USA > Massachusetts > History of Massachusetts, for two hundred years: from the year 1620 to 1820 > Part 45
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" And Zuinglius saith, a church is taken for the severall con- gregations, which conveniently meete together in some one place, for the hearing of the word and receiving of the sacra- ments. The Greeks call these parikias. And of this manner of church Christ speaks, Mat. xviii; and the apostle to the Corinthians.
" Peter Martir saith, we confesse the government and eccle- siastical power are given to the whole church. He also saith, without the consent of the church no one can be excommuni- cated: this right belongs to the church, neither ought it to be taken away from it. He also affirmeth, that government is a
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notable portion of the gospel, and not the least part of the chris- tian religion: and that the gospel seemeth to be neglected by them who put away so excellent a part thereof.
" Chemnicius saith, that Paul and Barnabas did not thrust ministers on the church without their consent; and that the election of ministers, by the historie of the apostles and their example, appears clearly to belong to the whole church: and that this is the way of the apostlic, primitive and ancient church, concerning the lawful election and calling of ministers; which way hath place in those churches which are constituted accord- ing to the word of God.
" Junius saith, it is manifest that way of choosing and calling ministers is most approved by the holy scriptures which the apostles kept in the churches. And when the bishops did arro- gate that power to themselves and deprive them of it, it was to the damage and shame of the churches; and that way he before showed was that the whole church did choose by equall and common voyces. But some will say, the people are ignorant of their duty and right herein. Let them be taught, then, and they will understand it. But they know not how to use it aright. They will never know it, if they do never use it. But they are factious often and divided into parties. Let them be reduced to peace by wholesome counsell; and let them be ruled by the authority of the word and the endeavours of good men, that their minds being well ordered they may do that which is their duty to do.
"I might add much more; for the whole current of all these excellent devines, and first lights and guides of the reformed churches, run in one stream in this way. But these must suf- fice: By which you may see from the scriptures how they shew what the church is; what power it hath, both in choosing and ordaining or confirming their own officers; and in deposing, if the case so require; as also to receive the worthy and to ex- communicate the guilty when proper; and that it is not only an injurie for any to deprive of this their right and libertie; but that it was no less than sacriledge and tyrannous usurpation in the lordly hirarchie so to do."
See page 16. The pastors of the church of puritans, gathered in Lincolnshire, &c., and which removed to Amsterdam, and thence to Leyden, before coming to America, were Cliffton and Robinson. The former was much the oldest, and died at Am- sterdam, before the church settled in Leyden. The opinions and advice of Robinson, to those of the church who settled Plymouth, in 1620, are worthy of everlasting remembrance. "When we parted with our beloved pastor," says Governor Winslow, " he charged us, before God and his holy angels, to
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follow him no further than he followed Christ: and that if God should reveal any thing to us by any other instrument of his, to be as ready to receive it, as ever we were to receive any truth by his ministry. For he was very confident that the Lord had more truth and light yet to break forth from his holy word. He took occasion also miserably to bewail the state of the reformed churches, who were come to a period in religion, and would go no further than the instruments of their reforma- tion. As, for example, the Lutherans could not be drawn to go beyond what Luther saw; for whatever part of God's word He had further revealed to Calvin, they had rather die than em- brace it: and so, also, said he, you see the Calvinists, they stick where he left them; a misery much to be lamented: for though they were precious and shining lights in their times, yet God had not revealed his whole will to them. And were they now alive, said he, they would be as ready to embrace further light as that they had received. Here also he put us in mind of our church covenant; whereby we engaged with God and one another, to receive whatever light or truth should be made known to us from His written word. But withal exhorted us to take heed what we receive for truth; and well to examine, compare and weigh it with other scriptures before we receive it. For, said he, it is not possible the christian world should come so lately out of such anti-christian darkness, and that full perfection of knowledge should brake forth at once."
As an apology for not adopting all the doctrines and forms required of him by the church of England, the celebrated John Cotton, (many years the faithful and able pastor of the church in Boston,) in a letter to his bishop, in 1633, just before he left Great Britain for Massachusetts, says, " your lordship well knoweth it to be a principle both of the prophets and apostles, and it holdeth in every religious man, justus ex fide sua vivit, non aliena. And, therefore, however I do highly prize and much prefer other men's judgment, learning, wisdom and piety, in things pertaining to God and his worship, I must live and act according to my own faith, and not according to theirs."
See page 18. The following is the whole of the instrument or compact framed and agreed to, on board the May Flower, in Cape Cod harbor, November 11th, 1620.
" In the name of GOD, Amen. We whose names are here underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign Lord, King James, by the grace of GOD, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, King, defender of the faith, &c., having undertaken, for the glory of GOD, and the advancement of the christian faith, and the honor of our king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do, by these PRE-
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SENTS, solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves together, in a civil body politic, for our own better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute and frame such just and equal laws, ordinan- ces, acts, constitutions and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most convenient for the general good of the colony ; to which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof, we have hereto subscribed our names. Cape Cod, eleventh of November, in the year of the reign of our sovereign Lord, King James of England, France and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth, Anno Domini, 1620.
(Fac Simile of the signatures of ) Wiliam Bruford Mitfre Brakstor
Signed: John Carver. William Bradford. William Brewster. Edward Winslow. Miles Standish.
Isaac Allerton. John Alden. Samuel Fuller. Stephen Hopkins. Richard Warren. John Howland. &c.
E10: Sms Lon.
Myles Standishy
We will here add extracts from the General Fundamentals, or Declaration of the warrantable grounds and proceedings of the first proceedings of the government of New Plymouth, 1636. (Published, but probably not printed.)
" We, the associates of the Colony of New Plymouth, com- ing hither as free-born subjects of the kingdom of England, endowed with all and singular the privileges belonging to such; being assembled, do enact, ordain, and constitute,-That no act, imposition, law or ordinance be made or imposed upon us, at present or to come, but such as shall be enacted by consent of the body of freemen, or associates, or their representatives legally assembled; which is according to the free liberties of
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the free-born people of England. And for the well govern- ing of this colony, it is also resolved and ordered, that there be a free election, annually, of governor, deputy governor, and assistants, by the vote of the freemen of the corporation. It is also enacted, that justice and right be equally and impartially administered to all; not sold, denied, nor causelessly deferred to any. That, as the great and known end of the first comers, in 1630, leaving their native country and all that was dear to them there, transporting of themselves over the vast ocean, into this remote, waste wilderness, and thereby willingly conflicting with dangers, losses, hardships and distresses, sore and not a few -was, that without offence they might, (under the protection of their native prince, together with the enlargement of his majesty's dominion, ) with the liberty of a good conscience, enjoy the pure scriptural worship of God, without the mixture of human inventions and impositions; and that their children after them might walk in the holy ways of the Lord."
See page 20. Blaxton left Boston in 1634-5; and it is stated that he had then resided at Shaumut about ten years.
See page 22. This appears from Endicot's letter to Governor Bradford, and from the letters of Dr. Fuller, a deacon of the Plymouth church, who spent some time at Charlestown and Dorchester, in 1630, and had conversation, on the subject, with Rev. Mr. Warham and others. It is evident, also, from the fact of sending for the Plymouth church, to assist in the ordin- ation of Rev. Mr. Higgonson and Skelton, at Salem, in 1629. And Governor Winthrop and Rev. Mr. Wilson, of Boston, visited Plymouth soon after they settled in Massachusetts, and held christian fellowship and communion with the Plymouth church.
See page 26. Chicataubut was chief of the Neponset tribe, at this time; and this appears to have been the principal tribe in the vicinity of Boston. The tribes at Saugust, Agawam and Muskatequid were small. The Neponset tribe continued friendly to the English; and when urged to join others against the whites, they refused, and gave information of their hostile designs.
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See page 27. In this vessel, Roger Williams came into the colony ; but it does not appear that it was by the particular re- quest of any of the members of the Massachusetts company. This, perhaps, was the reason why he was always watched with jealousy, and viewed as one not sufficiently disposed to submit to the directions of the leading men of the settlement. But he did not throw off his subjection from the bishops and hierarchy of England, to give up his independence to any other body of men, however pious.
See pages 32 and 33. Sir Christopher Gardiner was some time in the country, in company with a female, much younger than himself, but to whom he was not legally married. They travelled and lodged among the Indians in various places; and often suffered in their peregrinations. His real object was not known; but he was an enemy to the puritans, and united with others in complaining of their conduct. He probably disliked their pure and strict morals, and their prompt punishment of all licentious and disorderly persons, within their jurisdiction.
See page 35. There is a mistake respecting Mr. Mitchel, which should be corrected. Jonathan Mitchel came from Eng- land at a very early age; and was educated at Harvard Col- lege. Mr. Shepard, mentioned on page 34, was pastor of the church of Cambridge, after the departure of Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone. Mr. Mitchel succeeded Mr. Shepard.
See page 38. Sir Henry Vane favored the fanatical Mrs. Hutchinson and her religious party; and his honesty, in this respect, was doubted by a portion of the colony. Others attributed his favor or support of them to his more generous views of toleration of religious opinions. Rev. Mr. Cotton, of Boston, had great influence, at that period, both with the cler- gy and laity ; and Vane was probably desirous of the influence of Mr. Cotton, or was willing to follow him in his religious views. And Mr. Cotton was too ready to justify, or excuse the extrava- gant opinions of Mrs. Hutchinson.
See page 39. The new and distant settlements were some- times alarmed and attacked, after the Pequot war and before
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"ยท the dispute with Philip; but these were local, and neither en- dangered the whole colony, nor called forth a formidable force, as was the case on the other occasions.
See page 41. The early accounts do not agree in represent- ing the powers and privileges of this military company. It ap- pears, however, to have been incorporated, when a request was made to the governor and assistants for the purpose; but with some provisions and restrictions, so as that it was subordinate to the government, as much as any of the other military compa- nies in the colony. On the stated days, appointed for its train- ings, other companies were forbidden to meet. It was compos- ed of a higher class of citizens than the common militia compa- nies; but all the exemptions and powers prayed for, were pro- bably not granted; which was the occasion of the apparently contradictory accounts given. The officers chosen by the com- pany, and the by-laws and regulations, were to be approved by the governor and council: which shows how cautious the lead- ing men of Massachusetts were in granting power or exemptions to any individuals or company.
F
Autographs of To: Winthrop The: Dudley
C endecor
Rich. Bellingham
EVENEDI
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See page 42. Several projects were contemplated in Eng- land, by the friends of arbitrary power and of the hierarchy, be- tween 1634 and 1638, to abridge the liberties of the people and the authority of the colonial government. The jealousy of arch- bishop Laud, and other ecclesiastics, was alarmed by the opin- ions and conduct of the puritans. They often attempted to bring them into an entire submission to the episcopal authority, both in England and in Massachusetts.
See page 44. Mr. Dudley was quite a different character, in some respects, from Governor Winthrop. His education was less liberal, and his views and opinions, consequently, were less catholic and elevated. He was one of the most zealous of the magistrates, for the severe persecutions against all dissenters. But very few, indeed, among the puritans of that day were truly catholic in their sentiments, although professing to be protest- ants, and ready to suffer for the rights of conscience.
See page 45. The early statements, as to the number of ves- sels with passengers, from 1630 to 1642, differ. One account is 198, and another 298. The latter is probably an error of press or of a copyist.
See page 47. Settlements also began as early as 1643, at Andover, Rowley, and Haverhill.
See page 61. The funds of the college were small for several years; and the students so few, as that the tax for instruction amounted to a trifling sum. The two first presidents suffered very much. The following petition is given in proof of this. Chauncey succeeded Mr. Dunster, who, when he left the presi- dency, (on account of his doubts as to the propriety of infant bap- tism) said he had not property to enable him to remove.
To the honoured governour of the Massichsets, John Endi- cot, Esqr., with the residue of the honoured bench of assistants, and the honoured court of deputyes. The humble petition of Charles Chauncey, President of Harvard Colledge, in Cam- bridge, as followeth: Whereas yr. petitioner hath continued with much toyle and many grivances and temptations, in the colledge about eight years, all which time, his family being great, the stipend allowed him by the honoured court hath bene
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insufficient for his comfortable subsistence, and the maintenance of his family wth necessary supplyes of food and raiment; for want whereof he hath bene forced to expende his owne estate that he brought wth him; and is, besides, by this menes runne fare into debt. And in regard that the president hath no fit provision either of land to keepc one horse or cowe upon, or of habitation to be dry and warme in; also seeing that there are no colledges in one English universities, (wherein the petitioner hath continned long) but that the presidents thereof, besides their yearly stipend, are allowed their diet, with other necessa- ry provisions, according to their wants, your petitioner, with all due observance, intreats the honored court not to take offence, if necessity constraining, no redresse being made of such intol- crable grievances and temptations now suggested, he shall take his liberty, upon opportunityes presented to embrace them, though relinquishing his presidents place in the colledge.
He desires also that his petition may not be put by, as unrea- sonable, some other disappointments hindering before. So shall your petitioner be further engaged to pray for the peace of Jerusalem. Your Worships humbly devoted in the Lord,
CHARLES CHAUNCEY.
June 6, 1663. We conceive the countrie have done honora- bly toward the recompence and encouragement of the petition- er, both for annual allowance and grant of land. And that his parrikie with English colledges is not pertinent. And as for other things respecting his removal, that it properly belongs to the feofees of the colledge, and that it be referred to them.
RICHARD RUSSELL. EDWARD JOHNSON. JOSEPH HILLS.
The deputyes do not concur with the committee in answer thereunto, but in regard of the present necessities of the peti- tioner doe judge meet that he be allowed five pounds a quarter out of the country treasury, to supply his wants, and this to be continued during the court's pleasure, with reference to the consent of the honorable magistrates thereto.
WILLIAM TORREY, Clericus
June 12, 1663. The magistrats consent not heereto. EDWARD RAWSON, Secretary.
See page 65. We give an address from the general court, both to Oliver Cromwell, the protector, and to Charles II. on his restoration to the throne They serve to illustrate the cha- racters of the people in the colony, and to elucidate the history ofthe times. These papers are referred to, in the body of the history ; the entire address may gratify some who shall peruse the volnine.
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Letter from Governor Endecot and Deputy Governor Bel- lingham to Oliver Cromwell, the lord protector of England- 1635.
May it please your highness,-Amidst the throng of impor- tunate suiters and oppressing multitude of occasions of concern- ment, to accept of our most humble, thankful acknowledgement of your continued favors to us poor exiles, in these utmost ends of the earth. We might account it no little disadvantage, whilst others have nearer access to your highness, and thereby opportunity to testify their zeal for your service, that we by our distance should be disenabled from giving any other demon- stration than an anniversary acknowledgement of our obliga- tion, were it not that your own goodness, under God, were the fountain whence all these streams of bounty have been derived to us, whereby we are eucouraged to hope, as we have good cause to beseech, for the continuance thereof : the want where- of would be most prejudicial, if not destructive, to this colony, where the endeavors of some may be to misinform your high- ness, by presenting complaints against us ; we having none to intercede for us, or truly to represent to your highness in our behalf. The consideration whereof, were not God our gracious father in the Lord Jesus, would overwhelin us, did not the as- surance of your highness' clemency, patience and singular affection support us-but that we may not seem to be wanting in the defence of our own innocence, nor presume too far upon your highness' indulgence, we have desired our loving and honored friend, Captain John Leverett, to give your highness a true account of all our actings; wherein your highness shall see cause to require satisfaction; not doubting but the clearing of our innocence will be most acceptable to your highness, being confident no impression to the contrary will be received before we have had opportunity to vindicate the same from any aspersions that may occasionally be cast upon us. We dare not presume to detain your highness from the care of more weighty affairs, the prosperous success which is the daily prayer of your highness most humble and devoted servants,
J. ENDECOT, Governor.
R. BELLINGHAM, D. Governor.
See page 65. Address of the general court to king Charles II. 1660.
To the high and mighty prince, Charles the second, by the grace of God king of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, de- fender of the faith, &c.
Most gracious and dread sovereign,-May it please your ma- jesty, in the day wherein you happily say, you know you are king over your British Israel, to cast a favorable eye upon your
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Mephibosheth, (though, by reason of lameness in respect of dis- tance, not till now appearing in your presence,) we mean upon New England, kneeling with the rest of your subjects before your majesty, as her restored king. We forget not our inept- ness as to these approaches: we at present own such impotence, as renders us unable to excuse our impotency of speaking to our Lord the King; yet contemplating such a king who also hath seen adversity, that he knoweth the hearts of exiles who himself hath been an exile, the aspect of majesty, extraordina- rily influenced, animateth exanimated out-casts, yet, as we hope, out-casts for the truth, to make this address to their Prince, hoping to find grace in your sight. We present this script, the transcript of our loyal hearts, into your royal hands, wherein we crave leave to supplicate your majesty, for your gracious protection of us in the continuance both of our civil and religious liberties, according to the grantees known end in asking for the patent, conferred on this. plantation by your royal father. This, this, viz: our liberty to walk in the faith of the gospel with all good conscience, according to the order of the gospel (to which the former in these ends of the earth is but subservient) was the cause of our transporting ourselves, with our little ones, and our substance, from that pleasant land over the Atlantic ocean into this vast wilderness; choosing rather the pure scripture worship, with a good conscience, in this remote wilderness among the heathen, than the pleasures of England, with submission to the impositions of the then so disposed and so far prevailing hierarchy; which we could not do without an evil conscience. Our witness is in heaven, that we left not our native land upon any dissatisfaction, as to the constitution of the civil state. Our lot, after the example of good old non- conformists, hath been only to act a passive part throughout these late vicissitudes and successive overturning of states. Our separation from our brethren in this desert hath been and is a sufficient bringing to mind the afflictions of Joseph. But providential exemption of us hereby from the late wars and temptations of either party, we account as a favor from God; the former clothes us with sackcloth, the latter with innocency.
Touching complaints put in against us, our humble request only is, that for the interim, while we were dumb by reason of our absence, your majesty would permit nothing to make an impression on your royal heart against us, till we have both opportunity and leave to answer for ourselves. Few but will be innocent, said an impleader, if it be enough to deny : few will be innocent, said the emperor, if it be enough to accuse.
Concerning the Quakers, open and capital blasphemners, open seducers from the glorious Trinity, and from the Holy Scrip- tures as the sole of life, open enemies to the government as here established, malignant and assiduous promoters of doctrines tending directly to subvert both our church and state, after all
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other means for a long time used in vain, we were at last con- strained, for our own safety, to pass a sentence of banishment against them, on pain of death .- The Quakers died, not because of their other crimes how capital soever, but upon their supera- ded, presumptious and incorrigible contempt of authority, breaking in upon us, notwithstanding their sentence of banish- ment made known to them. And, had they at last but promis- cd to depart the jurisdiction, and not return, we should have been glad of such an opportunity to have said they should not die.
Let not the King hear men's words; your servants are true men, fearing God and the King; not given to change, zealous of government and order, and orthodox and peaceable in Israel. We are not seditious, as to the interest of Cesar, nor scismat- ics as to matters of religion; we distinguish between churches and their impurity ; between a living man, though not without sickness or infirmity, and no man: irregularities in ourselves and others we wish to have amended; we could not live without the public worship of God, nor permitted the public worship only with such a yoke of subscription and conformity, we could not consent to without sin. That we might therefore enjoy divine worship withont human mixtures, without offence to God, man, or our own consciences, with leave, but not without tears, we departed from our country, kindred, and fathers' houses into this Patmos ; in relation whereto we do not say, that our gar- ments are become old by reason of the long journey, but that ourselves, who came away in our strength, are by reason of long absence most of us become grey-headed, and some of us stoop- ing for age. The omission of the aforementioned injunctions with the way of our churches as to the point of order, the con- gregational way, we desire our orthodox brethren to bear with us.
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