USA > Massachusetts > History of Massachusetts from the year 1790, to 1820. v. 3 > Part 5
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of complaint, in some instances, of a predilection, in the people of the United States, for the French Republic.
Under the authority given by Congress in 1797, to the Supreme Executive of the Nation, President Adams ordered the building of several large frig- ates,* and the increase of the national troops, which were denominated a provisional army. General Washington, who had retired from public life, and who was then of the age of sixty-eight, was induced from motives of patriotism, to accept the command of it ; but on condition, that he was not to take the field in person, unless there was imminent dan- ger of an invasion of the country by the French, who had threatened to make war upon the United States. The general officers designated for com- mand in the provisional army, from Massachusetts, were Henry Knox, as a Major General, and John Brooks, as a Brigadier General. They had both been distinguished officers in the war of the revo- lution ; and President Adams entertained a high opinion of their intelligence, bravery and patriotism. A part of the army, raised at this period, was sta- tioned at Oxford, in the County of Worcester in Massachusetts, and remained about a year, when the troops were disbanded.
In the Summer of 1797, the President of the United States, (Mr. Adams) appointed three En- voys, to France, to endeavour to conciliate the Rulers of that Nation, and to adjust the difficul- ties which had, for several years, existed between
One was built in Boston, and called the Constitution. She was considered one of the best and finest ships belonging to the United States ; and is now as strong as those more recently built. She carries 14 Guns.
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the two Governments ; and in which both the hon- our and the interest of America were believed to be deeply involved. Elbridge Gerry, one of the En -. voys, was a citizen of Massachusetts, who had been much in political life, and was esteemed as a man of talents and patriotism. The reception of the American Ministers was such, as to induce two of' them, Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall, to break off from all negotiations at an early period, and to leave the Court of France. For they were not
publicly and officially accredited ; and persons were sent, in an informal and private manner, to ascertain their views, and to learn on what terms the United States was ready and willing to pur- chase the friendship of France. A loan to a largo amount, and a douceur to the Ministers, was stated as necessary, even before entering on negotiation. Their instructions gave them no power to agree to such terms .-- 'The intimation was also so revolting to the majority of the Envoys, at least, that they rejected them with indignation. It was on this oc- casion, that General Pinckney made the following patriotic declaration-" Millions for defence ; not a cent for tribute."
They were satisfied of a disposition, in the French Rulers, to delay and to evade the real merits of the dispute between the two nations ; and they had reason also to suspect a design to bribe or to intimidate the Envoys. Of this, at least, they were fully convinced, that no treaty could be made, consistently with the instructions, which they had received, or with the rights and honour of an inde- pendent nation.
In a message to Congress, January 1797, Pres- ident Adams declared, "that he had no reason
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to hope (from the letters of the Envoys) that the ob- . jects of the mission would be effected, on terms, con- sistent with the honour, interests or safety of the nation." This opinion of the President was founded on letters written by the Envoys, three months af- ter their arrival in France. In one dated in Dec. 1797, they observe, " we are all of opinion, that if we remain here six months, unless we stipulate to pay the sum proposed, we shall not be able to effect
the object of our mission."' They say further, in a letter of January 1798, " that there was no hope of their being officially received by the French gov- ernment ; or that the objects of their mission would be, in any way, accomplished." The President said also, in the message before quoted, "that he had done all in his power to conciliate France ; and had given to the Envoys powers commensur- ate to the most liberal and pacific policy."* Gen- cral Pinckney and Mr. Marshall quitted France in April 1798. But before this was known in the United States, the President had instructed the Envoys to return, unless the demand both of the douceur and loan was withdrawn, and they had been duly received, with a hope of forming a treaty on just and equitable principles. Mr. Gerry how- ever remained ; in the hope, no doubt, of effecting a treaty. But in this he was disappointed. And many of the citizens of the United States, and a large majority in Massachusetts censured him for thinking he could negotiate favourably for the
* The conduct of the French Government towards the Uni- ted States, in 1797 and 98, was such as to justify the remark of an eminent patriot, " that resistance, or unconditional submis- sion, was the only alternative left to a nation, within reach of its arms."
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country, alone, when his colleagues were convinc- ed that no just or reasonable conditions would be admitted. It was said, he ought to have shown the same decision and firmness, as his colleagues did ; and that it would have reflected greater honour upon the American government. With many in- deed, Mr. Gerry was believed to have been patri- otic and upright in his views ; but that he erred, in supposing he could accomplish, by his individ- ual efforts and influence, what the whole embas- sy could not effect. 'The object of the French government, undoubtedly, was to detach Mr. Ger- ry from his colleagues; and through him, to make some improper offers, which, if not accepted by the President and Congress, might serve to decieve the world, and to keep up a party in the United States, of which to avail itself at a future time, The char - acter of Mr. Gerry was that of being tenacious of his own peculiar projects and opinions ; and of es- timating, with great self-complacency, the plans which originated with himself. To have conclud- ed a treaty with France, which would be approved by the people, after his two colleagues had left the country in disquiet or in despair, would have been a subject of triumph and self-gratification.
Mr. Gerry returned to America in October 1798 ; having remained near the French Govern. ment about six months after his colleagues had re- tired, and some time after he received instruc- tions to return. The President of the United States was not pleased with his remaining, after inadmissible and insulting terms had been propos- ed, as the commencement of negotiation ; and his colleagues had concluded there was no hope of a treaty, consistent with the honour or interests of
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the nation. In the hope of detaching Mr. Gerry from the other Envoys, he had more attention paid to him ; and even proposals, for an adjustment of the dispute between the two nations, were made to him, which he declined to make known to his col- leagues. After their departure, he was deluded by specious promises of negotiation ; and, at the same time, was the subject of insulting mockery, which must have excited his deep indignation, though he did not think it prudent to manifest it. The French Minister had early informed the En- voys, that the persons sent, informally, to converse with them were authorised by the Government, and might be believed in all they said or proposed. When it was known in the United States and in other places, that this intrigue had been adopted by Tallyrand, it was condemned, as highly im- proper in the French Minister and Government. The Minister of France had the effrontery to cat- echise Mr. Gerry on the subject, (Pinckney and Marshall had then returned.) He denied having any agency in employing Messrs. X. Y. and Z. and said the American Envoys had been imposed upon by persons unknown to the French Govern- ment. Most men would have manifested more sen- sibility at such treatment, than it appears the American Envoy did.
· Soon after the return of Mr. Gerry, though he seems to have been convinced, while in France, both, when the other Envoys were there and after they left it, that no just and reasonable terms could be obtained, he wrote to President Adams (early in 1799) that the French rulers were desirous to treat with the United States. Referring to this letter of Mr. Gerry, Mr. Marshall says, "I am
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grieved, rather than surprised at Mr. Gerry's let- ter. It is strange he should say, the negotiation. was in a fair train. And I know not from what facts he infers the pacific temper of the French government. The evidence on which his judg- ment is formed contradicts the opinion he gave us."*
The great excitement produced by the treat- ment of the American Envoys, particularly in Massachusetts, and the peculiar course taken by Mr. Gerry, one of the Envoys, who was an emi- nent citizen of the State, will justify this full state- ment of a transaction, which is more immediately of a national character.
In March 1800, a law was passed, providing for the public Worship of God, and for the mainte- nance of teachers of piety, religion and morality. By this statute, it was enacted, "that the church- es, connected and associated in public worship with towns, parishes, precincts, districts and other bodies politic or religious societies, should enjoy all their accustomed liberties and privileges, church order and discipline, not repugnant to the constitution of the commonwealth;"' and every town, district, precinct, parish or other body politic or religious society was "required to be provided
* The agent of the French government used this insolent language to the American Envoys, in Nov. 1797,-" You ought to know that the diplomatic skill of France and the means she possesses in your country are sufficient to enable her, with the French party in America, to throw the blame of the rupture on the Federalists, as you call yourselves ; but on the British party, as we call you : And you may be assured this will be done." How could patriotic and honourable men remain after this, and subject themselves to hear further insults offered to the government of their country ? Soon after, Pinckney and Marshall resolved to leave France.
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with a protestant teacher of picty, religion and mo- rality." And the contract for the christian minis- ter or teacher was.to be made by the town or par- ish, (and not by the church separately) and was to be legally binding on the parish or town, in its corporate capacity. . .
It was provided, however, in this statute, that any person, taxed for the support of the Minister of the town or parish, within the limits of which he lived, being of a different sect or denomination might have his tax paid over to the public teacher, on whose instructions he usually attended, first ob- taining a certificate, that he belonged to such other religious society.
. This law was not passed without much consid- cration. Former laws on the subject were repeal- ed ; particularly all those made, previously to the adoption of the Constitution of the State in 1780. There were two important questions agitated at this time ; one of which grew out the different con- structions given to the third article in the Bill of Rights, as to the exemption of persons of a denom- ination other than that of the inhabitants generally, of the town or parish in which they lived, from pay- ing taxes to the support of the settled minister of the place ; and the other was moved by those who contended, that the church in any town, as distinct from the whole body of citizens, ought as in the first settlement of the country, to have the sole and exclusive power to elect the pastor or minister.
The clause of the constitution, contained in the proviso to the third article in the Bill of Rights, was so construed as to give dissatisfaction to those who belonged to minor sects or denominations ; for it was contended, that, unless the person con- VOL. III. 10
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stantly attended another place of worship, he must pay to the support of the minister of the town in which he lived, who was settled by the majority. The law of IS00 was considered more consistent with religious liberty, than some had been willing to allow, as it provided that one who belonged to a · different sect or denomination might pay towards the support of the minister on whose instructions he usually attended, instead of assisting to main- tain the teacher approved by the majority of the town. It was not till a much later period, (1811) that persons, who were not of a different denomin- ation from the majority of a town or parish, were by law, excused from paying towards the settled Minister, and forming another Society, called in- deed religious, but in which there was no regular teacher of piety, religion and morality.
By this statute, of IS00, the right of the citizens of any town or parish to have a voice in electing their Pastor or Teacher, as well as in fixing the amount of his salary, was also recognized. The laws of 1692, 1693 and 1695, relating. to the pow- er or privileges of churches, were repealed. In & very few cases, indeed, did churches contend for. the right to choose a teacher for the town, without the consent and concurrence of the members of the congregation or society. The statute of 1693. required the inhabitants of each town to provide a learned and able Minister, and of good conversa- tion ; thus clearly implying that all the members of the society were to have a voice in his election. In 1695, "because in some towns there were more churches than one," it was enacted, "that the church should have power, (according to the word of God) to choose their own Minister;"' and
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that, on the majority of the inhabitants who usual- ly attended the public worship of God, and who were qualified by law to vote in town affairs, con- curring with the church in the choice, the person so elected, shall be the Minister," &c.
By this act, also, the inhabitants of a town, in which there was no church gathered or formed, were authorized to choose and call a Minister, for the settlement and maintenance of whom all the in- habitants were to be assessed. The law of 1695 provided, that, on the election of a Pastor or Teacher by the church, if the members of the So- ciety or Congregation refused their assent, it might be proper for the church to have such person or- dained accordingly, the neighbouring clergymen advising to the measure. But no instances are known for many years, in which the members of a church proceeded to settle a Minister, contrary to the wishes and will of the majority of the Congre- gation.
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CHAPTER IV.
Caleb Strong chosen Governor in 1800 ..... His character ..... Political parties continue ..... Governor Strong approves of the policy of the federal gov- ernment ..... Addresses of the people, to the President of the United States ..... Mr. Jefferson elected President of the United States ..... Gov- ernor Strong re-elected in Massachusetts ..... His conciliatory sentiments and advice ..... Part of the State debt paid ..... State Penitentiary ..... Elec- tors of President and Vice President of the United States ..... State laws.
Caleb Strong was chosen Governor of Massachu- setts, in April 1800. The other prominent candi- date was Elbridge Gerry. The former was sup- ported by the friends of the national administration ; and was elected only by a small majority of votes. For many of the people were inclined to the belief, or the apprehension, that the federal rulers were plunging the nation into an unnecessary war ; and that they were departing, in their political conduct, from the true principles of republicanism, or democ- racy. At this time, the citizens were nearly equal- ly divided, into two political parties ; the one was friendly to the existing administration of the gene- ral government ; the other was warmly opposed to it. The latter proposed Mr. Jefferson for Presi- dent of the United States, and the former gave its support to Mr. Adams. It was believed that Mr. Jefferson would be more desirous of preserving peace with France ; and that he was more firmly established in true republican principles. 'The fed-
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eral party was opposed to Mr. Jefferson's election, in the belief thathe had been unfriendly to thepolicy of Washington in 1793-95; and also early objected to the federal Constitution, as too great an imitation of the British. The democratic party warmly op- posed the re-election of Mr. Adams.
Mr. Strong was a man of uncommon talents, of great political knowledge and experience, and of unblemished morals. He entered early into public life, having been chosen a member of the Legis- Jature, in the critical period of 1776. He was remarkable for self-command and good judgment ; and his patriotism was pure and elevated. He was one of the five delegates from Massachusetts* to the general Convention at Philadelphia in 1787, by which the federal Constitution of the United States was framed. He was also a member of the State Convention of Massachusetts for adopting that Constitution ; and no one was more active, or bad a greater influence in procuring its acceptance .- When the federal government was established, in 1789, Mr. Strong was a Senator from Massachu- setts, and contributed his full share of the talents, judgment and industry engaged in its organization. The judicial system of the United States, so high- ly and justly approved, was chiefly the work of his profound, comprehensive mind. Mr. Strong was eminent, also as a counsellor of law. Hewas early appointed a justice of the Supreme Judicial Court
* The others were Francis Dana, Elbridge Gerry, Nathani- el Gorham and Rufus King. Strong aud Dana, though very much in favour of the Constitution, were necessarily absent from Philadelphia, when it was signed and sent out to the peo- ple ; and therefore, their signatures do not appear to the in- strument.
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of Massachusetts, but could not be induced to ac- cept the appointment.
The friends of the national government rejoiced at his elevation to the chair of Chief Magistrate of the large and respectable State of Massachusetts. And many of his political opponents had great con- fidence in his integrity and patriotism. His mode- ration and discretion were guarantees for the genc- ral propriety of his conduct ; and no one feared that he would adopt any measures from merely party excitement. But at the close of the first year of his gubernatorial service, he was opposed with as much warmth and zeal, as if he had compromitted the peace and honour of the State, or shown him- self indifferent to the rights and liberties of the peo- ple. Mr. Gerry was again supported for the office of Governor, by the anti-federalist party as they were commonly called, or the party opposed to the federal administration. But Governor Strong was re-elected ; having received 25,000 votes out of 40,000.
As had been anticipated, Governor Strong, soon after his election, expressed his approbation of the measures of the general government, in his charac- teristic tone of firmness and moderation. It was his manner to justify his own course, and to give the reasons for the policy he approved, without harsh and severe denunciations against those who differ- cd from him on political subjects.
The internal police of the Commonwealth, at this period, required little correction. The growth and prosperity of the State were every where visi- ble ; particularly, on public roads, great improve- ments were made, to the advantage and conveni- ence of the citizens. Notwithstanding some inter-
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ruptions to our extended foreign trade, in conse- quence of the war in Europe, and the repeated · depredations on the navigation of the United States by the French, commerce was in a flourishing con- dition ; and the labours of the farmers and mechan- ics were favourably affected, by the prosperity of the merchants. 'The domestic dwellings of individuals, both in the country and sea-ports, were indications of this state of general improvement.
So long as there was any apprehension of a war with France, an ardent spirit of patriotism and in- dependence animated the citizens of Massachusetts. Their voice was generally heard in approbation of the conduct of the federal administration ; and they were well prepared to support the just authority of the government. Citizens of all classes were en- gaged in addressing the Chief Magistrate of the Union, and promising their assistance for the de- fence and honour of the nation. A portion of the people, however, declared their dissent from the policy of the general government, and believed that further attempts at negotiation would be attended with success. Defensive measures were still pur- sued, at the same time that another embassy was instituted, for the purpose of restoring, if possible, a good understanding between France and Amer- ica, without a resort to arms .*
The administration of President Adams, and the
* In October 1800, a naval combat took place between the + United States Frigate Boston, of 32 guns, commanded by George Little of Massachusetts, and a French Frigate of a larger size ; in which the former was victorious. This was con- sidered a brave and gallant exploit, on the part of Captain Lit- tle. The event was noticed with exultation by the people of. the State and nation ; for there had not then, recently, been any. similar victories to record or celebrate ..
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conduct of the federal party, then the majority in Congress, were particularly obnoxious to a great portion of the people, on account of the alien and se- dition laws ; by which, the Executive was author- ised to order foreigners to leave the United States, merely on suspicion of being opposed to the policy of the government ; and prosecutions were to be sustained in the Judicial Courts for pretended libel- lous publications on the rulers of the nation ; by which, it was supposed the freedom of the press would be restrained. These were very unpopular measures. It was considered arbitrary, as well as unwise to force men from the country, merely for disapproving or censuring the policy of the gov- ernment ; and any approaches towards restraining the full liberty of the press were viewed with alarm and abhorrence.
The people of the United States were in this state of excitement and alarm, when the period ar- rived for designating some one to fill the office of President, for whom votes were to be given before the close of the year, (1800.) 'Those who approv- ed generally, of the policy and measures of the existing administration were in favour of Mr. Adams, for four years longer. But those who con- sidered the public conduct of Mr. Adams and his political friends improper and arbitrary, declared a preference for Mr. Jefferson of Virginia, who was then Vice President. The majority in Mas- sachusetts was in favour of Mr. Adams; and all the votos, given by the Electors for the State, were for him. These Electors of President and Vice President of the United State, were, at this time, chosen by the Legislature, at a special session in November. Four years before, all the citizens
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voted for the Electors, in their respective districts. To secure the undivided vote of the State for Mr. Adams, this plan was adopted of electing by the Legislature, the majority of the members being known to be in his favour. If the former mode, of voting in districts by the citizens, had been adopted, several votes in the State would probably have been given for Mr. Jefferson.
It was reasonable and proper, perhaps to have the will of the majority in a State take effect, in such cases ; as otherwise, the voice and influence of the State would be divided, and of no avail, in the decision or choice to be made. But the same . objection will lie against the mode of choosing members of Congress, in any State, by districts. For the opinions and votes of the members so chosen, may conflict with one another. Besides, whatever mode of choosing Electors is observed, should be adopted with great deliberation, and without the influence of party feelings. It should be uniform and permanent: and not changed ac- cording to the wishes of the existing majority.
Mr. Jefferson received more votes through all the States than Mr. Adams ; but was not chosen President by the Electors. The choice thus de- volved on the House of Representatives of the na- tion ; and Mr. Jefferson was eventually clected President of the Union. At the session of the General Court of Massachusetts, next following the clection of Mr. Jefferson, which was in June 1801, Governor Strong expressed himself in his Speech to the Legislature, in a very conciliating and candid manner. "Although," said he, "in the choice of a President of the United States, the result has not corresponded with the wishes of ma- VOL. III. 11
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