USA > Massachusetts > Hampden County > Springfield > Springfield, 1636-1886 : history of town and city, including an account of the quarter-millennial celebration at Springfield, Mass., May 25 and 26, 1886 > Part 9
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Goodman Johnson my ancient & much esteemed friend as you har bin my faithfull Agent in all businesess of importance so it is not ye least yt I have com- mitted unto your care ye movinge ye Generall Court to take into serious consid- iration ye jurisdiction of ye Rivers mouth, for if we should be brought under such a jurisdiction not only our comfortable sittuation will be spoyled but also ye liberties & privileges of ye pattent in all their Western pte-for what is all yat you have in your ptes good for, if you cann have ffree passage of Con- nottieutt River.
The Generall Court of ye Bay hav declared their Reasons both against ye purchase. & also against ye custome of ye Rivers month for they plead both these thinges, to bring us under imposition -
1. Mr. Hopkins letter to me (wch I sent you by my sson) doth hould forth that we must pay 2d ye bushell & 20 ye . . of corne as our due share towards ye purchase of ye said fort-
2. I gather from Mr. Dudlies speech to me, that Mr. Hopkins doth expect ye said rates as a custome, for Mr. Dudly tonld me yat he demanded of Mr. Hopkins whether they would expect ye like rates of any other plantations that might be planted above us ye said forte to ye head of ye River.
3. Heere it is evident that they expect ye said rates of us as an imposition of enstome. for if it had bin intended for purchase only then when a certain sume had bin paid, they could expect no more - but it seemes they expect ye like rates of all other plantations that may, in few yeeres. be planted above us. Is not this unlimited, sence fitter to be called custome yan purchase -
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SPRINGFIELD, 1636-1886.
4. In this confused, mixed case, y" Commissioners of y" Umted Colonies hay interposed their power, & have ordered that ye subjects of ye Bay Jurisdiction, that live uppon ye River, shall pay ye said rates to ye Rivers mouth ; but whether we must pay it in ye name of purchase, or in ye name of custome. I know not as vet -
If they have ordered our payment in respect of ye purchase, then ye con- troversy must lie betweene ye Generall Court (who have declared against it), and Mr. ffennick, for he is the only Block, -but if y" Commissioners hav ordered us to pay it as a custome to ye River, then ye controversy will lie betweene ve two jurisdictions. Let ye justice of both these suits be examined. Then what have ye Commissioners to doe in ye case, for their commission runs thus - If any controversy doe arise betweene any of y" two United Colonies, then ye other Commissioners have power to determine ye matter - but Mr. ffenick wth whom ye controversy is (about our payment to ye purchase) is not a Colonist, is but a private man, therefore ye Commissioners in that case have no power ex- officio to determine. Therefore, ye late order is of no power to bynd us to obey it. But, 2dly. If they have ordered us to pay y" said rates as custome to ye River, then I think ye Generall Court knows how to deal wth them in ye same kind. The Rivers are buyers and no sellers, therefore. they cannot attach our goods in ye name of purchase, except they do it in Mr. ffenick's name. to bring us to a dew tryall in law - but I think no justice can make us pay to any pur- chase unlesse we have bin first made acquainted with it. & so consenting to ye bargain weh we disclaim. In briefe, ye whole businesse doth seem to me to be such an odd kind of jumbled businesse yt I cannot tell how to distinguish their meaning. Mr. ffenicke sees ye lawes and ye power of government, and yet he doeth condition yt ye Generall Court must put out their power to take such an imposition of ye subjects of ye Bay jurisdiction for ye use of his private purse only - for ye inhabitants of ve River professe that they shall have no benefit by it. I wonder by what justice ye Bay can lose their right of their passage in ye River, for ye Bay can hav a right to export and import goods up and downe, yet never to any pt of their pattent there situated. Before even ye River or Mr. ffenieke had any pattent thereof ; and how then can they lose the free use of that river except by their owne consent ; they had consented to ye said rates for ye said purchase. Can ye late sale of their pattent justly deprive us of our an- eient rights and privilege -
If ye Dutch hay bought ye said pattent of Mr. ffeniek they could not de Jure have made us pay anything to their purchase. If they had done it then they must have been dealt with all in ye said line. Mr. Hopkins doth plead
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SPRINGFIELD, 1636-1886.
yt we ought, in justice, to pay our share to ye purchase of ye said fort, because we snare in ye benefit. I answer, no; except we had his consenting as pur- chasers, never like to be of any benefit, namely to keep open ye River against malignant shipps or pinaces for 1. How can we have ye said benefit by a fort wch is but a fort in name only, being no fort indeed -2. If ye State were able to make and maintain them, weh they are not able to doe wthout their utter undoinge, yet there is no necessary use of a fort there to keepe out malignant shipps . .
Mr. Winthrop writes me word yt you have not as yet weighed wt I wrote you about this businesse. I entreat you make haste to doe before he state ye case & send it for England - for if God be pleased to assist, he is resolved to state ye case & send it for England. Remember my best respects to Mr. Dudly & his wife, to Mr. Eliot & his wife, to Elinor Heath. to Deacon Powers, &c., & pray God yt all peace be with you - ever.
Your affectionate lovinge friend and brother, ever, W. PYNCHON.
In the note-book containing this interesting letter of William Pynchon, is a more elaborate argument of the case, which may be the draft of the document that subsequently formed the basis of the action of the Massachusetts Bay General Court. " Saleant " or " salient " was a legal term, and stood for " assailant " or plaintiff. The argument is as follows : -
Obj. I. - The Saleant by his Agent does object to ye said River plantation - y' although he did not desire their concurrence wth y' said combined jurisdiction. before ye said purchase was fully ended & concluded, yet he thinks yat in com- mon equity, they ought to pay an equall share wth ye said combined Jurisdiction. towards ye said purchase, by paying such rates as they pay uppon all such goods. as you do, that shall passe out at ye Rivers mouth, for ye said upper plantation have as much benefitt by ye said fort as they. for ye said fort was at ye first, built for ye securinge of ye River against malignant shipps & pinaces, and, therefore, as you know, in ye benefit, yt in equity they ought to share in ye charge of ye said purchase.
Ans. 1. If we of the upper plantation should grant yt ye said fort was as great a benefit to us as can be spoken, yet we see not by what justice ye Saleant can receive any thing uppon our goods on the name & notion of joynt pur- chasers wth y' combined jurisdiction, except he can prove, yt he had our consent
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SPRINGFIELD, 1636-1886.
to ye said purchase. For ye Saleant did not compell ye said combined jurisdic- tion to pay such & such rates to him for ye said purchase, untill every inhabitant in y" said combined jurisdiction, had fully agreed uppon ye summ & manner of payment. They all gave consent, for they all had liberty to choose their depu- tyes, to transact their bargains wth ye Saleant in their Generall Court; but ye Saleant cannot challenge ye like consent of us, he cannot, therefore, in justice challenge us to be joynt purchasers wth them, & therefore he cannot compell them to pay an equall share with them of all such goods as passe ont of ye Rivers mouth.
2. We answer. yt there is not any one inhabitant in ye combined juris- diction. but by their deputyes, yt have a continued right to advise & vote in their Generall Court touching y" well ordering of ye said pattent & fort - namely, how all things shall be governed, maintained. repayred, or demolished, as ye major part of yem shall thinke best. This benefit ye Saleant cannot give to us, for we being freemen of another jurisdiction, ean have no right in their courts to give any advise & vote - therefore, in equity he cannot compell us to pay as joynt purchasers wth ye combined Jurisdiction.
3. We answer yt if any of ye subjects of ye combined Jurisdiction shall find themselves over rated to ye said purchase. or other wise shall find themselves aggreived about ye government or maintenance of ye said patent or fort, they have by their deputyes a continual right to transact such greivanees, by wch meanes their greivanees may easily & speedily be amended in a familiar orderly way, but y" Saleant cannot give us ye like right full benefit in your courts to transaet our greivances ; therefore, if we shall joyne with them in ye said pur- chase, they being a jurisdiction, & we but a little plantation nothing comparable to them, they may impose a charge uppon us, ad infinitum for we have no right in their Courts, & therefore we have no orderly meanes to help ourselves, but as they please. uppon our petitions. in an arbitrary way - & therefore except ye Saleant can put ns into an equall right of vote wth them. in ye ordering of ye said pattent & fort, we cannot see by what justice he ean possesse himself of any of our goods against our consente -
Obj. 2. Ye Commissioners of ye United Colonies doe think it good justice to order ye said upper plantation to pay unto ye Saleant such & such rates as ye combined Jurisdiction have agreed to pay ; for they judg y" said upper planta- tion to have equall benefit wth them. by ye said fort, & yet, wth all, ye said Com- missioners have ordered by way of moderation & restaint, yt ye purchasers of ye combined jurisdiction shall not overtopp ye said upper plantation, by impos- ing any other charge uppon ve said upper plantation, for & towards ye said fort;
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SPRINGFIELD, 1636-1886.
and therefore, ye said upper plantation being thus secured by ye Commissioners order need not to flore their charges uppon yem ad infinitum -
Ans. 1. - We answer yt this clanse of moderation in ye Commissioners order, doth not satisfie us - We hould it no better yn a sturdy shohome in wch ye forte is drawen ye more easily into a pinching shoe. if once we doe but yield ourselves to be joynt purchasers wth ye combined jurisdiction - We can hardly expect yt they will free us from other charges - It may be ye Commission will cease in tyme, & then they may rule us in as joynt purchasers to other charges, or it may be they may find out some flaw in ye Commissions order in ye point of legality - they may say they had no power, by virtue of their Commission, to order us to pay only our share of ye purchase to ye Saliant. They may think that by as good right we ought to pay our share of all other charges. We cannot tell what they, being a great body, may easily overtopp us. & force us to pay what they please towards ye continuall Government maintenance, and Repara- tions ; & yet we have no other means to help ourselves. but by way of petition in an arbitrary way.
2. We answer yt in case we should be prsuaded to joyne wth them in ye said purchase. according to ye Commissioners order, yet then we shall be at a losse how to find out ye Reason, why they do order us to pay an equall share wth then of all such goode as passeth out at ye Rivers month. Seeing they have not only ye said fort & appartenances. but ye pattent also, with ye said purchase - by- wch pattent they have a legale right to govern & order all ye King's Subjects that shall inhabit wthin that large tract of land, -as it is specified in ye said pattent.
Is not this power of government to be esteemed as a chiefe pt of ye said pur- chase, - seeing yt power of government weh they had before, stored but uppon their own combination. Therefore, how can ye Commission, by ye rule of equity, force us to pay equal rates wth them; ye said pattent & fort, & yet never give us any legall right in ye ordering either of ye said pattent or fort.
Obj. 3. It may be it will be objected yt they doe not esteem ye pattent at any value at all, and therefore hould it good justice to make us pay equall rates wth them of all yt passeth out at ye River's mouth.
Ans. 1. We can hardly think yt either ye Commissioners or purchasers do so much undervahe ye said, pattent as to esteem it as nothing; but in case they do esteem it as nothing, yet seeing we do judg it to be of some value, why shall not we, if we be joynt purchasers wth them, make what benefit we can on it; for we regard not ye purchase of ye rotten palisade, so much as ye pattent. If ye Saliant had had no pattent. could he ever have given such a rate for a rotten
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SPRINGFIELD, 1636-1886.
palisade, wch at ye most, wth all ye appurtenances, was not, in our estimation, worth a quarter part of those rates yt ye Saliant doeth expeet to give with his purser. If so. what justice is it to make us pay so greate a share for so like a comedy, especially if we be deprived of our right (if ever we be purehasers) in ye ordering of ye said pattent?
Obj. 4. We judg yt ye upper plantation hath a common benefit by ye fort, for it was built for ye seenring of all ye River against an enemy.
Ans. 1. We denie not but yt ve first intent of building ye said fort, might be, to seeure y" River against malignant shipps & pinaees, but this must be re- membered, yt it was made in haste, & therefore, it was but a palisade, & but ye like forme at first; but when it was purchased, it was utterly ruined; neither is there like to be any fort there of sufficient strength in haste - therefore, we judge yt such kind of fortification will rather be a dangerous snare to ye River than a benefit. We judge such kindes of fortes to be rather an advantage yn a disadvantage to an enemy. Therefore, if ever we be forced to have any right or interest in y" purchase of ve said pattent & forte, we shall, in likelyhood, give onr votes to have it demolished, with all speed that may be -
2. We answer yt there is no need of any fort here to seenre ye River against malignant shipps or pinaces.
1. For ye Rivers' month is naturally barred wth a sand bank all over, wch is sufficient to terrifie all malignant shipps from coming into ye River, more than any fort there can doe. 2dly. A fort there is needlesse against malignant pinaces, for such as are of small burden may easily passe in and out, eyther by day or night, without any great damage of a fort. ye passage there is so broad.
3. If malignant pinaces shall at any tyme attempt any mischief against ye River, yet we are fearlesse of danger, for no pinace can come nigh us by 15 or 16 miles. Therefore ye said forte is not of ye like use to secure us, as it is to secure you. Therefore, in equity, ye combined jurisdiction should not expeet us to pay an equall share wth them of all that passeth ont at ye Rivers' mouth.
At the meeting of the United Colony Commissioners at Plymouth in 1648, Massachusetts made another attempt to win the commissioners over, but without avail, and consequently when the General Court met at Boston in May, 1649, it was in no temper to rely longer upon the moral force alone. Solemn indignation characterized the speeches of the members, and a vote was passed rehearsing the facts of the situation, how Springfield was taxed to maintain a Connecti-
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SPRINGFIELD, 1636-1886.
cut fort, and how the Boston fortifications had never been made a charge upon the other colonies. Then, with equally solemn indig- nation they imposed tariff duties, both import and export, upon all goods carried past " the castle " in Boston Bay by any inhabitant of Plymouth, Connecticut, or New Haven. A turbulent meeting of the commissioners at Boston two months later, and formal remonstrance against retaliatory duties on all the New England colony goods, had not the slightest effect upon the Bay people.
The tariff war, thus begun, threatened to ruin Connecticut, and of course would have set all New England back in its struggle for existence. The response to the retaliatory duties was quick. Plymouth and New Haven were grieved and Hartford irritated ; but they all gave way, nevertheless. and Mr. Pynchon's goods passed down the river unchallenged. Massachusetts, with equal promptness, in May, 1650, suspended the customs duties only too gladly " upon the petition of the inhabitants of Boston," after being " credibly in- formed " that Connecticut had done likewise.
In spite of local excitements, the minds of these remote pio- neers continually turned to England, and even in the wilderness they felt a kind of security that England was a stranger to at this time. Mr. Pynchon wrote, in 1646, after hearing of the struggle in the British Parliament over religion and the form of disci- pline to be adopted : " The Scotts say that their fourme of presbu- terian government is the only way of Christ and the Independents say that their fourme of discipline is the only way of Christ. But the Par- liament say that neather of them is the only way of Christ, & there- fore they have ordained Commissioners to supervise the conclusions of the presbuterian Courtes. But truly where zeal of God's glory & godly wisdome are joyned together ; a world of good hath bin done by godly ministers, even in England, that have held no certaine fourme of discipline : on the contrary, where a could spirit doth rule in ministers, though they may have a good fourme of government, there people may be said to have a name to live. & yet be dead
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SPRINGFIELD, 1636-1886.
Christians. " This is a fair expose of the spirit at the bottom of Mr. Pynchon's warm polemies. The attempts both in England and this country to secure an iron-bound form of religion as handmaid to the State had set him to philosophizing. The attempt to secure liberty of conscience had the effect to drive him into more conservative lines of thought, and even led him to say : " I perceive by some godly min- isters that have wrote into this country, that this is not a tyme of reformation, but of liberty of conscience. I beleeve by the tyme they see a little more of the lawlessnesse of liberty of conscience, they will change their judgmentt, & say that liberty of conscience will give liberty to Sathan to broch such horrid blasphemous oppinions as were not the like in any age."
The open winter of 1646-47 was followed by terrible floods and in the following antumn an epidemic of sickness. During the previous summer also caterpillars had appeared in such numbers, to the great damage of the wheat, that it may be called a plague. The settlers had many natural enemies. The pigeons in overwhelming flocks assaulted the crops and the wolves made free with sheep. A bounty of 10d. was paid for every wolf killed within five miles of the town.
The building of the meeting-house added to the solemnity of the Lord's-day observances. John Matthews, as we have intimated, was ordered to " beate the drum for the meetings for a yeares space at 10 of ye clock on the Lectures days and at 9 o clock on the Lord's days in the forenoon only, and he is to beate it fro Mr. Moxon to M': Steb- bins honse & ye meetinge to begin wthin halfe an hower after, for wch his paynes he is to have 6d. in wampam of every family in the towne or a peck of Indian corne if they have not wampam." A bell was procured a few years later, and Richard Sikes rang it and swept the house for 1s. a week.
In March, 1646, the town voted for " ye remayninge 40£ due to Thomas Cooper for ye compleatinge of ye meeting house, 30€ of wch is to be payed into him by ye last of this month, ye other 10€ to rest
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SPRINGFIELD, 1636-1886.
in y" Towns hand till an opportunity appears for preuringe glass or till ye howse be finished."
The town-meeting usually specified the kind of property to be taxed. Thus the wolf bounty was raised from a tax upon " all sorts of cattell," which included horses. The tax for Mr. Moxon's main- tenance, in 1647, had been raised upon " all lands and goods." Coop- er's meeting-house debt was met by a tax upon " uplands (meddows excepted) and living stock." A special committee made out the val- uation and assessment. Wheat was accepted for taxes at 3s. 10d. per bushel. Indian corn at 2s. 6d. and peas at 3d. per bushel. The tax for the £30 due Mr. Pynchon " for ye purchas of ye land of ye Plantation of ye Indians" was rated "wholly on lands." The latter list is here given in full as it furnishes the names and landed importance of the settlers at the opening of the year 1647. There were then forty-two lot-owners and six vacant lots, some of them having been bought back by the town. We miss the names of Jehu Burr, John Cable, John Woodcock, and others of the first settlers. These men drifted to the Connecticut plantations, and were frequent parties in lawsuits for some years thereafter.
The list is as follows : -
Acres.
f
s.
d.
Rowland Thomas
293
08
02
John Stebbins
273
07
08
Miles Morgan
78
09
06
James Osburne
40
11
00
Tho: Cooper
41
11
04
Mr Will: Pynchon
237
3
05
06
Mr Elliz: Holyoke
125
1
14
06
Henry Smith
148
2
00
08
Mr Moxon
67
18
08
Sa: Chapen
43
12
00
Tho: Reeve
32
08
10
Rich: Sykes
39₺
11
00
Will: Warener
405
11
02
Tho: Stebbin
34
09
05
96
SPRINGFIELD, 1636-1886.
Acres.
£
d.
ffra: Ball
33
09
02
Robt: Ashley
51
14
04
John Leonard
343
09
06
Tho: Mirick
46
13
00
J: Bridgeman
41
11
04
Alex: Edwards
603
16
09
Jno: Clarke
36
10
00
Wid: Deeble
22
06
00
Katherine Johns
19
05
04
Rowl: Stebbin
384
10
08
Sa: Wright
413
11
06
Hen: Burt
475
13
04
Jno: Herman
33
09
02
Roger Pritchard :
28
07
09
Nat: Bliss
513
14
04
Wid: Haynes
403
11
02
Tho: Tomson
564
15
10
Rich: Exell
403
11
02
Jos: Parsons
423
11
09
Jno Matthews
31
08
08
Will: Branch
275
07
08
Geo: Colton
61
16
09
Grif: Jones
365
10
00
Reice Bedortha
20
05
06
Will: Vahan
6
01
08
Benj: Cooly
403
11
02
Hugh Parsons
37%
10
04
JJno: Lumbard
25
06
10
Vacant Lott
25
06
10
2 Vacant Lotts
40
11
00
3 Vacant Lotts above
60
16
0G
21784
30
11
02
In January, 1646, Miles Morgan and George Colton were commis- sioned to " get a Smith for ye towne," and we find that in the following September "A bargaine was driven the day above sd betwixt the towne
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SPRINGFIELD, 1636-1886.
of Springfeild and ffrancis Ball for a shopp for a Smith wch is to be 12 foote wide, 16 foote in length, five foote studd betwixt Joynts, a chim- ney for the forge rungd, to be boarded both roof and sides, to make a doore and windows in the end wth a beam in ye middst." It is difficult to tell just when Miles Morgan came to Springfield, but he had probably been a resident several years before the date of the above order. Comparatively little is known of Miles Morgan's early life. He was born in England, lived for a while at Bristol, and in 1636 came to this country when a young man, being accompanied by two brothers. The story that Miles Morgan accompanied the Roxbury pioneers to Springfield is utterly untrue. His house-lot was on the south side of Ferry lane (Cypress street), the site of Dr. Chauncey Brewer's residence. During the voyage to America young Morgan made the acquaintance, and, we may infer, won the heart, of a Miss Gilbert, who upon landing settled with her family at Beverly. After Morgan had built him a house in Springfield he pressed his suit with the Beverly maid, - not by letter, as is stated, for the simple reason that Miles could not write. The negotiations were evidently carried on by mutual friends, and Morgan, after his offer was accepted, made the journey to the east in about 1643, taking with him two neighbors and an Indian, duly armed. We are told that Miles and his three attendants walked back all the way from Beverly, while the bride and " some household stuff " were carried by the only horse at the dis- posal of this unique bridal party. Morgan was a butcher for many years, when his farming operations permitted.
The selectmen chosen in the autumn of 1645 were Lieutenant Smith, Richard Sikes, Samuel Chapin, Thomas Cooper, and Henry Burt. The selectmen for 1646 were Henry Smith, Elizur Holyoke, Samuel Chapin, Henry Burt, and Benjamin Cooley. That year Robert Ash- ley was licensed to keep the ordinary. Henry Burt's house was on south Main street, near Broad. He was a very active man, and one of his sons became the Deacon Burt of the First church, who was so much honored in later years.
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SPRINGFIELD, 1636-1886.
The first Tuesday of November was settled upon for the regular annual town-meeting, which was quite a change from the early habit of holding monthly town-meetings.
The fine for absence from town-meeting, or for leaving the meeting before " y" blessinge is desired," was raised in 1646 to one bushel of Indian corn.
But centralization invited suspicions. Two months after the election of the second board of townsmen in was voted in town- meeting that they should publish their orders "after Lecture or at any trayninge day or any other publique meetinge." In case the town within a week did not pass a " negative vote " the selectmen's order was to stand as the act of the town. Having made this pro- vision the town put into the hands of its selectmen the duty of as- signing meadow lands to those entitled to a share under the rules then prevailing.
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