USA > Massachusetts > Essex County > Municipal history of Essex County in Massachusetts, Volume I > Part 4
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The removal of Roger Conant and his associates to Naumkeag (Salem) left Cape Ann deserted, as we have no evidence that any
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ESSEX COUNTY
remained there. Those who did not follow their leader went either to Virginia or returned to England, and the house which they occu- pied at Cape Ann was removed in 1628 to Salem to accommodate Governor Endicott. The new location was well chosen, and the planters by their courage and industry, enduring many privations and hardships, were able to overcome all difficulties and prove the possibility of a succesful settlement. The coming of Endicott and his company two years later (1628) made sure the founding of the good old Puritan city of Salem, as narrated in the chapter on that municipality. F. A. G.
CHAPTER III.
THE STORY OF THE PLANTERS-PART II.
SALEM BEFORE 1630
Salem, the "City of Peace"-The First Settlers under Roger Conant- Account by William. Wood in his "New England's Prospect"-John Endicott's Company-The First Council-Third Migration to Salem in 1629-Record of the Voyage and List of Those Who Came.
Salem, the "City of Peace," embodies in the name the spirit of Roger Conant, the founder of this historic Puritan community. The plantation at Cape Ann had proved a failure, owing in great degree to the lack of fertility of the soil at the point chosen. Conant, as Hubbard states, "disliked the place as much as the adventurers dis- liked the business; and therefore in the meanwhile had made some inquiry into a more commodious place near adjoining, on the other side of a creek, called Naumkeag, a little to the westward, where was much better encouragement as to the design of a plantation, than that which they had attempted upon before at Cape Anne." Hub- bard further says of Conant: "Secretly conceiving in his mind, that in the following times (as since is fallen out) it might prove a recep- tacle for such, as upon the account of religion, would be willing to begin a foreign plantation in this part of the world, of which he gave some intimation to his friends in England. Whereupon that reverend person Mr. White (under God one of the chief founders of the Massa- chusetts Colony in New England) being grieved in his spirit that so good a work should be suffered to fall to the ground by the adven- turers thus abruptly breaking off, did write to Mr. Conant not to desert his business; faithfully promising, that if himself with three others (whom he knew to be honest and prudent men) viz: John
THE NEW YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY
ASTOR, LENOX TILDEN FOUNDATIONS
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A chart of Massachusetts Bay ; drawn about 1634, on a scale of 21/3 Italian miles, by estima- tion, to an inch. Size 2 ft. x 1 ft. 3 in. [Add 5415 g. iii]. The letter B in the map shows the location of the John Humphrey house in what is now Swampscott.
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THE NEW YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY
ASTOR, LENOX TILDEN FOUNDATIONS
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SALEM BEFORE 1630
Woodberry, John Balch, and Peter Palfreys,* employed by the adven- turers, would stay at Naumkeag, and give timely notice thereof, he would provide a patent for them, and likewise send them whatever they should write for, either men or provisions, or goods wherewith to trade with the Indians. Answer was returned that they would all stay on those terms, entreating that they might be encouraged accordingly; yet it seems, before they received any return according to their desires, the last three mentioned began to recoil, and repenting of their engagement to stay at Naumkeag, for fear of the Indians, and the other inconveniences, resolved rather to go to Virginia, especi- ally because Mr. Lyford, their minister, upon a loving invitation, was thither bound. But Mr. Conant, as one inspired by some superior instinct, though never so earnestly pressed upon to go along with them, peremptorily declared his mind to wait the providence of God in that place, where now they were, yea, though all the rest forsook him; not doubting, as he said, but if they departed he should soon have more company. The other three, observing his confident resolu- tion, at last concurred with him, and soon after sent back John Woodbury to England, to procure necessaries for a plantation. But that God, who is ready to answer His people before they call, as He had filled the heart of that good man Mr. Conant, in New England, with courage and resolution to abide fixed in his purpose, notwith- standing all opposition and persuasion he met with to the contrary, had also inclined the hearts of several others in England about the same design." Roger Conant tells us, in his own words, how near this settlement came to being abandoned. In a petition to the General Court, he wrote: "Being one of the first, if not the very first, that resolved and made good any settlement, under God, in matter of plantation, with my family, in this Colony of Massachusetts Bay, and have been instrumental both for the founding and carrying on of the same. When in the infancy thereof, it was in great hassard of being deserted. I was the means, through grace assisting me, to stop the flight of those few that then were heere with me, and that, by my utter denial, to goe away with them who would haue gone either for England, or mostly for Virginia, but thereupon staid to the hassard of our lives." Conant's heroic determination to "hold on" is typified in his bronze statue in Washington Square, Salem; he firmly grasps the sturdy oak and stands in the face of the strong winds of adversity.
*Richard Brackenbury, in a deposition, mentioned the names of others who came to Salem with the above-named early planters: "old Goodman Norman, and son, William Allen, Walter Knight and others."
Thomas Gardner was in all probability one of these "others." He had been, as shown above, the first overseer at Cape Ann, and his name appears in the very earliest records of Salem. At a meeting of the London Company, held July 28, 1629, Mr. Webb mentioned "one Mr. Gardner, an able & expert man in divers faccultyes."
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Hubbard, who was an intimate friend of Roger Conant, and who undoubtedly obtained his information from him, states that the settlement was made "on the other side of a creek called Naumkeag." The choice of the western side of the creek (which is now spanned by the Salem-Beverly bridge) was in all probability made by Conant, in order to avoid any complications on account of the Mason claims, which named the territory between the river and the Merrimack. He likewise took care to avoid any conflict with the natives, as Humphrey Woodbury shows in a deposition as follows: "The Indians were glad of the colonists company, planted by them, and came to them for pro- tection against their Indian enemy up country, and we did shelter them when they fled, and we did have their free leave to build and plant, where we had taken up their lands." William Dixey, in a de- position, gave similar testimony concerning the harmony existing between the early planters and the Indians. The exact point of settlement of the planters when they came to Naumkeag is not definitely known, but there is excellent reason for believing that the first houses were erected on the southern side of the North river on the shore of the cove at the foot of what is now appropriately named Conant street and to the west of the present March street. Mr. Sidney Perley, in his papers on "Salem Before 1700," showed that many houses stood here early in the 17th century, and that an old road ran along on the shore of the North river in that locality. The old "Planter's Marsh" was between this site and the nearby Collins Cove. The present Planters street runs through this last-named section. The description of the little settlement, given by William Wood in his "New England's Prospect," published in 1634, tends strongly to confirm belief in the above location as the true one:
Four miles northeaft from Saugus lieth Salem, which ftands on the middle of a neck of land very pleafantly, having a fouth river on the one fide, and a north river on the other fide; upon this neck where moft of the houfes ftand is very bad and fandy ground, yet for feven years together it hath brought forth ex- ceeding good corn, with being fifhed but every third year; in fome places is very good ground, and good timber, and divers fprings hard by the fea fide. Here likewise is ftore of fifh, as Baffes, Eels, Lobsters, Clams, etc.
Although their land is none of the beft, yet beyond thefe rivers is a very good foil, where they have taken farms, and get their hay, and plant their corn; there they crofs thefe rivers with fmall canoes, which are made of whole pine trees, being about two feet and an half over, and twenty feet long; in thefe they likewife go a fowling, fometimes two leagues to fea; there be more canoes in this town, than in all the whole patent; every houfehold having a water horfe or two.
This town wants an Alewife river, which is a great inconvenience; it hath two good harbours, the one being winter, the other fummer harbours, which lyeth within Derbin's fort, which place if it were well fortified, might keep fhips from landing of forces in any of thofe two places. (The author of the above, probably left New England in 1633.)
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SALEM BEFORE 1630
The first houses were undoubtedly built close to the shore for greater safety in case of Indian attack, and the canoes were their most common means of intercourse. The members of the little colony of planters were building, planting and fishing, in their endeavor to establish themselves, and in the meantime important events were transpiring in England. The Council, which had been established at Plymouth, England, and incorporated November 3, 1620, "for the planting, ruling, ordering and governing of New England," sold in March, 1627, the following territory: "That part of New England three miles north of the Merrimack and three miles south of the Charles River in the bottom of the Massachusetts Bay." The pur- chasers were "some knights and gentlemen about Dorchester, viz., Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Young, Knights, Thomas Southcoat, John Humphrey, John Endicott and Simon Whitcome, Gent." Rev- erend John White, the patriarch of Dorchester, England, tells us in his own quaint diction, the way in which the interest of these gentle- men was enlisted in this enterprise. I quote from his "Brief Rela- tion," printed in 1630.
Some then of the adventurers that still continued their desire to set forward the plantation of a Colony there, conceiving that if more cattle were sent over to those few men left behind, they might not only be a means of the comfortable subsisting of such as were already in the country, but of inviting some other of their friends and acquaintance to come over to them, adventured to send over twelve kine and bulls more; and conferring casually with some gentlemen in London, moved them to add unto them as many more. By which occasion, the business came to agitation afresh in London, and being at first approved by some and disliked by others, by argument and disputa- tion it grew to be more vulgar; insomuch that some men showing some good affection to the work, and offering the help of their purses if fit men might be procured to go over, inquiry was made whether any would be willing to engage their persons in the voyage. By this inquiry it fell out that among others they lighted at last on Master Endicott, a man well known to divers persons of good note, who manifested much willingness to accept this offer as soon as it was tendered; which gave great encouragement to such as were upon the point of resolution to set on this work of erecting a new Colony upon the old foundation. Hereupon divers persons having subscribed for the raising of a reasonable sum of money, a patent was granted with large encourage- ments every way by his most excellent Majesty.
This company under the direction of John Endicott, sailed from Weymouth, England, June 20, 1628, in the ship "Abigail," commanded by Captain Henry Gauden, or Godden, and arrived at Naumkeag on the 6th of September. We have abundant contemporary evidence of the date of the arrival. Rev. John White, in the "Planter's Plea," above quoted, stated that Endicott arrived "in September, 1628, and uniting his own men with those which were formerly planted in the country into one body, they made up in all not much above fifty or sixty persons." Governor Dudley, in a letter written to the Countess
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ESSEX COUNTY
of Lincoln, March 12, 1630, in referring to the year 1628, wrote: "And the fame year we fent Mr. John Endicott and some with him, to begin a plantation; and to ftrengthen fuch as he fhould find there, which we fent thiether from Dorchester, fome places adjoyning; from whom the fame year receiving hopeful news." Governor Bradford, in his "letter book," after referring to some people who were sent to Plymouth from Leyden in 1629, wrote: "as the Lord fent thefe unto us, both to their and our comfort, fo at the fame time he fent many other godly perfons into the land, as the beginning of a plentiful harveft, as will appear more fully hereafter; So as the delay of our friends was now recompenfed with a large increafe, to the honour of God and joy of all good men; thefe began to pitch at Nahumkeak, fince called Salem, to which place was come in the latter end of fummer before, a worthy gentlemen, Mr. John Endicott by name, and fome others with him, to make fome preparation for the reft." Governor Bradford again mentions the historical position of this settlement in his "Verse on New England," reprinted in the publi- cations of the Massachusetts Historical Society :
Almost ten years we lived here alone In other places there were few or none For Salem was the next of any fame, That began to augment New England's name.
Another very interesting bit of evidence regarding the coming of the Endicott party is the following extract from the records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England: "This day dd a warrant to Mr. George Harwood, Threr, to pay Mr. Barnard Mitchell one hundred pounds, in pte of the ffreight of the Henry Gawden, Mr., from Waimouth to Naumkeke, the goods shipt. of lading dated 20 June last, beeing p bill of lading 46 1-2 tuns of. besyds ye chardge of Capten John Endicott, his wiffe and. .psons his company, theire passage & dyett."
"Unfortunately the space reserved for the number of persons in the above document was not filled out, and so we are in doubt in regard to the exact numerical strength of the company, which was evidently a small one. Deputy Governor Dudley stated that there came "Mr. John Endecott and some with him." The Reverend John White wrote: "Master Endicott. assisted with a few men." He later stated that "uniting his own men with those which were formerly planted in the country into one body, they made up in all not much above fifty or sixty persons." Hubbard probably received his knowledge of this early period from Roger Conant, and his allu- sion to the Endicott Company is therefore especially interesting. He wrote in his "Narrative": "With Mr. Endicot in the year 1628, came
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SALEM BEFORE 1630
Mr. Gotte, Mr. Brackenbury, Mr. Davenport and others, who being added to Capt. Trask and John Woodberry (that was before this time returned with a comfortable answer to them that sent him over) went on comfortably together to make preparation for the new Colony."
We learn from Hubbard in the last quotation that Messrs. Gott, Brackenbury and Davenport came with Endicott and "some others." The Spragues (Ralph, Richard and William) have been placed by Felt and others as members of this company, and the omission of their names in the above list of Hubbard's caused Alexander Young in his "Chronicles" to assert that the claim was therefore invalidated. In the opinion of the writer, this does not necessarily follow. The Spragues may have been included in "the others" referred to, but not named. We know from a statement in the Charlestown records that the three Sprague brothers "arrived at Salem at their own charge." They might easily have paid their passage on the "Abigail," been included in the "others" referred to, and had their names omitted, as they were neither the employees of the company nor passengers at the company's expense.
John Woodbury, as we have stated in the "Founders of the Massa- chusetts Bay Colony," was one of the Cape Ann Planters who was sent back to England to procure supplies, returning to Naumkeag in 1628, before Endicott arrived. The manner in which Hubbard has coupled Captain Trask's name with Woodbury's leads us to think that in all probability Captain Trask came over with Woodbury when he returned hither. We believe that Trask came before Endicott.
The old planters who had come to Naumkeag two years before and had enjoyed their freedom under the mild domination of their peace-loving leader, Roger Conant, naturally chafed under the sterner rule of John Endicott. The chief bone of contention was the question of raising tobacco, Captain Endicott having been instructed not to allow any one to cultivate it, while the old planters had raised it for two years. This controversy resulted in the giving of special con- cessions to the earlier settlers, as Endicott received instructions from England to allow the Old Planters to cultivate it, and this privilege was renewed later. Hubbard tells us that the disagreement was "by the prudent moderation of Mr. Conant,. quietly composed," and Rev. John White wrote that when the name was changed from Naum- keag to Salem, it was done "upon a fair ground, in remembrance of a peace settled upon a conference at a general meeting between them and their neighbors, after expectance of some dangerous jar."
The care exercised by the authorities of the company in England to guard the interests of the Old Planters was marked and was a substantial recognition of the value of these men. In the first letter of general instruction to Endicott, he was informed that they were
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"content they shall be partakers of such privileges as we, from his Majesty's especial grace, with great cost, favor of personages of note, and much labor, have obtained; and that they shall be incorporated into this Society, and enjoy not only these lands which formerly they have manured, but such further proportion as by the advice and judgment" of Endicott and the rest of the Council, should be thought fit. They told him further that it was their purpose that the Planters "should have some benefit by the common stock, .. if it be held too much to take thirty per cent. and the freight of the goods for and in consideration of our adventure and disbursement of our moneys, to be paid in beaver at six shillings per pound, that you moderate the said rate, as you with the rest of the Council shall think to be agree- able to equity and good conscience." They wrote that they would "unwillingly do any act in debarring such as were inhabitants before us of that trade, as in conscience they ought to enjoy." They also provided for the participation of the Old Planters in the government by voting that "such of the said former planters as are willing to live within the limits of our Plantation, shall be enabled and are hereby authorized, to make choice of two, such as they shall think fit, to supply and make up the number of twelve of the said Council."
The necessity of peaceful co-operation for the common good evidently had much to do with the rapid disappearance of animosities. The fear of the Indians was evidently one factor, as the following quotation from a letter written by Rev. Thomas Cobbett to Increase Mather will show:
About ye yeare 1628 when those few yt came out with Colonel Indecot and began to settle at Nahumkeick, now called Salem, and in a manner all so seck of ye journey, that though they had both small and great guns, and powder and bullets for ym, yet had not strength to manage ym if suddenly put upon it, and tidings being certainly brought ym on a Lord's day morning yt a thous- and Indians from Sugust were coming against ym to cut ym off, they had much adoe amongst ym all to charge two or three of ye great guns and trail ym to a place of advantage where ye Indians must pass to ym and there to shoot ym off, when they heard their noise they made in ye woods, yt ye Indians drew near, ye noise of which great artillery to which ye Indians were never wonted be- fore, did occasionally (by ye good hand of God) strike such dread into ym yt by some lads, which lay as scouts in ye woods, they were heard to reiterate that outcrie (O Obbomock) and then fled confused back with all speed when none pursued.
Sickness from scurvy and other disorders weakened the strength of the company and made it still more necessary that they should live on as good terms with each other as possible. Endicott performed excel- lent service for the little band and when upon learning that they had at Plymouth in the person of Doctor Samuel Fuller, a very skilful man, sent to the governor there and asked that he be sent to Salem. The request was granted, to the great relief of the settlers, and later
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SALEM BEFORE 1630
Endicott in a letter to Bradford wrote, "I acknowledge myself much bound to you for your kind love and care in sending Mr. Fuller amongst us."
Morton and his people at Merry Mount added still further to Endicott's troubles and he administered summary justice. Endicott had a double right to interfere with these men in their illicit traffic with the Indians and their questionable festivities about the May-pole. Not only was the ground on which Morton's men lived within the territory covered by his patent, but he was instructed in the first letter that if "necessity require a more severe course, when fair means will not pre- vail," to deal with such people as his discretion should think "fittest for the general good and safety of the Plantation."
In order that the power of the company might be strengthened in the territory about Boston Bay, Endicott was instructed to send forty or fifty persons to inhabit about there as soon as they should arrive on the ships which were being fitted out. All men who desired to "settle themselves there, or to send servants thither," were to be given "all accommodation and encouragement." Endicott was instructed however, in the case of Englishmen whom he found planted there, and who were willing to live under the government, "to endeavour to give them all fitting and due accommodation as to any of ourselves; yea, if you see cause for it, though it be with more than ordinary privileges in point of trade." Thus we see again the great care which they exercised in their endeavors to avoid conflicts. This was also shown in the instructions concerning their dealing with the Indians. The same letter contained the following: "If any of the salvages pre- tend right of inheritance to all or any part of the lands granted in our patent, we pray you endeavour to purchase their title, that we may avoid the least scruple of intrusion." Young states that these instruc- tions were literally observed, and quotes a letter from the provincial authorities to the home government in 1767, as follows: "We are satis- fied there are no complaints against this Province by his Majesty's agents for Indian affairs; and that no settlements have been made or attempted by us without proper authority. It is with much pleasure we remind your Excellency, and inform the world, that greater care was taken of the Indians by our pious ancestors during the old char- ter, and by this government under the new, even to this day, than was ever required of us by the British government." Endicott was ordered "if it might be conveniently done, to compound and conclude with them all, (the Indians) or as many as you can, at one time, not doubting by your discreet ordering of this business, the natives will be willing to treat and compound with you on very easy conditions."
The powers vested in Endicott by the company were paternal as well as governmental, and thus his duties were greatly augmented. Every man was required to have some definite occupation, and it was
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the business of the local authorities to see that he employed himself diligently in it. No drones were to be permitted to live in the precincts. Paternalism did not stop even here, and it is a matter of sincere regret to all students of this early period that the following instruction was not carried out to the letter: "The course we have prescribed for keeping a daily register in each family, of what is done by all and every person in the family, will be a great help and remembrance to you, and to future posterity for the upholding and continuance of this good act, if once well begun and settled; which we heartily wish and desire, as aforesaid." In the matter of indulgence in alcoholics, this same fatherly oversight was to be exercised, and Endicott was directed that if any should "exceed in that inordinate kind of drinking as to become drunk," he should "take care his punishment be made exemplary for all others."
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