USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Lexington > History of the town of Lexington, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, from its first settlement to 1868, Volume I > Part 8
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But the attention of the people to the new bell and the "Bell free" did not, it appears, render them unmindful of the meeting-house itself; for at a town meeting held March 14, 1763, they voted "to couliour ye Meeting House Att ye Back of ye pulpit the Same Couliour the pulpit is coulioured."
In speaking of the pulpit and preacher, we should not for- get the school-house and the schoolmaster. They are kindred institutions, and cannot safely be dissevered. Up to 1714 the schools were kept in private houses, but at that time a school- house was erected in the centre of the town, and schools, kept generally by females, were established in the out-parts of the town. As it is proposed to treat of the public schools of the town in a separate chapter, I will only say here that our
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BOWMAN HOUSE HOME OF MARRETT AND NATHAN MUNROE
TIDD HOUSE DANIEL HARRINGTON HOUSE
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TO THE CLOSE OF THE FRENCH WARS
fathers, ever true to the great cause of education, have made suitable provision in all portions of their history to educate the rising generation.
As this chapter is designed to carry the general history of the town to the close of the French war in 1763, it seems proper to take a general view of the town from its incorpora- tion to that period. The French and Indian wars fill an im- portant page in the history of the town and of the Colony. The dangers to which the people were exposed, the repeated drafts made upon their men and their means, the sufferings of the soldiers, and the great loss of life, in the camp and in the field, give to this part of our history a thrilling interest; and were it not for the more recent struggles, which gave us a place among the nations of the earth, and which have shown to the world that we can support our Union, the "old French wars," as they have been denominated, would be regarded as the most important era in our annals. Viewed in the light of the philosophy of history, these wars may be regarded as among the primary causes of our free institutions. They were contests between Catholic France and Protestant England for supremacy in North America; and upon their result hung, in a great degree, the destiny of these Colonies and the cherished hopes of our Puritan ancestors. Not only the religious but the political fate of New England was in a manner involved in the contest. Great Britain had, at an early day, asserted her right to legislate for the Colonies, - a right which the Colo- nies had denied. But while they had asserted their right to raise their own money, call out their own troops, and make their own laws, the colonists had ever professed their readi- ness to sustain His Majesty's Colonies, protect His Majesty's possessions, and defend, with their lives and fortunes, His Majesty's right on this continent. These wars gave them an opportunity to redeem their pledges, and so to lay a broad foundation for the gratitude of the parent country.
The French wars not only gave our fathers a juster appre- ciation of their rights, but impressed them with a conscious- ness of their ability to maintain and defend them. Men who had taken Louisburg from the veteran. troops of France, served under England's most experienced commanders, and contributed largely to the conquest of Canada, felt that they had rendered their sovereign essential service, and were justly entitled to the consideration of the Crown. They had
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also acquired that knowledge of military science and that ex- perience in the art of war which enabled them to meet the shock of the Revolution unmoved, and to persevere to the end of that glorious contest.
But these wars, though they were a part of the stern dis- cipline to prepare the people for the Revolutionary struggle, were a great drain upon the Colony; and the actual sufferings and hardships endured by the soldiers in the field and the people at home were as great as, if not greater than, those expe- rienced during the War of Independence. The rolls of the serv- ice in these early wars are very imperfect, and in some cases are entirely lost; so that we are unable to give the number of soldiers furnished by Lexington. From a thorough examina- tion, however, we are able to state that the number was large, considering that the population of the town at the close of the war, in 1763, could not have been over six hundred. In 1740- 41, an expedition was fitted out against the Spanish West Indies settlements, Cuba being the principal object. Five hundred men were furnished by Massachusetts, and such were the accidents of the expedition and such the mortality among the troops that only fifty of the number returned. No regular rolls of that service have been found; but we have been able to find the names of six men from Lexington.
In 1745, the memorable expedition against Louisburg was fitted out; Massachusetts furnished thirty-two hundred and fifty of the four thousand and seventy men comprising that expedition. The rolls of the troops are not found in the archives of the State, it being generally supposed that they were sent to England as vouchers. It is not, therefore, pos- sible to state the number of men from this town. But as every town, especially near the seaboard, furnished more or fewer men, it is safe to conclude that Lexington was repre- sented in that brilliant expedition. In fact the obituary no- tices give the names of several who died at Cape Breton that year, and hence it follows with almost mathematical certainty that they were soldiers.
In 1748, there appear to have been three Lexington men in the service; in 1754, four; in 1755, there were twenty-three; in 1756, twenty-four; in 1757, thirty-three; in 1758, nine; in 1759, six; in 1760, forty; in 1761, five, and in 1762, twenty- eight. The rolls of the service are imperfect at best. Some of them are lost, and others are so dilapidated that many of the
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names are illegible. Besides, many of the rolls do not give the name of the town where the soldier resided. Under these cir- cumstances it is impossible to give a full list of those who were in the service. The true number must have been greater than stated above. Enough, however, is known to justify the statement that Lexington was not behind her sister towns in responding to the calls of the country. In fact few, if any, towns, numbering only about six hundred inhabitants, and remote from the scene of danger, sent forth a larger number of men.
The effects of these exhausting wars must have been great upon every town in the Province. Nothing retards the growth of population like war. Of the soldiers called into service, those who fall in battle make but a small part of those lost to their respective towns. Many fall a prey to disease, and many more to the vices of the camp and the habits of roving and idleness, and so never return to their respective towns. Besides, the soldiers in the field generally belong to the pro- ducing class, so far as population is concerned. Many young men return comparatively poor, and so are not in a condition to support a family; consequently, if they marry at all, they marry late in life. I mention these things to account for the fact that the population of Lexington was nearly stationary during the French and the Revolutionary wars.
There are many things in the manners and customs of those days which appear singular to us. The system of "Warning out of town" 1 is among them. The General Court had authorized towns to take this precaution, to prevent strangers from becoming a town charge as paupers. The practical working of this system was this: When any family or single person, even to a domestic in a family, came into town, the head of the family, or person owning the premises, was required to give notice to the selectmen of the names and numbers of the newcomers, the place whence they came, the date of their coming into town, and their pecuniary condi- tion. If the selectmen thought there was danger of their be- coming a public charge, they caused them to be warned to leave the town, and to have a "caution," as it was termed, entered with the Court of Sessions. This matter appears on our records as early as 1714, when "Capt: Joseph Estabrook
1 For an exhaustive and interesting discussion of this matter, see Warning Out in New England, by J. H. Benton. Boston, 1911. Ed.
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was made choyce of by ye selectmen to request the honorabll Sessions In June next to Enter Cautions against Dauid Cut- ting, and his wiffe: Sarah Cookse? and Joanna Snow: that thay might not be burthensum to Lexington." In 1722, Daniel Roff with his family were ordered to depart out of Lexington. We will add a few specimens of these notices: -
"Lexington January 6th: 1761 To the Select men gent'; These are to Inform you that on ye 19 of December Last past I toke ye widdo Elisabeth Sampson as a house keeper from harvard that being her Last place of Residence She being under Good Circumstances "JOHN BRIDGE"
"To the Select Men of the Town of Lexington Gent these are to Inform you that I Recived into my house to Reside with me Abigail Stone on or ye 12 day of may her Last place of Residenc was woburn Her Curcumstances I belive are Low May ye 29 1762 Signed
"JAMES ROBBINSON"
"At December Court 1760 Caution was Entered Against Edmund Dix Hannah Stockbridge Ann Hedge Hannan Ross as ye Law Directs."
"the Widdow Abigail Whittemore Informs that on ye 26 Day of December 1755 She took into her house as Inmates her Son in Law Nathaniel Whittemore with his wife & Child under Poore Curcum- stances thay Came from Lincoln She Informed January ye 5th: 1756."
At a meeting of the selectmen August 27, 1744, allowed "Con- stable Daniel Brown: 3 Shillings for warning Richd Hutchingson with his family out of Town."
"Also Ordered ye Clerk to Giue a warrant to ye Constable to warn Thoms Poore and Mary Winship to Remoue out of town."
These examples, which are taken promiscuously from the records, show the manner in which business was done at that time, and the general supervision which the authorities took of public, or as some might say, private affairs. It seems by the examples that a gentleman could not hire a man to live with him, or a girl to work in his family, or allow a tenant to occupy his house, or a house under his care, without giving notice thereof to the selectmen. And it is worthy of remark that these notices were given of the incoming of certain indi- viduals who afterwards became some of the most respectable and influential men in the town. Some of the young women whose ingress into town was thus publicly heralded won the hearts of permanent residents, and became the mothers of
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some of Lexington's most honored citizens. And when the calls of our country required the services of her patriotic sons, several of the very men who had been "warned out of town" were among the first to obey the call.
The ground on which this rigid policy was justified was that the town might be apprised of those immigrating into the township, so that they might be warned out, and thereby prevented from becoming a charge as paupers in case they should need assistance. This rule was so strictly adhered to that persons having servants come to live with them were compelled, either to send them out of town or give bonds that they should never become a town charge. One case will serve as a specimen: In 1769, William Reed had a negro servant named Pompey, and he gave a bond to the town in the sum of fifty pounds. Having the instrument before me, I will cite its terms: -
"The Condition of this Obligation is Such, that if ye the above Bouned William Reed his heirs Executors administrators or As- signs Shall from time to time and at all times for Ever hereafter Saue ye Town of Lexington harmless from any Charge ariseing for the Support or maintenance of his Negro man Servant named Pompi: then this obligation to be void & of none Effect But if otherwise to Stand & Remain in full force & vertue.
"Signed, WM. REED."
"Signed Sealed & Delivd In the Presence of
"BENJA. BROWN.
"THAD. BROWN."
There is one important fact which should be stated in connection with this practice of giving notice of the arrival of strangers and of warning them out of town through fear of their becoming a public charge, - it was more benevolent and humane than a practice sometimes adopted after this regula- tion became obsolete. Many cases have, since that period, occurred where poor persons, coming into a town, have been fitted out with a small supply of food on condition that they should go on to another town; and sometimes they have been taken, without any conditions or assent, and carried in the night-time and set down within the limits of another town. Such practices savor of inhumanity, and show that our fathers had not, at that day, learned the true system of pro- viding almshouses for the support and comfort of the poor and unfortunate.
CHAPTER III
CIVIL HISTORY FROM 1763 TO 1775
The Natural Expectations of the Colonists - The Stamp Act - Instructions to the Representative - Declaration of Rights, and Resolutions - Endorsement of the Doings of Boston - Committee of Correspondence chosen - The Stamp Act repealed - The Importation of Tea - Resolutions in Opposition to the Im- portation and Use of the Tea - Measures of Preparation for the Last Appeal - A Pledge that they would support their Resolutions with their Fortunes and their Lives - The Certainty of a Conflict.
THE bloody contest with the French and Indians was over; Canada was conquered; and the domain of North America was secured to Protestant England. The stern Puritans, who had served so heroically, and we may add prayerfully, in the cause, and who had given success to the arms of Great Brit- ain, were filled with rejoicing. They had proved their devo- tion to the Crown, and had contributed largely to the exten- sion of His Majesty's possessions in North America; and, by so doing, had secured to themselves the great blessing of en- joying undisturbed the freedom of Congregational worship. They also flattered themselves that the king they had served, the country whose interest they had promoted, and the minis- try whose administration they had contributed to make illus- trious would gratefully remember the services rendered, and treat their faithful colonists, not only with justice, but with generosity. They expected, and had a right to expect, that, as they had shared with the mother country the dangers and the burdens of these protracted struggles, they should at least be left in peace, to recover from their exhaustion by their own industry and frugality.
In this general expectation the good people of Lexington participated. They had experienced the dangers, encountered the hardships, and felt the exhaustion of the war; and they needed repose. Lexington according to her population had furnished a large number of men. Her citizens, who had ren- dered distinguished service to their king and country, had returned to their homes and families, to engage in their indus- trial pursuits, to render their families more comfortable, and to retrieve their ruined fortunes; and by their manly exertion
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CIVIL HISTORY FROM 1763 TO 1775
and strict frugality, to bear their share of the taxes incident to the war, and at the same time contribute to the mainte- nance of civil and religious institutions in their native town. Industry revived in the place, and the people were exerting themselves to improve their highways, to increase the facili- ties for the education of their children, and thus to promote . the prosperity of the town. But these dreams of peace and prosperity were disturbed by intimations that the Ministry they had served with so much fidelity, and in whose cause they had cheerfully made such sacrifices, instead of requiting these favors with kindness, was meditating a system of un- just exaction and servitude, greater than anything to which the colonists had ever before been subjected.
In fact, while the colonists were freely pouring out their blood and treasure in support of the Crown and His Majesty's possessions in America, the Ministry was meditating a plan by which the colonists should not only support their own . government, but contribute to the maintenance of that power which had oppressed them. This was to be done by enlarging the prerogatives of the home government at the expense of the colonial charters. These contemplated encroachments were looked upon by the people of Massachusetts with pecu- liar jealousy, and by none more than by the people of Lex- ington. They had served the King with fidelity, and they claimed justice at his hands. Their proximity to the town of Boston, against which British tyranny seemed, from the first, to be mainly directed, made them alive to everything which tended to impair the prosperity of their principal market. Besides, there were causes operating within the town itself which served to keep up a high tone of patriotic feeling. The men who had fought as faithful English subjects in defence of English institutions, and also to acquire a larger domain for the Crown, felt that they were entitled to the rights of Eng- lish subjects. They had paid too dearly for their homes and firesides, to be willing to have them invaded by the nation they had served. The military experience they had had, and the knowledge of arms they had acquired, gave them con- fidence in their own strength, so that they were not to be intimidated by any threat of enforcing oppressive laws at the point of the bayonet.
There was another general cause in operation in the Colo- nies to make the people jealous of their rights, and awake to
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the spirit of liberty. The clergy in those days exercised a con- trolling influence in their respective parishes. In most of the country towns the minister was the only educated man in the place, and consequently was consulted on all great questions, more frequently than any other individual. And as the great theme of that day was religious freedom, the clergy were almost uniformly found on the side of liberty. They knew that religious and civil rights were so nearly allied that they must stand or fall together. They had taught the necessity of resisting oppression, during the French wars. The voice of the clergy at that period was on the side of defending our rights at every hazard. "An injured and oppressed people, whose destruction and overthrow is aimed at by unreasonable men, ought, surely, to stand upon their defence, and not tamely submit to their incursions and violence." 1 Such was the feel- ing of that day. It pervaded the whole community in a greater or less degree. But in no town was this doctrine in- culcated with more force or fidelity than in Lexington. Their clergyman, the Rev. Jonas Clarke, was a man of decided ability, who was capable of comprehending the whole subject in all its bearings, of showing the intimate connection between civil and religious liberty, and of enforcing the high and important duty of fidelity to God, by maintaining the liber- ties of the people. He not only sympathized with his brethren generally on these subjects, and acted in harmony with them in inculcating the duty of patriotism; but in everything per- taining to human rights and the sacred obligation to maintain them, he was one who took the lead. Understanding the whole subject perfectly, and having a controlling influence in his own parish, he had brought the people up to a high state of enlightened patriotism. No man better understood the civil rights of the colonists than the Rev. Mr. Clarke, and no man was more successful in infusing his feelings into the great body of the people around him. Under these circumstances, it would be strange if the people of Lexington were not fully alive to the encroachments of the mother country, and ready at all times to maintain their own rights.
In March, 1765,2 the first of a series of measures for taxing
1 Fast Sermon of Mr. Maccarty, of Worcester, 1759.
2 Bill introduced March, 1764, to take effect in a year. First action taken at Boston, May, 1764, containing "the first formal and public denial of the right of Parliament to tax the Colonies without their consent," by Sam Adams. J. Fiske, The American Revolution, Vol. I, pp. 15-16. Ed.
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CIVIL HISTORY FROM 1763 TO 1775
the Colonies passed the British Parliament, and soon after received the sanction of the Crown. This aroused the just indignation of the American people.
On the 21st of October, 1765, a town meeting was held in Lexington, to see what Instructions the town would give in relation to the Stamp Act. The subject was referred to the selectmen, consisting of James Stone, Thaddeus Bowman, Robert Harrington, Benjamin Brown, and Samuel Stone, Jr., for their consideration, who, being duly prepared, submitted at once a draft of Instructions. It is but justice to the mem- ory of Mr. Clarke to say that this paper, as well as several other able papers recorded in our town book, were from his pen. The committee who reported them, though undoubtedly sensible and patriotic men, laid no claim to that finished scholarship which characterizes this and the other papers to which reference is made. There is internal evidence of their authorship, and it has ever been conceded that they were written by Mr. Clarke; as further evidence of the fact, I have now before me the original draft of one of these papers in Mr. Clarke's own handwriting. The instructions are so fraught with wisdom, so patriotic in their doctrines, and reflect so fully the sentiments of the people of the town who adopted them unanimously, that I give them in full: -
" To William Reed, Esq., the present Representative of Lexington: - "SIR, - We have always looked upon men, as a Set of Beings Naturally free: - And it is a Truth, which ye History of Ages and the Common Experience of Mankind have fully confirmed, that a People Can Never be divested of those invaluable Rights & Liberties which are necessary to ye Happiness of Individuals, to the well- being of Communities or to a well regulated State, but by their own Neglegence, Imprudence, Timidity or Rashness. - They are seldom lost, but when foolishly forfited or tamely resigned.
"And therefore, when we Consider the invaluable Rights and Liberties we now possess, the Firmness and Resolution of our Fa- thers, for the Support and Preservation of them for us, and how Much we owe to our Selves and to Posterity, we Cannot but look upon it as an unpardonable Neglect, any longer to delay expressing how deeply we are Concerned at Some Measures adopted by the late Ministry, and how much we fear from Some Acts lately passed in the British Parliament, which appear to us, Not only distressing to the Trade and Commerce of this Province, but subversive of several of our most invaluable internal Rights, as well as Privi- ledges, and from which we apprehend the Most fatal Consequences.
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"What of all most alarms Us, is an Act Commonly Called the Stamp Act ; the full Execution of which, we Apprehend would divest us of our Most inestimable Charter Rights and Privileges, Rob us of our Character as Free and Natural Subjects, and of almost Everything we ought, as a People to hold Dear.
"Admitting there was No Dispute as to the Right of Parliament to impose Such an Act upon us, yet we Cannot forebare Complain- ing of it in itself considered, as unequal and unjust, and a Yoke too heavy for us to bear. And that not only as it falls heaviest upon ye poor, the widow & The Fatherless and the Orphan; Not only as it will embarrass the Trade and Business of this infant Country and so prevent Remittances to England; But more especially as the Duties and Penalties imposed by it, are Numerous, and so high that it will quickly drein the Country of the little Cash remaining in it, Strip Multitudes of their Property, and reduce them to Poverty and in a short Time render it utterly impossible for the People to subsist under it - and what will be the Consequences of this, to our Friends in Great Britain, as well as to our Selves is easily Seen.1
"But then, We humbly conceive this Act to be directly repugnant to those Rights and Priviledges granted us in our Charter, which we always held sacred, as confirmed to us, by the Royal word and Seal, and as frequently recognized by our Sovereign and the Parliament of Great Britain, wherein it is expressly granted to us and to our child- ren-That We shall have and enjoy all Liberties and Immunities of Free and Natural Subjects, within any of his Majesties Dominions, to all Intents, Constructions and Purposes, as if we were every one of us born in his Majesties Realm of England. - And Further that the Full Power and Authority to impose and levy proportionable and reasonable Taxes upon the Estates and Persons of all the Inhab- itants within the Province, for the Support and Defence of his . Majesties Government are granted to the General Court or Assem- bly thereof -
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