USA > Massachusetts > History of Massachusetts, for two hundred years: from the year 1620 to 1820 > Part 34
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General Lincoln addressed a letter to the insurgents from Hadley, advising them to separate ; but the leaders required a promise from him of pardon for their conduct, which he was not authorized to make. He could only use his influence for such measures of clemency as the general court might approve. The insurgents sent a petition to the governor, proposing to lay down their arms and disperse, on assurance of forgiveness. But, at this stage of the insurrection, he did not think it proper to give any such promise, or to hold any correspondence with them while they continued under arms. The general court soon assembled, and expressed their full approbation of the conduct of the executive, and also formally declared the exist- ence of a dangerous rebellion in the state.
In the meantime, General Lincoln, finding the insurgents did not disperse, but even received some accession to their party, and that a spirit of opposition and menace was prevail- ing in Berkshire, made a prompt movement and advanced on Petersham, a distance of thirty miles, during the night. It was severely cold, and his men suffered a great deal. General Lincoln reached Petersham at an early hour of the morning, and when the insurgents had no expectation of his approach. Most of them fled immediately, and without making any op- position ; among which were the leaders. One hundred and fifty were taken prisoners. Those who were the most obnox- ious to government, from their great activity and influence in stirring up and protracting the rebellion, left the state, as the only means of safety.
The militia, under General Lincoln, were engaged for thirty days only : the general court, therefore, before they heard of the dispersion of the rebels, voted to raise others for three months, unless sooner discharged. But when the intelligence of General Lincoln's success arrived, they gave authority to the governor to employ such number as he might judge necessary, and for the period he might direct.
It was known, that in Berkshire, many were illy disposed, though a great portion of the citizens were firm supporters of the measures of the government. A voluntary association of five hundred was formed for the support of order and the laws. About this time, a portion of these were met by a number of the insurgents, who fired as they approached ; one of the friends of government rode up to them boldly, and ordered them to throw down their arms. Some of them fled, but the greater part gave up their arms, and took the oath of alle- giance to the state, as required by a late law. Other parties of the insurgents assembled in different sections of the county,
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and threatened the friends of government ; but they were soon dispersed by General Patterson, commanding the militia in that county. Soon after, a party entered Berkshire from the state of New York, but chiefly inhabitants of Massachusetts, who had then lately fled, and proceeded to Stockbridge, where they threatened the people who were known to be friendly to government, and put some of them under guard. Colonel Ashley collected the militia from the neighboring towns to quell them; and as he approached them they fired, when he advanced and returned the fire. The fire continued some minutes from both parties ; but the insurgents soon fled, leav- ing two of their number slain, and nearly thirty wounded. Two of the militia, under Colonel Ashley, were also killed.
By the united prudence and firmness of the governor, aided by the majority of the legislature, the promptness of the mili- tia in most places, and by the influence of wise and discreet individuals, an unhappy rebellion was early suppressed, with the loss of only a very few lives, and a small expense to the state. Had there not been great firmness and energy in the executive, the evil would have been far more extensive ; and had more severity been used, the records of the commonwealth would have been stained with blood for many years. Several officers of the revolutionary army gave efficient aid to the mili -. tia sent out by government, besides Lincoln, Shepard, and Brooks ; among whom were Patterson, and Ashley, of Berk- shire, and Tupper, Putnam, and Baldwin, of Worcester. And most of the leading men of the revolution, not of the military, were firm supporters of the measures of Governor Bowdoin.
The most active among the deluded men, who excited the insurrection, fled from the state ; and though demanded of the authorities of the states, where they were supposed to be re- siding, were not apprehended. In most cases, they probably were secreted, if they did not go beyond the bounds of the United States.
When the supreme judicial courts were first afterwards holden in the several counties, many indictments were made for treason ; and six persons were found guilty in Berkshire, six in Hampshire, one in Worcester, and one in Middlesex. They were sentenced to the punishment of death, by the court. Eight of them were afterwards pardoned, and the others were reprieved.
CHAPTER XXVI.
Boundary line between Massachusetts and New York settled both on west and east of Hudson river-Delegates to a general convention to revise the confederation-Mr. Hancock chosen governor in 1787-Objections to Mr. Bowdoin unjust-The most intelligent were his supporters-Produce a tender for debts-Governor's salary reduced-Domestic manufactures encouraged-Attempts to pay off the public debt-Federal constitution formed and presented to the states for adoption-Objections to constitu- tion ; a subject of great discussion-Small majority in its favor-Amend- ments proposed by the convention.
THE controversy with the State of New York, as to the claims of Massachusetts to lands west of Hudson River, was settled in 1786. The dispute was of ancient date. New York at one time denied the right of Massachusetts to any lands west of that river : and Massachusetts claimed the width of its bounds on the seaboard to the west, till it reached the extreme limits of the United States, by the treaty of 1783 ; excepting a certain distance from the river fully and clearly included in the early patent of New York. The subject was referred to congress in 1784, by the two states, and commis- sioners appointed, who held several meetings to hear the agents of each state concerned, but came to no decision. Agents from the two states met at Hartford, in December, 1786, and agreed that Massachusetts should have the preemp- tive right to two large tracts of land within the territory which it claimed, being about 5,000,000 acres ; but which was a small part of the whole tract demanded ; and that the jurisdiction should be and remain in New York. In 1787, these lands were sold, or the right to buy them of the Indians, for $1,000- 000. And during the same year, the bounds between New York and Massachusetts, on the east side of Hudson River, were definitely fixed. There had been frequent disputes respecting the line ; and acts of violence were sometimes committed by those who set up interfering claims. A decision was made in 1773, by commissioners from New York and Massachusetts ;
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but the war of the revolution took place before the decision and agreement received the confirmation of the king.
At the session of the general court in March, it was order- ed, that a portion of the tax then collecting might be paid in public securities ; which proved a great accommodation to the people, who could purchase them far below their nominal value. Provision was also made by a land lottery, for redeem- ing $160,000 of the public paper, which made a part of the debt of the state. Several townships of land in Maine were surveyed and divided into lots. Every ticket entitled the holder to a lot of land, more or less valuable according to its relative situation. The tickets were sold for public paper. The land was set at a low price ; but there was so much wild land then in the market, that the scheme proved no better to many of the public creditors than to have disposed of their paper for a sixth part of the nominal sum.
In March, 1787, the general court voted to send delegates to a convention proposed to be holden in May following, to consider the expediency of giving greater authority to Con- gress, for the regulation of commerce with foreign countries, and for providing a revenue by impost to pay the public debt .* Governor Bowdoin had suggested and urged it on the legisla- ture in June, 1785 ; and they approved of the proposal, and communicated it to the other states, and to congress. The committees, which met in Maryland in September, 1786, were in favor of the proposition ; the assembly of Virginia after- wards formally expressed an opinion in favor of it ; and con- gress also recommended the measure, as necessary to the credit and respectability of the United States.
In 1787, Mr. Hancock was again a candidate for governor, and was chosen by a large majority of votes. Governor Bow- doin was also a candidate, and received a respectable support. But an opinion prevailed, that Mr. Hancock would be in favor of milder or more indulgent measures towards the people, in deferring the collection of taxes and the payment of the public debt. Mr. Bowdoin was accused of being too friendly to cap- italists and to the public creditors, and of urging the payment of demands on the state. These charges were without proof ; unless it was meant that he was desirous of supporting public credit, and using constitutional anthority for the maintenance of law and order in the commonwealth. Nor indeed could Mr. Hancock be justly charged with countenancing the dis-
* The delegates from Massachusetts were Francis Dana, Elbridge Gerry. Nathaniel Gorham, Caleb Strong, and Rufus King.
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orders of the people, or with indifference to the public credit. And yet the former was believed to be more firm in support of the honor and authority of government, and the latter more compassionate or more indulgent to the necessitous condition of the people .* The feelings of the citizens, in some towns, where opposition to the laws had prevailed, were displayed by electing those for representatives whose sympathies were wholly on the side of the discontented ; but these were not so numerous as to prevent resolves and votes approving or pursuing the policy of Governor Bowdoin. And the senate elected Samuel Ad- ams for their president at this time, who had been the decided supporter of the measures of the executive in 1786.
A proposition was made, in June, 1787, for an emission of paper money, with the belief that it would afford some relief to the people in the payment of their taxes and debts, but it was not adopted. But the law was continued, allowing the debtor to tender certain articles of produce for the discharge of his debts, when specie could not be obtained. The creditor sometimes suffered by the operation of the law ; but the circum- stances of the country were believed to justify the act.
A committee was appointed, at this time, to consider the expediency of lessening the salaries of some public officers. Governor Hancock relinquished one third of his salary for the year; but stated, that he wished it might not be considered a precedent for future years. The year following he intimated his expectation of receiving the former amount; the general court, however, did not grant it. Mr. Bowdoin had been desired to relinquish a portion of the salary, when he was in the chair, but declined doing it, from an apprehension that it would be made a precedent in future. Governor Hancock, it was reported, afterwards regretted his conduct in this respect.
In 1786, when the complaints of the people were the most general, on account of heavy taxes, an agreement was made by some of the most respectable characters in the state, to dis- courage the use of foreign goods, and to manufacture cloths in families for common consumption. Governor Bowdoin was at the head of this society. And it was an important measure. Had it been adopted two or three years earlier, it would have
* Mr. Hancock was distinguished as being the friend of liberty ; and Mr. Bowdoin the supporter of the laws; as if law and liberty might be placed in opposition to each other. Such a distinction must have been set up in later times ; but for what good purpose it would be difficult perhaps to show. Both Hancock and Bowdoin were advocates for law and liberty. The for- mer had less firmness than the latter in supporting law ; or was more de- sirous of the popular favor, which prevented his maintaining the authority of law, in opposition to the popular feelings.
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been of great benefit, and prevented, in some measure, the difficulties which ensued. For the embarrassments of 1786 arose, in part, from a great purchase of English goods, for the payment of which the specie was sent out of the country. The plan, however, was attended with some good, as it gave a check to the expenditure of the people for superfluities, and taught them habits of industry and frugality.
Efforts were still made, and plans devised, by the legislature, to restore and support public credit, but nothing could be done at once to secure so desirable a result. And it was hoped that sufficient power would be given to congress to provide for this most important object. Commerce increased, and afforded a revenue, which was a great help; but the avails were less than if there had been uniform regulations in all the states. This was not to be effected till congress should be empowered to legislate on the subject, for the whole union.
The general court was in session, in October, which had then long been usual; when the governor informed them that a new tax would be necessary, and that arrears of former taxes must also be collected. The legislature accordingly ordered the treasurer to issue warrants against collectors of. the taxes for 1784 and 1785. The interest of the debt of the state, at this time, (1787,) was $300,000. And such were the neces- sities of government, that a large sum, arising from imposts and pledges to pay interest, and soldiers' wages long due, was ap- propriated to meet the current expenses.
The federal constitution, formed by the convention at Phila- delphia, was received by the governor, at this time, and he immediately laid it before the general court. He spoke of it as the result of great deliberation, and of a spirit of conciliation by some of the ablest men in the union, and suggested the necessity of calling a convention in the state, to consider whether they would approve of it. There were but a few members of the general court so much opposed to it, as to ob- ject to a convention, though many had objections to the former. And it was decided to submit it to a meeting of delegates, chosen in the several towns, in the manner representatives were elected to the legislature. The convention was holden in January, 1788, as proposed, and consisted of three hundred and sixty members. Governor Hancock was chosen its presi- dent.
There were various objections offered against the constitu- tion; and the majority of the convention, when it first miet, was opposed to it. Some persons had prejudices against it, which were removed by the more intelligent members. But
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many were opposed to it, as giving too much power to congress, and as lessening the powers of the state legislatures, so far as to deprive them wholly of the attributes of sovereignty and inde- pendence. Biennial elections instead of annual were objected to, and the number of representatives was considered too limited. The principle recognised, that five slaves should be counted as three freemen, in deciding the number of representatives in a state, was strongly opposed. The principal objection was the first above noticed. It was said, that the states would have less power than when provinces; and that the government pro- posed would be a national or consolidated government, and would exercise the whole authority of the country.
It was admitted, by the friends of the constitution, that great power was given to congress ; far more than under the confeder- ation. But, it was said, that such was the design in calling a convention ; that the defects and evils of the old system were seen and deplored by every one ; that congress must have full and complete powers relating to all subjects of a general con- cern, and for regulating commerce with foreign countries; and that it should have power also to collect a revenue from com- merce, for the payment of the public debt. It was further contended that the power given to congress was no greater than was necessary to remedy the evils which had existed, and to provide for the defence and welfare of the United States. The danger of anarchy, if this constitution should be rejected, was also represented to be imminent and almost inevitable.
It was the general opinion, that the government for the United States must be complete in congress, so that it should have power to enforce obedience to its laws, instead of merely recommending or advising measures for the separate states to adopt. The chief question was, in what cases and in what respects, congress should have the sole and complete authority. It was said it ought to have the power on all subjects of a general or national interest ; as peace and war, a navy, foreign commerce and foreign intercourse ; the collection of a revenue, and providing for payment of debts incurred by the war, which was of equal concern to all the states. But then there must be a national legislature, executive and judiciary, to give effi- ciency to the system ; and this would be a consolidated gov- ernment, and, therefore, destroy or encroach too much on the power of the separate states. Hence arose the difficulty. On this point, honest and able men differed. It was said by those opposed to the constitution, that it far exceeded the design proposed in calling the convention, which was merely to give congress power to make uniform commercial regulations, and
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to impose one system of imposts for all the states, that a reve- nue might be raised to pay off the continental debt. But it was replied, that such a system would require full power in congress to enforce its laws touching that object; which would render courts and a naval force necessary, as well as complete authority in collectors and other officers of the customs, to be all under the control of congress, and not of an individual state. And it was shewn, that full power in congress was also neces- sary for the welfare and prosperity of the union, as to disputes between the states, for the disposition of public lands, and the general improvement and government of the whole.
In these respects, it was true that the new government would be a consolidated one ; but that such was wanted ; and without it, the states would soon become so many distinct nations and sovereignties, which would prove of infinite mischief, and pro- bably the ruin of all. It was admitted, at the same time, that in all cases, except those of a general nature, and for the com- mon safety and prosperity, the states should exercise the powers formerly enjoyed, and which related to the internal affairs and peculiar circumstances of each. Some of the most zealous advocates for the constitution allowed that the national government could exercise no powers except those clearly given; and that it was an essential part of the federal system, that the separate states should still use all authority not ex- pressly delegated to congress for the benefit of the union.
It was thus understood and conceded, that the government proposed by the constitution would be partly federal and partly national. National, in so far as it was to legislate and provide for the general defence, welfare and prosperity of the union; and federal, in that it was to be a government of limited pow- ers, given by the states for specific purposes, to which no indi- vidual state was competent, and in the formation of which the states were represented in a twofold view, one as an entire state, whatever was its extent, and the other as might be its relative population.
The convention in Massachusetts was in session several weeks, and the opponents of the constitution were, at an early period, the most numerous. But the arguments of its friends finally prevailed ; and when the votes were given for and against it, there was a majority of nineteen in favor of adopting it. This result was probably owing to a proposition, made by Governor Hancock, that several articles should be recom- mended to be incorporated as a part of the constitution. This was not a condition, indeed, of its adoption; but it induced several to vote for it, in the hope that these articles would be
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added. Their object was to restrain the exercise of power in congress strictly within the grants and provisions of the con- stitution, and to preserve to the several states all authority not clearly given by that instrument. Most of the articles proposed by the convention in Massachusetts, were approved by two thirds of the states, and became part of the federal constitution. But few states had accepted of the constitution when Massa- chusetts voted to adopt it; and, as it was one of the largest states, this vote probably had an influence in its favor, in some other parts of the union. General Washington discovered great anxiety while it was in discussion in Massachusetts, and was highly gratified by its acceptance.
Most of those who opposed the constitution, when it was under discussion, after its adoption had the candor to give it their support : but there was still a difference of opinion on the subject, after the federal government went into operation. Some were for a rigid construction of the clauses giving power to congress, and were jealous lest it should in any case exceed the authority delegated; while others were ready to allow dis- cretionary powers, or to permit congress to put their own con- struction on the constitution.
The blessings of the federal government soon became appar- ent, in the increased enterprise and prosperity of the country, and in the confidence created in the public credit. But in no part of the United States were these advantages seen more than in Massachusetts. The pursuits of a large portion of her citizens were directed to commerce and navigation, and these prospered under the new government. Her debt, arising from great expenses and efforts to support the war of the revolution, was a burden and a cause of constant complaint; and this was to be provided for by congress, except a small amount com- paratively, which the state alone must meet.
CHAPTER XXVII.
Federal Government favorable to Commerce-Assumes the debt of the State in part-Debt and Taxes-Public Credit restored-Slave Trade pro- hibited-Conduct of Mr. Hancock towards the Lt. Governor-New York and Virginia propose another Convention-Massachusetts disapproves the plan-Members of Congress-Address of General Court to President Washington-The Brass Field-Pieces, Hancock and Adams-President Washington's Tour-Address to him-Reply of Washington.
THE federal government was organized in April, 1789; and among the first acts were those for regulating foreign trade and commerce by uniform laws, and for raising a revenue from this source, to be appropriated to the payment of the public debt. The credit of the United States was thus at once and permanently established; and by assuming a great part of the debts due from individual states, Massachusetts was relieved in some measure from the burdens which had been pressing on the people for several years. On an adjustment of expenses and advances made by all the states, and by each, it was found that Massachusetts had large claims on the general government, which would go to lessen the portion, otherwise belonging to her to pay. But even on this adjustment, the state had a great amount to be answerable for ; and congress having now all the revenue arising from impost duties, the state debt was large, compared to its resources to pay. The tax for 1788 was $220,000, while that for three years past was in great part uncollected.' In 1789 it was much less ; the sum required for the interest on the public debt being about $200,000, and the support of .government $50,000; but the avails of the excise, which was laid by an act of the state, and still in force, was not sufficient to pay half of that amount. A committee of the general court, chosen in June, 1789, soon after reported that, deducting allowances by congress, and the proceeds of sales of land in New York, the debt of the state would be but a little
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more than a million of dollars ; but the sum necessary for the support of the civil list was to be added to this, in estimating the amount annually to be raised. The public tax was there- fore reduced, after this year, far below that assessed for many previous years.
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