USA > Massachusetts > Plymouth County > Scituate > The early planters of Scituate; a history of the town of Scituate, Massachusetts, from its establishment to the end of the revolutionary war > Part 23
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The youngest of the eight sons of John Cushing and his wife Sarah, was Joseph, born in 1677. His farm was near Henchmans Corner. He seems to have had no other am- bitions than to be a good husband and a devoted father to his only son, who was also named Joseph. The latter was a deacon, and devout worshipper under Mr. Eels, at the Second Church. He was educated at Harvard from whence he graduated in 1721. Eleven years later this "Deacon Joseph, Jr.," as he was called, married Lydia King a de-
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scendant of Elder Thomas King, Vassal's friend. By her he had fifteen children. He was the grammar school master in Scituate for many years and fitted three of his own and many of the neighbors' sons for college. Five of his children died in childhood or early youth. Joseph, Nathan and Lemuel each graduated from Harvard. Nathan occu- pied the pupit for a short time and afterward being admitted to the bar, practiced law in Boston. In 1776 he was made Judge of the admiralty and his zeal in this office won for him a place upon the Supreme Court thirteen years later.
His brother, Lemuel, was that young surgeon attached to the third Massachusetts regiment, who abandoned a prom- ising opportunity for private practice in Scituate, and devoted himself to the health of the continental troops so faithfully that he sacrificed his own, and died in the army at the age of only thirty-two.
Another descendant of Joseph Cushing the School Master was Caleb Cushing of Newburyport, who in 1852 was ap- pointed a judge of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts and later became Attorney General in the cabinet of Franklin Peirce.
In every field of action and endeavor, where a descendant of John Cushing of Scituate has been placed, each has main- tained a lofty standard; has been actuated by high ideals and has measured up well.
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TIMOTHY HATHERLY
When Timothy Hatherly came to New Plymouth in the Anne in August 1623, he brought with him a letter to the people at Plymouth from some of his fellow Merchant Adventurers, in which they said:
"Let it not be grievous to you, that you have been instruments to break the ice for others who come after with less difficulty; the honor shall be yours to the world's end; we bear you always in our breasts and our hearty affection is towards you all, as are the hearts of hundreds more which never saw your faces, who doubtless pray for your safety as their own, that the same God which hath so marvellously preserved you from seas, foes, and famine, will still preserve you from all future dangers, and make you honorable among men, and glorious in bliss to the last day."
He had already been a generous subscriber to the fund with which the Pilgrims were fitted out. In addition, and beyond the pecuniary interest which he had in the coloniza- tion venture and his approval of the non-conformist views of the forefathers, he was their constant friend in the dis- putes which occurred among the Merchant Adventurers themselves, when that partnership would have enacted fur- ther and more onerous interests and penalties from them. Likewise he stood with Winslow and Bradford when those of the Adventurers who were attached to the regular church, imposed the obnoxious Lyford upon them.
Hatherly tarried in Plymouth until the winter of 1624 f. During that stay, which was not intended to be permanent, he built a house that later was burned. In 1625 he is found again in London, subscribing a small sum in addition to the already large amount invested by him, at the urgent solic- itation of Miles Standish who visited England in that year, as the agent of the Colony, to raise more funds.
Young's Chronicle of the Pilgrims page 352 note.
THE TIMOTHY HATHERLY MEMORIAL AT NORTH SCITUATE BEACH. From a photograph by Alden S. Cook.
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Hatherly remained six years in London before coming again to this side of the water. The dealings between the colonists and the Adventurers in these years, were in a state far from satisfactory. The interests of the selfishly de- signing Pierce had been purchased by his associates, leaving Hatherly and forty-one other Merchant Adventurers t in Old England interested in the happenings over seas. Of these Sherley, Beauchamp, Joseph Tilden and Hatherly him- self, were most interested in the success of the colony from a purely religious standpoint. The former was constantly, so far as the opportunities permitted, in correspondence with Governor Bradford and the latter early sent his son Nathan- iel to join the Mayflower's Company in their endeavors and hardships on this side. So far as the records show this son was one of the first owners of land in Scituate. # Rich- ard Andrews was largely interested financially, but from the fact that he was afterward Lord Mayor of London § it must be assumed that he was of the regular church and out of sympathy with the Separatist views of the forefathers. In 1624 twenty-eight of the Adventurers withdrew entirely from the partnership after having attached the cargo of a vessel returning to England. They were bought out by the rest. Hatherly, Sherley, Beauchamp, Tilden, Andrews, William Collier, Thomas Fletcher and Robert Holland were among those to purchase the shares of the malcontents. Of this defection they wrote to the Plymouth settlers :-
John White, John Pocock, Robert Kean, Edward Bass, Will- iam Hobson, William Pennington, William Quarles, Daniel Poyn- ton, Richard Andrews, Newman Rookes, Henry Browning, Richard Wright, John Ling, Thomas Goffe, Samuel Sharpe, Robert Holland, James Sherley, Thomas Mott, Thomas Fletcher, Thomas Brewer, John Thorned, Myles Knowles, William Collier, John Revell, Peter Gudburn, Emanuel Alltham, John Beauchamp, Thomas Hudson, Thomas Andrews, Thomas Ward, Fria. Newbald, Thomas Heath, Joseph Tilden, William Perrin, Eliza Knight, Thomas Coventry, Robert Allden, Lawrence Anthony, John Knight, Matthew Thorn- hill, Thomas Millsop. Bradford's History 256 note.
On the First Cliff.
foot cos This statement is made upon the authority of Baylies Me- moirs of Plymouth Colony Vol I Page 279. Other writers state that he was an Alderman.
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"To our loving friends &c
Though the thing we feared be come upon us, and ye evill we strove against have overtaken us, yet we can- not forgett you, nor our friendship and fellowship which togeather we have had some years; wherein though our expressions have been small, yet our harty affections towards you (unknown by face) have been no less then to our nearest freinds, yea to our owne selves. And though this your friend Mr. Winslow can tell you ye state of things hear, yet least we should seeme to neglecte you, to whom, by a wonderful prov- idence of God, we are so nearly united, we have thought good once more to write unto you, to let you know what is here befallen, and ye resons of it; as also our purposes & desirs toward you for hereafter.
The former course for the generalitie here is wholy dissolved from what it was; and whereas you & we were formerly sharers and partners, in all viages & deallings, this way is now no more, but you and we are left to bethinke oursellves what course to take in ye future, that your lives & our monies be not lost.
The reasons and causes of this allteration have been these. First and mainly, ye many losses and crosses at sea, and abuses of sea-men, wch have caused us to rune into so much charge, debts, & ingagements, as our es- tats & means were not able to goe on without impoverishing our selves, except our estats had been greater, and our associats cloven beter unto us. 2ly as here hath been a faction and siding amongst us now more then 2 years, so now there is an uter breach and sequestration amongst us, and in too parts of us a full dissertion and forsaking of you, without any intente or purpose of medling more with you. And though we are perswaded the maine cause of this their doing is wante of money ( for neede whereof men use to make many excuses,) yet other things are pretended, as that you are Brownists, &c. Now what use you or we
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ought to make of these things, it remaineth to be con- sidered for we know ye hand of God to be in all these things, and no doubt he would admonish some thing thereby, and to looke what is amise. 'And allthough it be now too late for us or you to prevent & stay these things, yet it is not too late to exercise patience, wis- dom and conscience in bearing them, and in caring ourselves in & under them for ye time to come.
And as we ourselves stand ready to imbrace all oc- casions that may tend to ye furthrance of so hopefull a work, rather admiring of what is, than grudging for what is not; so it must rest in you to make all good againe. And if in nothing else you can be approved, yet let your honestie & conscience be still approved & lose not one jote of your innocencie amidst your crosses & afflictions. And surly if you upon this allteration behave yourselves wisly, and goe on fairly, as men whose hope is not in this life, you shall need no other weapon to wound your adversaries; for when your righteousness is revealed as ye light, they shall cover their faces with shame, that causlesly have sought your overthrow.
Now we think it but reason, that all such things as ther apertaine to the generall, be kept & preserved to- geather, and rather increased dayly, then any way be dispersed or imbeseled away for any private ends or intents whatsoever. And after your necessities are served, you gather togeather such comodities as ye cuntrie yeelds, & send them over to pay debts & clear ingagements hear, which are not less than 1400 li. And we hope you will doe your best to free our ingage- ments, &c. Let us indeavor to keep a faire & honest course, and see what time will bring forth, and how God in his providence will worke for us. We are still perswaded you are ye people that must make a planta- tion in these remoate places when all other faile and returned. And your experience of Gods providence
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and preservation of you is such as we hope your harts will not faile you, though your friends should forsake you (which we ourselves shall not doe whilst we live, so long as your honestie so well appereth). Yet surly help would arise from some other place whilst you waite on God, with uprightnes, though we should leave you also.
And lastly be you all intreated to walke circum- spectly, and carry yourselves so uprightly in all your ways, as yt no man may make just exceptions against you. And more especially that ye favour and counte- nance of God may be so toward you, as yt you may find abundante joye & peace even amids tribulations, that you may say with David, Though my father & mother should forsake me, yet ye Lord would take me up.
We have sent you hear some catle, cloath, hose, shoes, leather, &c., but in another nature then formerly as it stood us in hand to do; we have committed them to ye charge & custody of Mr. Allerton and Mr. Winslow, as our factours, at whose discretion they are to be sould, and comodities to be taken for them, as is fitting. And by how much ye more they will be chargable unto you, the better they had need to be husbanded, &c. Goe on, good friends, comfortably, pluck up your spir- its, and quitte yourselves like men in all your difficulties that notwithstanding all displeasure and threats of men, yet ye work may goe on you are aboute, and not be neglected. Which is so much for ye glorie of God, and the furthrance of our countrie-men, as that a man may with more comforte spend his life in it, then live ye life of Mathusala, in wasting ye plentie of a tilled land, or eating ye fruite of a growne tree. Thus with harty salutations to you all, and harty prayers for you all, we lovingly take our leaves, this 18. of Des: 1624.
Your assured freinds to our powers,
J. S. W. C. T. F. R. H. &c +"
+ Probably James Shirley, William Collier, Thomas Fletcher and Robert Holland.
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By 1630 all of the remaining interests of the London partners had been acquired by Hatherly, Beauchamp, Sher- ley and Andrews. The colonists during this time had been represented by Edward Winslow and Isaac Allerton, each of whom had made frequent voyages to the old country. In that year the latter had, while in London, aroused the sus- picion of these four, that he was diverting his dealings with them for his own account, rather than for the people of Plymouth whose factor he was. The suspicion was well grounded. Allerton had purchased the ship "White Angel" with funds provided by Hatherly and the others who believed it to be for the joint account. f With this ship and another, the "Friendship," he had started from Bristol to engage upon a fishing trip. Tempests and high seas had driven both vessels back to port. They were then laden with gen- eral cargoes designed by Allerton, and suspected by Sherley, to be for trade with the newly settled colony of Massachu- setts Bay, at Boston. When therefore Allerton set sail in the White Angel, Hatherly was sent by the London part- ners to accompany him in the Friendship. They were not sure of Allerton's faithlessness to his principals, and more- over if it were true, they had no wish that it should be known in Bristol and London. Hatherly arrived first at Boston # and came directly to Plymouth bearing this letter : "Gentlemen, Partners, and Loving Friends, etc.
Briefly thus : we have this year set forth a fishing ship, and a trading ship, which later we have bought; and so have disbursed a great deale of money, as may and will appeare by the accounts. And because this ship (called the White Angel) is to acte 2. parts, (as I
"The coming of ye White Angele on your occounte could not be more strange to you, than ye buying of her was to us; for you gave him commission that what he did you would stand to; we gave him none, and yet for his credite and your saks, payed what bills he charged on us, &c" A letter from Sherley to Governor Bradford dated November 19, 1631 .- Bradford's History, page 337.
# July 14, 1630. Allerton in the White Angel, came eight days later.
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may say,) fishing for bass, and trading; and that while Mr. Allerton was imployed aboute the trading, the fishing might suffer by carlesnes or neglecte of the sailors, we have entreated your and our loving friend, Mr. Hatherley, to goe over with him, knowing he will be a comforte to Mr. Allerton, a joye to you to see a carfull and loving friend, and a great stay to the busi- ness; and so great contente to us, that if it should please God the one should faile, (as God forbid) yet the other would keepe both recconings, and things uprighte. For we are now out great sumes of money, as they will acquainte you withall, etc. When we were out but 4. or 5. hundred pounds a peece, we looked not much af- ter it, but left it to you, and your agente, (who, without flaterie, deserveth infinite thanks and comendations, both of you and us, for his pains, etc. ) ; but now we are out double, nay, treble a peece, some of us, etc .; which makes us both write, and send over our friend, Mr. Hatherley, whom we pray you to entertaine kindly, of all which we doubt not of. The main end of send- ing him is to see the state and accountes of all the bussines, of all which we pray you informe him fully, though the ship and bussines wayte for it and him. For we should take it very unkindly that we should intreat him to take such a journey, and that, when it pleaseth God he returned, he could not give us contente and satisfaction in this perticuler, through defaulte of any of you. But we hope you will so order bussines, as neither he nor we shall have cause to complaine, but to doe as we ever have done, thinke well of you all, etc. I will not promise, but shall indeavor and hope to ef- fecte the full desire, and grant of your patente, and that ere it be longe. I would not have you take any- thing unkindly. I have not write out of jeoloucie of any unjuste dealing. Be all you kindly saluted in the Lord, so I rest, Yours in what I may,
March 25, 1630 (-31)
JAMES SHIRLEY"
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Bradford expressed the feelings of the Pilgrims upon the receipt of this letter in the following words :---
"It needs not to be thought strange, that these things should amase and trouble them; first, that this fishing trip should be set out, and fraight with other mens goods, and scarce any of theirs; seeing their maine end was (as is rembered) to bring them a full supply, and their speatiall order not to sett out any excepte this was done. And now a ship to come on their accounte clear contrary to their both end and order, was a mis- terie they could not understand; and so much the worse, seeing she had such ill success as to lose both her voiage and provisions. The 2. thing, that another ship should be bought and sente out on new designes, a thing not so much as once thought on by any here, much less, not a word intimated or spoaken of by any here, either by word or leter, neither could they imagine why this should be. Bass fishing was never lookt at by them, but as soon as ever they heard on it, they looked at it as a vaine thing, that would certainly turne to loss. And for Mr. Allerton to follow any trade for them, it was never in their thoughts. And 3ly, that their friends should complaine of disbursements, and yet rune into shuch things, and charge of shiping and new projects of their owne heads, not only without, but against, all order and advice, was to them very strange. And 4ly, that all these matters of so great charg and imployments should be thus wrapped up in a breefe and obscure letter, they know not what to make of it."
Nor was the mystery cleared in the conference which was had between the Plymouth people and Hatherly and Aller- ton. The latter boldly told them that the "White Angel" did not belong to them nor to their account. Hatherly confirmed this saying that "Mr. Allerton laid downe this course, and put them (namely, Andrews, Beauchamp, Shir- ley and himself), on this projecte."
And herein Hatherly showed his very substantial inter-
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est in the Colony and its members, by announcing that the losses which the White Angel had sustained should be in no part borne by the Colony. On the other hand the voyage of the Friendship had been profitable. He
"tould them they need not be so much troubled, for he had her accounts here, and showed them that her first setting out came not much to exceed £600 as they might see by the accounte, which he showed them; and for this later viage, it would arrise to profite by ye fraight of ye goods, and ye salle of some katle which he shiped and had allready sould, & was to be paid for partly here & partly by bills into England, so as they should not have this put on their accounte at all, except they would. And for ye former, he had sould so much goods out of her in England, and imployed ye money in this 2 viage, as it together with such goods & im- plements as Mr. Allerton must neede aboute his fishing, would rise to a good parte of ye money; for he must have ye sallt and nets, allso spiks, nails, &c .; all of which would rise to nere 400 li .; so, with ye bearing of their parts of ye rest of the loses (which would not be much above 200 li) they would clear them of this whole ac- counte. Of which notion they were glad, not being willing to have any accounts lye upon them; but aboute their trade, which made them willing to harken there- unto, and demand of Mr. Hatherley how he could make this good, if they should agree their unto, he told them he was sent over as their agente, and had this order from them, that whatsoever he and Mr. Allerton did togeather, they stand to it; but they would not alow of what Mr. Alerton did alone, except they liked it; but if he did it alone, they would not gaine say it. Upon which they sould to him & Mr. Allerton all ye rest of ye goods, and gave them present possession of them; and a writing was made, and confirmed under both Mr. Hatherleys and Mr. Allertons hands, to ye effecte afforsaide. And Mr. Allerton, being best acquainted
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with ye people, sould away presently all shuch goods as he had no need of for fishing, as 9. shallop sails, made of good new canvas, and ye roads for them being all new, with sundry such usefull goods, for ready beaver, by Mr. Hatherley's allowance. And thus they thought they had well provided for themselves. Yet they re- buked Mr. Allerton very much for runing into these courses, fearing ye success of them"t.
The cargo of the Friendship did not turn out as profitable as Hatherly and the Plymouth people had expected. On the contrary, this particular venture proved a losing one and was, with the White Angel controversy, long a matter of dispute between them. While the Merchant Adventurers charged the forefathers thirty, forty and sometimes fifty per cent. interest on the money advanced upon their joint venture or "generall," as it was called, the latter were quite ready to make the most extravagant claims upon question- able grounds, when by so doing, their own financial interests would be benefited. Yet Governor Bradford, pro- bably voicing the sentiment of all the others, writes in the highest terms of appreciation of "Mr. Hatherley's honest word;" and of Mr. Sherley, "I believe he never would side in any perticuler trade which he conceived would wrong ye plantation and eate up & destroy ye generall."
Hatherly remained in New England for a little more than a year. He returned to London in the White Angel, accompanying Mr. Allerton # and arriving in November 1631. Undoubtedly he had now made up his mind to take up his permanent abode in the Plymouth Colony. He came finally for this purpose in the Charles of Barnstable, Eng- land arriving here on June 5, 1632 §. Bradford records his arrival and says :--
"Mr. Hatherley came over again this year, but upon
Bradford's History page 324.
Bradford History page 335.
§ From "A booke of Entrie for Passengers &c., passing be- yond the seas, begun at Christmas 1631 and ending at Christmas 1632".
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his owne occasions, and begune to make preparation to plant & dwell in ye countrie. He with his former dealings had wound in what money he had in ye part- nership into his owne hands, and so gave off all partnership (except in name), as was found in ye issue of things; neither did he medle or take any care aboute ye same; only he was troubled about his ingagements aboute ye Friendship. x x x And now partly about yt accounte, in some reconings betweene Mr. All- erton and him, and some debts yt Mr. Allerton other- wise owed him, upon dealing between them in perticuler, he drue up an accounte of above £2000, and would faine have ingaged ye partners here with it, because Mr. Allerton had been their agent. But they (the Plymouth people) tould him they had been fool'd longe enough with such things, and showed him yt it no way belonged to them; but tould him he must looke to make good his ingagement for ye Friendship, which caused some trouble betweene Mr. Allterton and him.t"
Hatherly already had in Plymouth some live stock which he had brought in the Friendship two years before and part of which he had sold there. He brought with him in the Charles two men servants # and staid at Plymouth up- wards of a year §. In 1633 he had "made choice" for himself and Beauchamp, Shirley and Andrews of the land lying north of Satuit Brook, between that stream and the Gulph, and had taken out of it for cultivation by and for himself a farm near Musquashcut Pond.
Bradford History page 360. Two years before, when the Friendship adventure had apparently shown a profit, the Plymouth colonists had evinced a willingness to ratify Allerton's action in chartering the vessel. Now that it was certain that a loss had been sustained they repudiated it.
1 "Mr. Hatherlies two men" were "rated for publick use I : S :d
00 18 00 March 25, 1633. Plymouth Colony
Records Vol I Page 10.
§ Ibidem page 14.
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None of the New England historians i speak of but one marriage by Hatherly,-that to the widow of his friend Nathaniel Tilden. Rev. John Lothrop, the first pastor, in giving a list of the members of his congregation in 1634, includes "Mr. Hatherley and wife," Jan. 11, 1634. On the fourteenth day of January 1640 when he conveyed the whole of the first cliff to Thomas Ensign for twenty-eight pounds, Susan Hatherly, though not mentioned in the body of the deed, signed it with him. In addition to the two sons mentioned by William T. Davis there was surely one daugh- ter born of this first marriage,-Susanna who married a Dunham at Plymouth and upon his death, William Brooks of Scituate.
Of course, a man of Hatherly's activity and abilities could not long remain in the new and struggling community with- out public recognition. In 1635 he was chosen an Assist- ant and continued in that important office until 1658, with the exception of one year. For some reason, which has never appeared, he refused to accept his election in 1638. On the fifth day of June of that year, when the others gath- ered at Plymouth to be sworn into office, Hatherly declined and the Court entered upon its record :-
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