing the left wing was stationed at Winter Hill, commanded by Major-General Lee; the centre was at Cambridge, under Major-General Putnam; and the right at Roxbury, under Major-General Ward. The headquarters of the Commander- in-Chief were with the centre at Cambridge.7
Washington's purpose was to capture Howe's army, or to drive it into the sea. Howe's purpose was to destroy Washing- ton's army by piercing its centre at Cambridge, or by turning
" Sparks's Washington, 133.
" Ibid., 136.
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either flank. To accomplish the purpose of either was diffi- cult; for Howe's left, protected by strong fortifications across Boston Neck, was only assailable over a narrow peninsula, by disciplined troops, supported by effective artillery, which Washington lacked. Howe's centre was covered by the Charles River and adjacent marshes, passable only when frozen, or by a flotilla, which Washington also lacked. His right was pro- tected, so long as he hield the Charlestown Heights, strongly fortified, and his gunboats patrolled the Charles and the Mystic.
On the other hand Howe would encounter very serious obstacles in an attempt to turn our right by the way of Rox- bury; and the only direct movement by land against our centre at Cambridge was through what is now Somerville, over roads commanded by strong redoubts on Plowed, Pros- pect, and Winter Hills. To reach our left by the north bank of the Mystic was impracticable, on account of impassable marshes. Nor had Howe light-draft vessels, with which to fall upon Washington's rear by moving his forces up the Mystic to Medford. This might have been practicable, had Howe with an adequate force landed at Winnisimmet Ferry, and turning the Malden marshes, followed the uplands to Medford. To guard against this, companies were stationed at Winnisimmet and Malden. A guard was on the easterly slope of Mt. Washington, easterly of which the marshes protected Washington's left flank; and on the top of Powderhorn Hill was a station, from which were signalled to Winter Hill, and soon made known to Washington, the movements of the British fleet and army, as well as of the boats which crossed Chelsea Ferry.
After the removal of the live stock from Hog and Noddle's Islands beyond British foraging parties, the health of that army suffered for want of fresh provisions, which Nova Scotia could not supply; and there was danger of a movement in force to obtain these in the rich counties of Essex and Middle- sex, which was practicable only by way of Winnisimmet Ferry.8
8 26 December, 1775. Upon Application from the Towns aforesaid (as also from those of Chelsea and Malden), on or about the first of May, last, to the committee of safety of this colony, who then had the direc-
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CHAP. XLIII] IN THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR
There were other circumstances, which made a force of observation necessary at Chelsea. Both Whigs and Tories cooped up in Boston, having lost hope of an accommodation of affairs, desired to join their friends in the country; but this did not accord with the views of either party. For while Howe would gladly have got rid of non-combatants, especially those afflicted with small-pox, which endangered the health of his soldiers, and of all who consumed his scanty provisions, without adding to the efficiency of his army; on the other hand, it was his policy to retain within his lines both rich Whigs and Tories, who, and whose property once outside, would serve the provincials as hostages, or contribute to their scanty means for carrying on the war.
Washington's policy, on the other hand, was to embarrass Howe with the feeding of non-combatants in Boston; to with-
tion of raising and stationing the forces within the same, praying that they (would from a consideration of the situation of said towns, and that the enemy could land in any of them from Boston Harbor within an hour after they enter their boats, and in some parts less than llalf an Hour: and, also, that they could from thence, easily penetrate into the Country), order a detachment from the Camps, or a Guard, to be stationed in these Towns. The said Committee of Safety, with the Council of War, after full inquiry and deliberation determined that it was neces- sary, that a party should be constantly stationed at the sea-coasts of these towns to watch the motions of the enemy, and prevent their land- ing; but as no troops could well be spared at that time, from either of the camps at Cambridge or Roxbury, they directed that there should immediately be raised, one company in Hingham, one in Weymouth, and two in Braintree (also two at Chelsea & Malden) and that these com- panies should join such regiments in future, as should be directed. The men were raised, as ordered, and were then, and ever have been, con- sidered as part of the 13,600 men, to be raised by this colony: they were so considered by the General officers, and have been employed in such service, place & places, as the commanding officer at Roxbury hath, from time to time, directed, as will appear by his orders to the several captains of said Companies, some copies of which accompany this representation. A company from Roxbury was, as soon as the state of that Camp would admit of, detached to the assistance of these four companies, and upon their being remanded in August last two other companies, also part of the Continental Army, were sent to supply their place, and the place of a company drawn from Cohasset, a town adjoining Hingham. When these four Companies were raised, this colony had it not in contemplation to raise men for the general defence of the sea coasts: and they never have been considered by us in any other point of view than as part of our quota for the common defence; and, being stationed far within the narrow limits of the harbor of Boston, his excellency will undoubtedly from all these considerations grant the reasonable request of this Court, and order these forces to be paid by the United Colonies. - Journal of House of Representatives, p. 78.
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