USA > Massachusetts > History of Massachusetts from the year 1790, to 1820. v. 3 > Part 4
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object has uniformly been to overlook all personal, local and partial considerations ; to contemplate the United States as one great whole; to confide, that sudden impressions, when erroneous, would yield to candid reflection ; and to consult chicfly the substantial and permanent interests of our country. Nor have I departed from this line of conduct on the occasion which has produced the resolutions contained in your letter.
" Without a predilection for my own judgment, I have weighed with attention every argument, which has been brought into view. But the constitution is the guide, which I can never abandon. It has assigned to the President the power of making treaties, with the advice and consent of the Senate. It was, doubtless, supposed two branches of gov- ernment would combine, without passion, and with the bost means of information, those facts and principles, on which the success of our foreign re- lations will always depend ; that they ought not to substitute, for their own convictions, the opin- ions of others ; or to seek truth through any chan- nel but that of a temperate and well informed in- vestigation."
In his answer to the Boston Chamber of Com- merce, he observed-" while I regret the diversi- ty of opinion which has been manifested on this occasion, it is a great satisfaction to learn, that the commercial part of my fellow-citizens, whose interests are thought to be most directly affected, so generally consider the treaty as calculated, on the whole, to procure important advantages to our country. 'This sentiment, I trust, will be extend- ed, as the provisions of the treaty become well un- derstood."
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But the prejudices and excitement, occasioned by the ratification of the treaty with Great Britain, were such as to produce riots among the lower classes in Boston. It was supposed, however, that they were persuaded to these excesses by some who did not personally take a part in them, and who had been among the most clamourous in condemning the treaty. These riots wore continu- cd for several successive nights. Some houses were attacked. The Attorney General of the State and the Sheriff of Suffolk, who attempted to suppress the mob, were grossly insulted, and in one instance personally assaulted .* The Govern- or declined to interpose his authority, when re- questod ; believing, as he said, that it was the harmless amusement of young persons ; which, if not altogether justifiable, did not require the arm of civil power to suppress it. A number of citi- zens formed a voluntary association, to prevent the continuance of such excesses ; and their efforts were successful.
When the passions and prejudices of men are once warmly enlisted in a cause, whether political or religious, they are liable to go to extremes, which, under the guidance of sober reason, they would carefully avoid. "They are prone to misrep- resent the views and designs of those, from whom they diff'er, and to submit to the influence of the more zealous and active, without due considera- tion. The two political parties in the United States, which sprung up in 1789, in consequence of different views entertained of the tendency of
" One act of the mob was the burning an Effigy of Mr. Jay, who negotiated the treaty with England, which was so unpop- ular at the time, but which was afterwards, generally approved.
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the federal or national government, continued for several years, when the policy and conduct of President. Washington, towards the two great be- ligerent nations of Europe, served to strengthen the decision, and to embitter the feelings of oppos- ing partisans. The political separation of the cit- izens was confirmed, by the acceptance of the trea- ty made with Great Britain in 1795. There was, no doubt, an honest and sincere difference of opin- ion, as to the propriety and wisdom of these meas- ures, and this course of policy. But there was, much of misrepresentation of motives and unjust crimination of each other. When it was pretend- cd, that Washington and the members of his Cab- inet were inimical to France, because it had chang- ed from a monarchical to a republican form of government (as was alleged,) and that they were willing to accept a treaty with England, on terms injurious or dishonorable to the United States, very few, probably, believed the charge well found- ed. And when those who disapproved of the neu- tral policy of the federal administration, because they believed America was bound in gratitude to favour the French nation ; and expressed their dis- satisfaction with the British treaty of 1795, as they considered it less beneficial in its provisions to the United States than to England ; were accused of a disposition to paralyze the government of their country and to sacrifice the peace of the nation to please the rulers of France ; the charge was made in the heat of party disputes, and under the influ- ence rather of political prejudices and feelings than of sober and rational conviction. That one party would have preferred peace with England and war with France, if such were the unavoidable alterna-
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tive, there is perhaps, no just cause to doubl .- Nor is there less reason to believe, that the other party, if war was inevitable as to one of the bellig- erents in Europe, would have chosen Great Britain for an enemy, and France for an ally. Which could have been the most just or politic course, it must be difficult at a subsequent period to decide. If all the circumstances of the times, and the pecu- liar condition of the United States were duly con- sidered, however, it probably would appear, that the pacific and neutral policy of the national rulers in 1792, 93 and 94, was the most wise; and was, therefore, deserving the confidence and support of the people. The opposition to the measures of the federal government, at that time, discovered too much of a spirit of party, and no doubt induced the Rulers of France to treat the American gov- ernment with disrespect and insolence. They sup- posed the majority of the people in the United States differed in opinion, from the Administration, and would be casily persuaded to withdraw their support from it. But in this, they were greatly mistaken. For with all their ardent wishes, for the prosperity of the French republic, the people were truly patriotic, and cherished the utmost loyalty of feeling towards their own government. The rulers of the nation, notwithstanding the many censures cast upon them, continued to receive the confidence and support of the citizens, generally, for several years after.
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'The Historical Society of Massachusetts was incorporated in 1791. Hon. James Sullivan was the first president ; and the original promoters of it, were Rev. Dr. Belknap, Hon. James Win- throp, Rev. Dr. Eliot, Rev. Dr. Freeman, Ilon.
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John Davis, William Tudor, George R. Minot, and Mr. Pemberton. Bowdoin College, at Bruns- wick, in Maine, was also incorporated in the year 1791 ; and the Rev. Joseph McKean was elected the first President. Besides the grant of a large tract of land, by the Legislature, some valuable donations were made to the Institution by individ- uals. Hon. James Bowdoin, son of Governor Bowdoin, was a liberal patron of the College.
On the 4th of July 1795, the corner stone of the new State House was laid by Governor Adams .--- The lot was purchased by the town of Boston, of 'the heirs of Governor Hancock, for $4000. The town made sale of several public lots, to pay for the lot purchased, as a site for the Capitol. A large procession was formed of the citizens, and the Grand Lodge of Free Masons also attended, on the occasion. The Governor made a short but por- tinent address ; in which he said, "he trusted, that within its walls, liberty and the rights of man would be eternally supported."'
Claiming Governor Adams, as one with them in sentiment and feeling, the opposers of Washing- ton's administration, in Massachusetts, in 1795 and 1796, became more clamorous and more in- temperate in their censures. But some of them were inclined to throw the blame of the measures they condemned, rather on other members of the cabinet, than on the President himself. In some of his public speeches, Governor Adams gave too much occasion to this class of citizens, perhaps, to rank him in the opposition to the measures of the National Government. On one occasion he spoke of the federal government, as a "foreign govern- ment," which was considered by many as an im-
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proper epithet ; as it was instituted by the people, as much as the State governments were; and it furnished argument, for the discontented to com- plain and to oppose. Governor Adams always es- timated State Rights very highly ; and was desir- ous of keeping the federal government from all in- terference with them. In the expression of this jeal- ousy, he might have been in error ; but he was un- doubtedly sincere and honest in his political senti- ments .- For many years, from this period, the Commonwealth continued to be divided by two great political parties, called federal and anti-fede- ral, or democratic. The former were accused of being aristocratic in their sentiments and views ; the latter, as being promoters of disorder and mis- rule; or as contending for principles, which were in- compatable with the just support of law and order. Each was unjustly accused, no doubt, by the oth- er ; or their respective opinions greatly exaggera- ted. There is every reason to believe, that the federalists generally, if not universally, were in fa- vour of a republican or elective government ; and were never disposed to abridge the power and rights of the people. So, on the other hand, the majori- ty of the democratic party were friends to consti- tutional restraints and to good government ; but generally, had higher notions of the power, or rath- er of the wisdom of the great mass of the people. These assumed the name of republican, and for a long time were known by it, equally as by that of democratic ; while the other party, from being the greatest advocates for the federal government, were long known by the appellation of federalists ; but most of them, no doubt, were as sincerely attached to republican principles as the other. The democrat- VOL. III. . 8
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ic party was also frequently denominated anti-fede- ral, because many of them disapproved of the federal constitution, and, as a party, were opposed to the leading measures of the federal government, of that period.
Governor Adams was particularly opposed to the British treaty, and spoke of it in his public address to the Legislature of the State, as being in his opin- ion, "pregnant with great national evils." He also at this time suggested the propriety of having the federal constitution so altered, as that no treaty should be valid and perfect, unless the voice of the House of Representatives in Congress were in its favour. The Constitution gave the power of mak- ing treaties with foreign nations, to the President and Senate: but Governor Adams believed, that the popular branch of the national Legislature, should be consulted in their ratification. Many other eminent republicans were of the same opin- ion. But the Constitution was not modified so as to give such power to the House of Representa- tives. It was generally considered proper, that the President and Senate should have exclusive power on this subject. The Governor was content, in giving his opinion on this point; which was, no. doubt, sincerely entertained, and the suggestion of ardent patriotism. He was too wise and too pat- riotic to urgo an alteration in the federal Constitu- tion, if not approved by the majority of the people.
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CHAPTER III.
Judge Sumner chosen Governor for 1797 ..... He approves the policy of the federal government .... Re-elected for 179S and 1799 .... His death .... Em- bassy to France in 1797 .... Not accredited .... Two of them return .... Mr. Gerry remains .... Public religious worship and Ministers of the gospel.
Notwithstanding the depredations on the com- merce of the country by the British, in 1793 and 1794, it was extended during these and the follow- ing years ; and generally yielded great profits to those concerned in it. By preserving a neutral character, while France and England were engag- ed in war, the United States enjoyed the benefits of navigation, to a degree, which would not have been experienced had there been peace between those nations. 'The lumber trade from Maine, and the fisheries, added much to the wealth of the State, at this period.
By the treaty with Great Britain that govern- ment agreed to indemnify the Merchants of the United States, for the property which had been taken from them ; and most of the American claims were soon after allowed and satisfied, under the + direction of commissioners appointed by the two governments .*
At the session of the General Court, in June
* Christopher Gore of Massachusetts was one of the Com- missioners.
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1796, a resolve was passed, dividing the Common- wealth into Districts, for the choice of Electors of President and Vice President of the United States, as had been done on former similar occasions. They were to be chosen by the people, but the districting was different from that of 1792. At that time the State was divided into four districts, now there were fourteen, and each district was to choose one Elector. Two others were chosen by the Legislature. In the month of November, of this year, there was a Session of the Legislature, when a resolution was adopted, giving power to the Electors, who should be chosen by the people, to fill up any vacancies in the Board. When the resolve was presented to Governor Adams for his approbation and signature, he put his name to it, without much delay. But immediately after, he doubted the propriety of the measure; and the day following sent a message to the General Court expressing his doubts on the subject, and requesting liberty to crase his name and annul his former approval.
The reason given by the Governor was, that he was strongly inclined to the opinion, the resolve was contrary to the spirit and intent of the con- stitution ; and that it would be improper to give a small number of men the power to appoint Elec- tors or an Elector of President and Vice Presi- dent of the United States, which belonged to the whole body of the people themselves. If not by the people, in their primary assemblies, he was of opinion, the choice should be made by the Legis- lative Body. But the General Court did not con- sent to the proposition of the Governor to with- draw his signature, or to annul the resolve.
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In his public address the the Legislature, Jan- uary 1797, Governor Adams, spoke of the impor- tance of providing by law for the purity of elec- tions ; and also gave notice, that he should decline the suffrages of his fellow citizens for the office of Chief Magistrate, at the approaching election. He was now about the age of seventy seven years : and he found the cares and duties of public life too laborious for his constitutional infirmities. In his retirement to private life, he carried with him the good wishes and respect of the people, who always retained a grateful sense of his firmness and zeal in the cause of civil liberty.
Increase Sumner succeeded Mr. Adams, in May 1797, as Chief Magistrate of the Common- wealth. He came into office by the support and votes of that class of citizens denominated federal- ists. The other candidates for the office of Chief Magistrate, at that time, were Moses Gill, who had been Lieutenant Governor for several years, and James Sullivan, Attorney General of the State. Neither of these Gentlemen was considered decid- edly opposed to the policy and measures of the fed- cral government ; but Mr. Sumner was believed to be more firmly and fully disposed to give his sup- port to the national administration. He had been a Judge of the Supreme Judicial Court of the Commonwealth, for several years : and was high- ly esteemed as well for his mild and urbane deport- ment, as for his talents and integrity. He had al- ways openly approved the political conduct of President Washington and his cabinet, while, by a portion of the people in Massachusetts, as well as in other States in the Union, it was condemned as unwise or anti-republican. Party views had not
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yet indeed, rendered the citizens altogether so bit- ter and hostile in their feelings towards one anoth- er as they were at a later period ; but then even, the political division was such that cach had its favourite candidate for offices ; and the opposing one was represented cither as so aristocratic or so democratic, as to be an improper character to be placed at the head of the Commonwealth. But the three eminent patriots, then candidates for the Chief Magistracy, were all, no doubt, sincerely attache.l to republican freedom, and would have administered the government in the true spirit of the Constitution.
In his first public address to the General Court, June 1797, Governor Sumner spoke of the policy and measures of the federal government with en- tire approbation. He declared his belief in the wisdom of the pacific and neutral course which had been pursued by Washington, with regard to France and England, and his confidence in the tal- ents and patriotism of President Adams, who had then been recently elected Chief Magistrate of the United States. In this declaration, the Governor expressed the sentiments of a large majority of the citizens of Massachusetts. The happy effects of the pacific policy, adopted by the national rulers, were now every where felt and generally acknowl- edged. The commerce of the country was exten- sive and prosperous ; and its increase was attend- ed by corresponding benefits to the mechanic and the farmer. A few only, at that period, openly manifested dissatisfaction with the measures of the general government. Mr. Adams, the new Pres- ident, was known to be very friendly to commerce ; and it was believed, that he would pursue the wise
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and prudent policy of his illustrious predecessor. But he had not been long in the chair, before his measures were bitterly opposed, in some sections of the nation, with the pretence, that he was de- parting from the pacific course of Washington, and was too much attached, for a Chief Magis- irate of the American republic, to the government and nation of Great Britain. He was charged with expressing, in his defence of the constitutions of the several American States, too high an opinion of the wisdom and excellence of the British gov- ernment ; and it was pretended he was in favour of the hereditary principle recognized in all mon- archies. Of this, there was, indeed, no sufficient evidence ; and his friends appealed both to his writings and his conduct to discredit the suspicion.
But, unhappily, the opinion, prevailed in various states of the Union; and the suspicion induced many of the citizens to misconstrue and misrepre- sent his public conduct. Some, in Massachusetts indulged in this uncandid, jealous spirit, and uni- ted with others in different States in censuring his administration. Generally, however, those who. approved of the political course of Washington, gave their ready support to President Adams .- But party spirit was not extinguished nor checked. If'it was less virulent for a short period, after Mr. Adams succeeded to the Chief Magistracy of the nation, it was soon again to be manifested with new warmth and activity.
The Rulers of France had not ceased to com- plain of the government of the United States ; and seemed still (in 1797) desirous of forcing America into a war with England ; or of preventing all com- mercial connexion between the two countries ; with
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a view chiefly, no doubt, to injure the prosperity and strength of her rival. The conduct of the French government, which was then in the hands of a mere faction, was so unjust and so insolent. towards the United States, that it became ne- cessary, in the opinion of President Adams and his cabinet, to remonstrate with decision and feeling, and to prepare for the support of the nation's rights. This opinion and decision led to the adoption of measures expensive to the country, in building ships of war for the protection of commerce, in fortifying the sca-coasts, and in augmenting the number of national troops. The political enemies of Mr. Adams and of the federal party, took advantage of these expensive measures, to represent the admin- istration and the majority of Congress as extrava- gant in their expenditures, and as disposed to a war with France, rather than with Great Britain ; with one of which, it was supposed to be almost in- evitable. It was said, that the French government demanded no more indulgencies or privileges than ought to be awarded from one republic to anoth- er : and that gratitude imposed an additional obli- gation upon the United States to favour, if not openly and directly to assist the people of France, strug- gling for the liberty, which was enjoyed by the cit- izens of America.
Mr. Sumner was again chosen Governor of Mas- sachusetts in 1798 ; and in the usual public speech to the Legislature and Representatives of the peo .. ple, he renewedly expressed his confidence in the wise policy and patriotic views of the national rul- ers ; and recommended an acquiescence in, and support of their measures. Whatever regarded the welfare and prosperity of the whole United States,
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and all affairs with foreign nations, the Governor considered as properly and exclusively belonging to the federal government ; and was very desirous of impressing the people of the State with a belief of the propriety and importance of the measures, adopted by Congress, and by the National Execu- tive.
He however, recommended to the Legislature to adopt measures of defence for the sea-coasts of the State, which are very extensive. And in 1797, during his administration, Castle-Island, in the harbour of Boston, on which a fort had been maintained from the first settlement of the country, was ceded to the United States. The fortifications were repaired and extended, with a view to prevent the entrance of any foreign vessels, which might invade the town. But a large portion of the peo- ple in the State, though the minority, did not see, or would not acknowledge the necessity for such expensive measures, ; and therefore continued to complain of the federal rulers. 'They contended, that a proper resentment of British aggressions, and a sincere desire to be on friendly terms with France, would place the nation in an eligible con- dition; that war would be prevented, and com- merce free from interruption. By this party, some of whom were eminent statesmen, and most proba- bly, honest in their censures of the national rulers, Governor Sumner was warmly opposed. But he was re-elected in 1799, by a very large majority of votes-Out of the 33,000, the whole number given that year, he received 25,000. 'To the great grief of his particular friends, and of many who had not the privilege of his personal acquaintance, he died the seventh of June, before he had taken the usual VOL. III. 9
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oaths of office, to qualify him to discharge the du- ties of Chief Magistrate of the Commonwealth, for another year. Moses Gill, who was chosen Lieu- tenant Governor, occupied the chair of Chief Mag- istrate of the State, for the residue of the political year. He had been elected to the second office in the State, for several years; and was esteemed as an ardent patriot and a sincere friend to the liber- ties of the people.
The character of the political parties in the State remain unchanged. It was similar in other parts of the nation. The charge of British influence, or of an undne attachment to the English Nation, which was brought forward in 1795, when a treaty was made with that Government by General Wash- ington, was reiterated ; and some of the people were led to believe that the federal rulers were se- cretly desirous of an alliance with Great Britain, which would result in a general imitation of her political principles and form of government. The greater part of intelligent citizens, however, were superior to such a groundless suspicion. "They
wished indeed, to avoid a war with England; for her naval force was such as would destroy the com- merce of the United States, the means of profit and wealth to a large portion of the people, and the principal source of revenue to the nation. But it was not believed, that the honour, any more than the interest of the nation, required hostility against Great Britain Negotiation had formerly settled the disputes between the Government of that country and the United States, and obtained in- demnification for injuries, without the relinquish- ment of any rights, as an independent nation .- The British Government, perhaps, had just cause
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