USA > Massachusetts > History of Massachusetts in the Civil War > Part 24
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The inhuman treatment by the rebel authorities of the Massa- chusetts officers and soldiers taken prisoners at Ball's Bluff, caused the Governor, on the 16th of December, to write another letter to the President, upon the necessity of organizing a system for the mutual exchange of prisoners. A large portion of the prisoners in the hands of the rebels belonged to this State ; and he urged upon the President to interpose for their immediate relief. He contrasts the cruel treatment of our men at Rich- mond with the humane treatment of rebel prisoners in Fort Warren.
"I am informed, from trustworthy sources, that our soldiers who are prisoners of war at Richmond are neither well fed nor well clothed, and they are subjected to the most rigid military surveillance, and occa- sionally exposed to the insulting language and demeanor of the popu- lace of that city. Some of their number - among whom I may mention Colonel Lee and Major Revere, of the Massachusetts Twentieth In- fantry, and Captains Bowman and Rockwood, of the Massachusetts Fifteenth (all of them gentlemen and soldiers, who have no superiors, in any sphere of human life, in all those qualities which ought to command respectful treatment) - are imprisoned in felon's cells, fed on felon's fare, in a common jail ; huddled together in a space so narrow that there
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TREATMENT OF PRISONERS.
is not air enough for health or comfort ; allowed, for exercise, to prom- enade half an hour each day on a narrow pathway surrounding their prison ; and especially exposed to disease, by the fact, that some of their companions, who are grievously sick, are not removed to hospitals, but are left to share the same privations, and breathe the same foul air, with those whose physical vigor is not yet broken.
" In contrast, allow me to state, that the prisoners at Fort Warren are allowed certainly equal fare with the garrison, which consists of five companies of loyal Massachusetts troops, and are permitted all lib- erties consistent with retaining them upon the island; and that trai- tors, like Mr. Mason, of Virginia, and Mr. Slidell, of Louisiana, whose hands are red with the best blood of Massachusetts, are treated with certainly equal consideration (as to quarters, fare, and attendance, and all privileges consistent with retaining them in custody) with the officers of that loyal battalion. These facts and this contrast, sir, are sick- ening to many of our people, and are especially painful to those who are closely related, by friendship or blood, to our prisoners in the hands, and at the mercy, of the rebels. I submit to you, with the utmost respect, whether it is just or decent, that the contrast should continue. I urge no inhumanity towards even traitors. If we are at war with cannibals, that is no reason why we should eat human flesh ourselves ; but it is a reason why we should spare no effort to rescue our brothers from the hands of such savages, lest they become their victims."
We now turn from these unpleasant subjects to others of a more agreeable character, which :close the general correspond- ence of the Executive for the year 1861.
On the twenty-sixth day of December, the Governor received a letter from the Executive Committee of the Soldiers' Relief Society of San Francisco, Cal., dated Nov. 30, enclosing a draft for two thousand dollars upon Messrs. Duncan, Sher- man, & Co., New York, the proceeds of which were to be distributed "among the wives, the children, the sisters and brothers, of the patriotic citizen-soldiers of Massachusetts." In acknowledgment of which, the Governor wrote a grateful and patriotic answer, which concludes by saying, that the "Hon. Francis B. Fay, the present Mayor of Chelsea, and George W. Bond, Esq., an eminent merchant of this city, - both gentlemen of the highest integrity, large experience, and humane sympathies, - will co-operate with me in the proper
16
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MASSACHUSETTS IN THE REBELLION.
bestowal of the bounty of your association, in connection with the bestowal of a similar fund received for like purposes from other sources." The names of the San Francisco Executive : Committee were Messrs. Frank B. Austin & Co., Moses Ellis, James P. Hunt, Aaron Holmes, William V. Welles, C. H. Sher- man, William B. Swayne, and F. B. Folger.
Another pleasant and gratifying event, which closed this re- markable year in the history of Massachusetts, was the liberal and humane action of the Legislature of Maryland, which is best explained by publishing the correspondence entire : -
LEGISLATURE OF MARYLAND, HOUSE OF DELEGATES, ANNAPOLIS, December, 1861.
His Excellency JOHN A. ANDREW, Governor of Massachusetts.
DEAR SIR, - The Committee on Militia have instructed me, as their chairman, to carry out an order passed by the House, a few days since, and referred to them, - to confer with you, and learn the condition of the widows and orphans, or any dependants on those patriots who were so brutally murdered in the riot of the 10th of April.
In obedience to that order, it gives me great pleasure to state, that the loyal people of Maryland, and especially of the city of Baltimore, after long suffering, are at length able, through a Union Legislature, to put themselves in a proper relation to the Government and the country.
In effecting the latter, they feel their first duty is to Massachusetts. They are anxious to wipe out the foul blot of the Baltimore riot, as far as it can be wiped out, and as soon as possible.
You will do us a great favor, therefore, by instituting an immediate inquiry into the condition of those who were dependent for support upon the services of those unfortunates, and by informing me, at your ear- liest convenience, of the result of your inquiry. I should be obliged to you, also, if you would designate what, in your opinion, would be the best manner of applying an appropriation to be made for that pur- pose.
Any suggestions you may make will be kindly received, and meet with proper consideration. ₹
With many prayers, which I know I offer in common with you, that this unrighteous rebellion may be brought to a speedy close, I am Your Excellency's obedient servant,
JOHN F. L. FINDLEY.
This letter was received by the Governor on the twenty-
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PATRIOTIC ACTION OF MARYLAND LEGISLATURE.
second day of December, the anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, which is referred to in the text.
Dec. 22, 1861.
To HON. JOHN F. L. FINDLEY, Chairman of a Committee on Militia of the House of Delegates of the State of Maryland.
MY DEAR SIR, - It is with feelings which I will not attempt to express that I have received, on this anniversary day, your letter, addressed to me from Annapolis.
I immediately addressed the Mayors of the cities of Lowell and Lawrence on the subject of your inquiries, and hope to be able to trans- mit their answers at an early day.
The past cannot be forgotten ; but it can be and will be forgiven ; and, in the good providence of God, I believe that the day is not distant, when the blood that was shed at Baltimore, by those martyrs to a cause as holy as any for which sword was ever drawn, shall be known to have cemented, in an eternal union of sympathy, affection, and nationality, the sister States of Maryland and Massachusetts.
With sincere regard, I have the honor to be, faithfully and respect- fully, yours, JOHN A. ANDREW.
By direction of the Governor, a list of the killed and wounded on the 19th of April was prepared, and inquiries made in regard to the families and relatives of the men by the Adjutant-General, which information was subsequently transmitted to the Gov- ernor, and by him to Mr. Findley.
The Legislature of Maryland made an appropriation of seven thousand dollars, and transmitted it to the Governor, and, by him and the Executive Council, it was distributed among the families of the fallen, and to the wounded who survived. This was a most gracious act, and did much to remove the bitterness and ill feeling entertained by the people of the Commonwealth towards the city of Baltimore and the State of Maryland, for the blood of Massachusetts men, shed on their soil.
The people in the State were a unit in support of the war. The officers and enlisted men of the regiments were composed of all parties. In the selection of men to be commissioned, polities were never regarded. It was the desire of a large por- tion of the Republican party, that, in the nomination of a State ticket in the election in November, representative men of both the Republican and Democratic parties should be placed
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MASSACHUSETTS IN THE REBELLION.
upon it. The Republican Convention met at Worcester, on the first day of October, of which Hon. Henry L. Dawes was chosen President. On taking the chair, he made an eloquent speech, in which he recommended that a liberal policy be pursued in making nominations, and carrying on the war. He paid a well- deserved tribute to the Boston Morning Post, the leading . Democratic paper in the New-England States, for its patriotic course in sustaining the Government, and said, -
"It was fitting, therefore, as it was patriotic, for the organ of that party in this Commonwealth to summon, as it has, to this council the representatives of all her ' citizens who are in favor of union for the support of the Government, and for a vigorous prosecution of the war against wicked and unprovoked rebellion ; and who are determined, in good faith and without reservation, to support the constituted authori- ties in all attempts to restore the sway of the Constitution and laws over every portion of our country.' [Applause.] . .. We are here, in the presence of the public peril, ready to sink, more than hitherto, the partisan in the patriot: counting it honor, as well as duty, to lock arms with such glorious patriots as the noble Holt [applause ], working at the pumps, whoever is at the helm ; the bold and unflinch- ing Johnson [applause], nailing his flag to the mast ; and the peerless Everett [applause ], sounding the clarion-notes of his stirring eloquence along the ranks of the army of the Union, from the ocean to the per- ilous front of the war, on the dark and bloody ground of Kentucky or the battle-fields of Missouri."
This speech was the key-note to the convention. When Mr. Dawes concluded his speech, John A. Andrew was nominated by acclamation, and without opposition, for re-election. A mo- tion was then made to have a ballot for Lieutenant-Governor. Thomas Russell, Esq., of Boston, moved to amend the motion, that a committee of two from each congressional district be appointed to report nominations for the other officers to the convention. He said, " We have come here to lock arms with Holt and Dickinson and Butler and Frothingham and Greene, and we have got to do it in some practical way." This amend- ment was carried, and a committee appointed, which subsc- quently reported, for Lieutenant-Governor, Edward Dickin- son, of Amherst ; for Secretary of State, Richard Frothingham, of Charlestown ; for Treasurer, Henry K. Oliver, of Salem ;
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THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION.
for Auditor, Levi Reed', of Abington ; and for Attorney-Gene- ral, Dwight Foster, of Worcester. Mr. Dickinson had been, in former years, a Whig ; in later years, he was what was called a Conservative. He never had joined the Republican party. Mr. Frothingham had always been a Democrat, of the straightest sect ; and was, at this time, one of the editors of the Boston Post. Mr. Oliver, Mr. Reed, and Mr. Foster were Republicans, and incumbents of the offices for which they had been renominated. On taking the vote upon the report of the committee, Mr. Frothingham failed of a nomination ; the incumbent of the office, Oliver Warner, being the choice of the convention. The opposition to Mr. Frothingham was led by Mr. Moses Kimball, of Boston, who quoted part of an article from the Boston Post, of that morning, asking the convention "to drop such extreme men as Governor Andrew, and some of his associates, in the executive departments," in making up a new State ticket. The authorship of the article was attributed by Mr. Kimball to Mr. Frothingham. The effect on the convention answered the purpose of the gentleman who made use of it. Before the vote was taken upon the report, Richard H. Dana, Jr., of Cambridge, replied to Mr. Kimball. He said, "We are engaged in a strug- gle which the world has never seen equalled, either in its im- portance or it's results ; we have got beyond Wilmot Provisos and Dred Scott decisions ; we have got to fight for the exist- ence of the country. Let us rise above all personal prejudices, and nominate a ticket as men determined to serve the country ; we are met here to send throughout the Union, and to the ene- mies of our institutions abroad, that the pattern Commonwealth is taking the lead in this crisis."
A motion was then made by Mr. Russell, of Boston, to sub- stitute the name of Hon. Josiah G. Abbott, of Lowell, for Attorney-General, in place of Mr. Foster's name. This motion was sustained by the mover, and by Mr. Usher, of Medford ; and opposed by Mr. A. H. Bullock, of Worcester. Mr. Dana, of Cambridge, said "he could not see his duty in any other way than by placing a Democrat upon the ticket. The rejection of Mr. Frothingham involved a reconstruction of the ticket." He paid a high compliment to Mr. Foster ; but, for public rea-
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MASSACHUSETTS IN THE REBELLION.
sons, would vote for Mr. Abbott. Mr. 'Abbott was nominated, by a vote of 286 to 239. This created much excitement and ill feeling in the convention, which, however, was soon allayed by Mr. Foster himself, who arose, amid great applause, and said, "it would give him great satisfaction to have placed upon the ticket any distinguished gentleman of his profession, like Judge Abbott, of different politics from himself, if, in the least degree, the harmony of the people of Massachusetts can be promoted, and if the national Administration can be sustained in the vigor- ous prosecution of the war. He hoped, therefore, his friends would join with him in the hope that the nomination of Judge Abbott would be made unanimous." [Cheers. ]
The convention adjourned, having placed on the State ticket a " Conservative " for Lieutenant-Governor, and a Democrat for Attorney-General. Subsequently, both declined to be candi- dates ; and their places were filled with John Nesmith, of Lowell, for Lieutenant-Governor, and Dwight Foster for Attor- ney-General.
The marked feature of the convention, however, was the speech of Hon. Charles Sumner, which, at the time, gave much offence to the convention, and to the Republican majority in the State. The offence was caused by his open advocacy of pro- claiming freedom to the slaves, and using colored men as soldiers in the armies of the Union. " He said, -
" Look at the war as you will, and you will always see slavery. Never were the words of the Roman orator more applicable, - Nullum facinus exstitit nisi per te; nullum flagitium sine te. 'No guilt, unless through thee ; no crime without thee.' Slavery is its inspiration, its motive power, its end and aim, its be-all and end-all. It is often said, the war will make an end of slavery. This is probable ; but it is surer still, that the overthrow of slavery will at once make an end of the war.
"If I am correct in this statement, which I believe is beyond ques- tion, then do justice, reason, and policy all unite that the war must be brought to bear directly on the grand conspirator and omnipresent enemy, which is slavery. Not to do this is to take upon ourselves, in the present contest, all the weakness of slavery, while we leave to the rebels its boasted resources of military strength. Not to do this is to squander life and treasure on a vain masquerade of battle, which can
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THE SLAVERY QUESTION.
reach no practical result. Believe me, fellow-citizens, I know all the imagined difficulties and unquestioned responsibilities of the suggestion. But, if you are in earnest, the difficulties will at once disappear, and the responsibilities are such as you will gladly bear. This is not the first time that a knot hard to untie has been cut by the sword, and we all know that danger flies before the brave man. Believe that you can, and you can. The will only is needed. Courage now is the highest prudence. It is not necessary even, according to a familiar phrase, to carry the war into Africa : it will be enough if we carry Africa into the war, in any form, any quantity, any way. The moment this is done, rebellion will begin its bad luck, and the Union will be secure for ever."
The speech further elaborated these points. The resolutions which were reported to the convention made no mention, even remotely, of slavery, either as the cause of the war, or of its overthrow as a means of ending it. The only idea advanced in them was, that the purpose we had was to "put down armed rebellion," that " no rights secured by the Constitution to loyal citizens or States of the Union in any section ought to be in- fringed, and that rebels in arms against the Government can have no rights inconsistent with those of loyal citizens, which that Government is bound to respect." The whole tenor and purpose of the resolutions were to ignore the question of slavery, and to bring about a political union of men of all parties in the State. Such being the views of the convention, the speech of Mr. Sumner was regarded with disfavor. Rev. James Freeman Clarke, a delegate from Boston, offered two resolutions, which had a bearing towards sustaining the position taken by Mr. Sumner ; but they failed to receive the approval of the conven- tion. The first expressed confidence "in the wisdom of the national Administration," and that Massachusetts was ready to give of its blood and treasure to answer its calls ; "yet, believing that slavery is the root and cause of this Rebellion, they will rejoice when the time shall come, in the wisdom of the Govern- ment, to remove this radical source of our present evils." The second declared, that, " when the proper time shall arrive, the people of Massachusetts will welcome any act, under the war power of the commander-in-chief, which shall declare all the
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MASSACHUSETTS IN THE REBELLION.
slaves within the lines of our armies to be free, and accept their services in defence of the Union, compensating all loyal owners for slaves thus emancipated, and thus carrying liberty for all human beings wherever the stars and stripes shall float."
It is plain, that the Republican party of Massachusetts at this time, so far as its opinions were foreshadowed by the conven- tion, did not favor the abolition of or interference with slavery. When charged with favoring such doctrines by the press of the opposition, the Boston Daily Advertiser of Oct. 4, three days after the convention was held, utterly disclaimed them. In its leading editorial it said, -
"The convention certainly disavowed any intention of indorsing the fatal doctrines announced by Mr. Sumner, with a distinctness that can be hardly flattering to that gentleman's conception of his own influence in Massachusetts. The resolutions offered by Rev. Mr. Clarke, as a crucial test of the readiness of the convention to adopt open abolitionism as its creed, went to the table, and were buried, never to rise."
Further on, it says, -
" It may not appear so to Mr. Sumner and his supporters, and it may be forgotten by some who oppose him; but we hold it for an incontestable truth, that neither men nor money will be forthcoming for this war, if once the people are impressed with the belief, that the abolition of slavery, and not the defence of the Union, is its object, or that its original purpose is converted into a cloak for some new design of seizing this opportunity for the destruction of the social system of the South. The people are heart and soul with their Government in support of any constitutional undertaking. We do not believe that they will follow it, if they are made to suspect that they are being decoyed into the support of any unconstitutional and revolutionary designs."
It would be easy to add similar extracts from the Republican papers in the Commonwealth ; but they would only add weight to an accepted truth. At this time, the importance of saving the border slave States from being engulfed in the current of rebellion was immediate and paramount. The Union men of those States excited our sympathy and admiration. They
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DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION.
had bearded the lion of Rebellion in its den. They knew its strong and weak points. They asked Massachusetts and other anti-slavery States to take no aggressive stand against slavery, as it would weaken them, and strengthen the enemy. Massa- chusetts was one of many States battling for the nation : it was not therefore deemed wise for her alone to attempt to change the issue from a war to preserve the Constitution and the Union, into one for the abolition of slavery. The calm judgment of the people accepted this argument ; and hence they could not affirm the policy advanced by Mr. Sumner, because they did not believe it wise then to adopt it. The time might come, they argued, when it would be the highest wisdom to take such a stand ; and that time came, and the nation was saved.
The Democratic convention was held in Worcester, Sept. 18, and nominated Isaac Davis, of Worcester, for Governor ; Edwin C. Bailey, of Boston, Lieutenant-Governor ; Charles Thompson, of Charlestown, Secretary of State; Moses Bates, of Plymouth, Treasurer ; and Edward Avery, of Braintree, Attorney-General. These gentlemen were war Democrats.
Moses Bates was elected president of the convention, and, on taking the chair, made a long speech, which, so far as it related to the great national issue, was decided in favor of a vigorous pros- ecution of the war. Speeches were made by Oliver Stevens, of Boston ; E. A. Alger, of Lowell ; and Edwin C. Bailey, of Bos- ton, - all of whom condemned the Rebellion, and favored " con- quering a peace." The resolutions reported by A. R. Brown, of Lowell, and adopted by the convention, were of the same stamp.
It appears clear, therefore, that upon this great and vital ques- tion, which filled all minds, and overtopped all other issues, the two great political parties were a unit ; and but for the habit of making separate nominations, and of rallying under different party names, a union would have been made, and the ticket, with John A. Andrew's name at the head, would have been elected by a vote approaching unanimity. A union of this sort was not required to insure the election of the Republican candi- dates. They were certain to be elected by majorities of thou- sands. Every one knew that. Therefore no political advantage could be gained by them in receiving Democratic support. The
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MASSACHUSETTS IN THE REBELLION.
advantage would have been moral, not political ; of effect abroad, not here. It would have shown, that in Massachusetts at least, among her people at home as in her regiments in the field, there was but one party, one thought, one impulse, while the Union was imperilled, and armed Rebellion reared its hated crest.
The annual election was held on Tuesday, Nov. 5. The aggregate vote was comparatively small, owing chiefly to the large number of men absent from the State in the army and navy. Governor Andrew received 65,261 votes ; Isaac Davis, 31,264 ; scattering, 796; majority for Andrew, 33,201. The Legislature was unanimous for a vigorous prosecution of the war. The position of Massachusetts was thus clearly defined, and ad- mitted of no doubt. The course taken by the Governor and the Legislature to sustain the Union and the Government, re- ceived the approving voice of the Commonwealth.
It is hardly possible even to name the vast number of letters received and answered by the Governor, the Adjutant-General, the Surgeon-General, and other department officers, during the years of this Rebellion : they fill more than three hundred vol- umes, Many of the letters received from officers contain matters of great interest, especially those received immediately after the battle of Bull Run, in July, and of Ball's Bluff, in October. Among these is a letter written by Dr. Luther V. Bell, surgeon of the Eleventh Regiment, to Surgeon-General Dale, which gives a graphic description of the advance of the army to Bull Run ; his services to the wounded assisted by Dr. Josiah Carter and Dr. Foye. Dr. Bell improvised a hospital in a small stone church near the battle-field, in which seventy-five wounded men were brought, before the rout of the Union army brought the church within the rebel lines, and forced a retreat. The Massachusetts regiments engaged in this battle were the First, Colonel Cowdin, the Eleventh, Colonel Clark, three years' volun- teers ; and the Fifth, Colonel Lawrence, three months' regiment. The reports of these officers, and the testimony of others, show that the regiments behaved with great bravery, and that no part of the defeat can properly be attributed to them. We could fill many pages with extracts from these reports ; but they would
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