The early planters of Scituate; a history of the town of Scituate, Massachusetts, from its establishment to the end of the revolutionary war, Part 6

Author: Pratt, Harvey Hunter, 1860-
Publication date: 1929
Publisher: [Scituate, Mass.] Scituate historical Society
Number of Pages: 454


USA > Massachusetts > Plymouth County > Scituate > The early planters of Scituate; a history of the town of Scituate, Massachusetts, from its establishment to the end of the revolutionary war > Part 6


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31


¡ Edward Winslow writing on the eleventh day of December 1621 to a friend in England who intended to come to Plymouth said :- "bring Paper and Linced oyle for your Windows and Cotton yarne for your Lamps."


# Magnalia 1 page 536.


Deane's History of Scituate, 167.


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the town, and Hatherly and his Conihasset partners, does not matter. The former did not arise until 1640, and the latter did not become prominent until after the incorpora- tion in 1636. It was certainly not because of either that Saxton ceased his ministrations over the community on Kent Street which were active from 1631 to 1634, if they ever existed at all.


Rev. John Lothrop's coming to Scituate in September 1634 followed his release from a London jail, where he had been imprisoned for two years. This freedom was gained on condition that he emigrate. His incarceration had result- ed from the same persecution which sent Rev. John Rob- inson and his congregation to Leyden. Lothrop was originally a member of the Church of England, ordained as one of its ministers and settled over a congregation at Eger- ton in Kent. He had become convinced against the "super- stitious usages" of the church; had rejected its ceremonies as relics of idolatry and with a desire for the reform in the Liturgy, the abandonment of the use of the surplice, the sign of the cross in baptism, and other outward ceremonials and forms, he had joined hands with the Puritans. He came to London and for eight years clandestinely cared for the religious welfare of his fellow worshippers at Black- friars. He was apprehended in the Spring of 1632 and cast into prison with a number of his congregation. Com- ing to Scituate, either with him or at about the time of his arrival were William Vassall, Elder Thomas King, Deacon Thomas Besbeach or Bisby, Thomas Lapham, Henry Row- ley and Isaac Robinson, the son of the great Puritan found- er. With those already here they formed the first church and Mr. Lothrop was "called to office" as their minister. It must unhappily be recorded that having found here "free- dom to worship God" they nevertheless proceeded to quarrel among themselves, largely over the question of baptism. Mr. Lothrop had had a similar controversy in his church while he was pastor in London, and the dispute as to whether baptism should be by total immersion or mere


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laying on of hands, became rife-this time among his parishioners in the new land.


This spirit of contention sorely troubled the amiable pastor. He wrote to Governor Prence at Plymouth seek- ing for the latter's good offices in obtaining for himself, Annable, Cudworth, Gilson, Rowley and others a new loca- tion for the "seatinge of a township for a congregation," and on January 22, 1638, a grant of a plantation at "Scippe- kann" (Rochester) was made to them by the General Court. 1 These local separatists did not, however, accept this location. They went the next year to Barnstable.


This defection left the church at Scituate without a head. It turned to Plymouth for assistance. There was living in Plymouth at the time Charles Chauncy who was associated in the ministry there with Mr. Rayner. He had been grad- uated at Cambridge in 1613 at the age of twenty; had begun a clerical life at Marston Street, Lawrence, and held the vicarage of Ware from 1627 to 1634. # He was driven from this position in the church by Archbishop Laud for the same reason-non conformity-that had sent Lothrop. from his pastorate at Egerton, and in December 1637 he came to Plymouth. With him came a wife and four children. He was granted § ten acres of "meddowing in the North Meddow by Joanes River" " He remained until the call came to him from Scituate in 1640.


Mr. Chauncey was a scholar, a theologian and skilled in law and medicine as well. After his graduation at Cam- bridge he had been a professor of Greek there and just before his induction into the ministry, a professor of Hebrew. He was a master at apt expression, resourceful in argument, but impatient of opposition. His advent as


+ Plymouth Colony Records, Vol I, page 104.


¿ Davis' Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, page 96.


§ Plymouth Colony Records, Vol. I, page 166.


T In Kingston.


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the pastor of the church at Scituate found a ready oppor- tunity for the indulgence of these qualities. The church as it existed under Mr. Lothrop for five years, had about evenly divided, one half going with him to Barnstable, the other with Timothy Hatherly at their head remaining here.


It was not long before it became apparent that the persons constituting this remaining half were not entirely in accord. The call to Mr. Chauncy was not unanimous. William Vassall, Elder King, Thomas Lapham ,John Twisden, who had been admitted a freeman in 1639, Sara the wife of Elder King, Judith the daughter of William Vassall and Anna Stockbridge refused to join in the call. They declin- ed to enter upon a new covenant into which they were asked to join by those who had called Mr. Chauncey and declared that they were a church in themselves; they insisted that "by the gracious assistance of Christ, (we) will walke in all the ways of God that are and shall be revealed to us out of His word, to be his ways, so farre as God shall enable us. And to this end, we will do our best to procure and main- taine all such officers as are needful, whereby we may enjoy all His ordinances, for the good of the souls of us and ours; and we shall not refuse into our society such of God's people whose hearts God shall incline to joyne themselves unto us, for the furtherance of the worship of God amongst us, and the good of their souls." Further, they entered a covenant and declaration upon the church record as follows :


"Whereas, since the Covenant above written was made, we have met with many oppositions from Mr. Chauncy and the rest of the church with him, and that at the last meeting of the Elders in the Bay, and this present, it was their judgments that from the tyme that they denied communion with us we were free from them, that their advice to us was, to renew our former Covenant in a publicke manner, which we are contented to do in convenient tyme; yet nevertheless we hope that all the Churches of Christ that shall take notice of our Covenant will acknowledge us to be a true


·


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Church of Christ, and hold commuinon with us the mean tyme; and whereas there was great desire of the Elders manifested that we should divide the Town and become two Towns, as well as two Churches, some alleging that we must give way to let the other church have the larger boundes, because they were the anci- ent Church.


We answer-that neither in respect of inhabitants in the Town, not yet in respect of Church state in this place, is there much difference, not above two or three men; for when Mr. Lothrop the first Pastor left us, insomuch that of seven male members left by the church that went, we were three.


"2. In regard that they cast us off wrongfully, they ought to be contented that we should be at least equal with them, in the division of lands and commons; al- though, indeed, the lands are mostly divided already.


"3rd. Whereas some have thought fitting that their towne should come three miles from their Meeting house toward us, we say that such a division would take in all our houses into their towne (nearly) or if they leave us that little necke of land that some of us dwell upon, that is but one hundred rods broad of planting land, and their towne would goe behind our houses and cut us off from fire wood and commons for cattle, for a mile and a half beyond our houses; And therefore the Governor's motion was most equal 'that we should set our Meeting-house a mile further from theirs, so that the members of each church would draw themselves to dwell as neare to each Meeting-house as they can, and the Town need not be divided.'


"Lastly. If that it were needful to divide the town, it were most fitting for them to set their Meeting- house a mile further from us, towards their farms and hay grounds, and then they may use those lands that now they cannot conveniently doe, and so have conven- ient room to receive more inhabitants and members,


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and that is the only way to give maintenance to their officers and enlarge themselves."t


Thus it will be seen that Vassall, King and Lapham were, in part, actuated by other than spiritual motives in their quarrel with those who were left after the departure of Mr. Lothrop to Barnstable. The first named was clearly the leader in the controversy. It will be recalled that at this time (1642) his differences with his neighbors at the harbor had been settled by the decree of the Court of June 3, 1639. This order granted him a parcel of land to lie in the form of a long square, containing with marsh, one hundred and fifty acres. It is apparent that he was still dissatisfied. Failing in his fight with Hatherly, Turner and the rest, he shrewdly tacked this matter of a greater plantation on to the doctrinal controversy, joining Elder King, who lived near him, in the hope of getting a "division of lands and commons" which "should be at least equal to them," in which he, King and Lapham should solely participate. It may be that this view of his motive does him an injustice. The evidence, however, is against him. It appears singular from a view-point of two hundred and fifty years that this little handful of men who had undergone hardships on ac- count of their religious beliefs, who were then living isolated lives, should divide themselves not once, but twice over a question purely of form in religious worship, and battle for a greater isolation. The dispute affords an insight into the Puritan character which serves to efface that part of the picture, which has been more or less popularly drawn of them, as men to be idolized.


Chauncy, with whom were the other four men, remnants of the Church, "left by the Church that went," was not slow in picking up the cudgel in behalf of his loyal supporters. He addressed letters to the elders of the churches in Boston, Roxbury, Plymouth and elsewhere in the two colonies. The contest so far as he was concerned was less one of the establishment of a new township of consequential area, than


¡ Deane's History of Scituate, page 61.


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"that the name of God and his doctrine be not blasphemed" by this unfortunate division and contention. Replying to the declaration above quoted, in a letter to the elders of the church at Roxbury, which at that time was in charge of Reverend John Elliot the apostle to the Indians he said :


"Now that because other things have fallen out amongst us, that so serve to lay some blemish upon us, we have thought fit to acquaint you and other churches with them. x x X X


Upon Mr. Lothrop and his brethren's resolution to depart from this to Barnstable, there was a day of humiliation kept at Mr. Hatherly's house, by the rest of the brethren that purposed to stay at Scituate, and as some of them do constantly affirm they entered into Covenant with God and Christ and with one another, to walke together in the whole revealed will of God and Christ.


This meeting the four above named persons account to be the beginning of their Church, and yet two of them (by name William Vassall and John Twisden) were absent from it, and the other two (Thomas Lapham and Thomas King) tho' they were present, yet since, before many witnesses, have resolutely denied that themselves expressed any covenant by word of mouth; but however, they say they made an implicit Covenant, which they judge sufficient to constitute a true Church, whilst we do not, and therefore could not hold com- munion with them upon any such ground.


Besides, though they have of late renewed Covenant together, yet we judge that it was done surreptitiously without any notice given to our Church beforehand, who had just exception against some of their members that renewed it. X X X


Also, (we hear) it was done irreligiously without fasting or prayer needful for so greate a business.


Besides, we cannot excuse the meeting from being factious there being already a Church gathered; and we


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have offered them several tymes, that in case we saw cause, they might joyne with us, which they still re- fused. x x x x


And these things we desire you, as you have oppor- tunity, to acquaint at least the elders of our neighbor Churches withal, that neither yourselves nor they may have communion defiled by any of them offering to communicate with you."


The request in this letter that the elders of the neighbor- ing churches be acquainted with Mr. Chauncy's version, provided the occasion for Vassall likewise to address them. He sent many letters. He was obsessed of a town division; of a still larger grant of land, and in these communications he continually joined the two issues. The Conihasset grant to Hatherly disturbed him no less than his aversion to Mr. Chauncy. Here are excerpts from a letter written by him to Rev. John Wilson at Boston. x X X X :-


. "but the truth is that before we came hither, which is more than seven years since, the old Church were at difference about moving the Meeting-house toward that end of the Town where our hay grounds and most of our lands lie, it being set, for Mr. Hatherly's ease, at the very outside of our plantation; Mr. Hatherly and some of London, having by estimation eight if not ten thousand acres of land beginning very near our Meet- ing-house, in which Mr. Hatherly makes farms, one of which is three miles northward from the Meeting- house, and our lands lie ten miles or more to the south- ward, by which runneth a faire River, t navigable for boats ten miles, and hay grounds on both sides, and hath an outlet into the sea about four miles from the Meeting-house, with lands sufficient for a Towneship to settle upon; by that river lieth most of our land, and there is little hay ground near the Meeting-house, but east and west remote from it, lieth good store; so that if all other differences were reconciled, yet it were the


¡ The North River.


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undoing of us and them both, if we do not become two congregations, and take in more to them and us."


The matter was referred to the Elders of both Plymouth and Massachusetts Bay. Even their good offices failed to effect a reconciliation. After further trouble, this time with the church at Duxbury over the dismissal of William Witherell from that society for the purpose of effecting his pastorate over the Vassall faction at Scituate, the four an- tagonists of Mr. Chauncy gathered into a church estate and Mr. Witherell was inducted into office as their minister. They built a church (necessarily a small structure) on the road near "King's Landing" t and established a burial ground near it.


The dissensions were kept up. The discussion was acri- monious and the feeling intense, especially between Chauncy and Vassall. Mr. Witherell does not seem to have publicly joined in the squabble-certainly later on, his efforts were for peace. For six years, not only the two societies, but the town itself and the two colonies, saw this unfortunate con- dition continue and were necessarily drawn, more or less into it. In 1646 Mr. Vassall went to England. * Upon his departure Mr. Chauncy became less bitter and in 1654, he himself left Scituate upon the invitation of the overseers of Harvard College to be its president. He died in that office after serving seventeen years.


Mr. Chauncy was succeeded by Henry Dunster, who had been his immediate predecessor as the head of the college at Cambridge. Like Mr. Chauncy he was one of the learned men in New England. Besides the good name which he had earned as president of The College, he had become well known for his work with Richard Lyon in revising the New England version (1640) of "The Psalms ,Hymns and Spir- itual Songs of the Old and New Testament, Faithfully Translated into English Meeter." He came to Scituate, not as an ordained preacher of the gospel, but as a "teacher,"


¿ On North River near the present Union bridge in Norwell.


į Winthrop, Vol. II, page 321.


"THE OLD SLOOP" -- THE UNITARIAN CHURCH, Scituate Center, Burned July 4th, 1879. From a drawing by unknown artist.


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an office in the church provided by the Congregational churches of the time. He continued to act in this capacity until his death in Scituate in 1659. Just before this occurr- ed the colony was in a state of upheaval over the presence of the Quakers in its midst and their activities in denouncing the religious doctrines which the forefathers had come here to establish. Unlike the majority of his fellow Congrega- tionalists Dunster was extremely tolerant of the Quakers. James Cudworth, at the time he was being ostracised for his attitude toward the sect wrote of him, "Through mercy, we have yet among us, the worthy Mr. Dunster, whom the Lord hath made boldly to bear testimony against the spirit of persecution."i


Following him, Nicholas Baker of Hingham came to the first church and was ordained here in 1660. Through his amiable efforts, coupled with those of Mr. Witherell, pas- tor of the second church or "South Society," or "Church up the River" as it was variously called, the feud which had existed for years between the two congregations was settled and the members participated together in that communion which according to Chauncy, the Witherell followers had defiled. They did not, however, amalgamate the societies. The town generally was in favor of such action #, but the General Court at Plymouth, which had been appealed to, did not advise it. §


* Baylies on the other hand says that "his dislike and hatred of the Quakers was unrelenting and vindicative. Memoires of Plymouth Colony, Vol. I, page 50.


# Scituate Town Records, Vol. VI.


§ "At the Court of his Majesties holden att Plymouth, for the Jurisdiction of New Plymouth, the first of November 1679.


In answare to the petition of several of our brethren and naigh- bours residing att the North River in Scittuate bearing date Octo- ber 1679, as followeth :---


Beloved Brethren and Naighbours: Wee, haveing seriously as our opportunity would permit, amidse (amidst) our many and pressing occations, considered of the declaration of youer minds, and reasons annexed in youer said petition, desire to be sensible of


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It is apparent from the language of the Court's commun- ication that the members of the South Society looked to profit by such a union materially, as well as spiritually. Their church building was in a state of decay. Their pas- tor was old and they were compelled to appoint an assistant


your present state, which is as you say, sadly desolate, as consern- ing the uniteing of the two societies together; wee looke att it (in itselfe considered) to be the best expedient for the obtaining of mutuall strength in the wayes of God, in communication of the gifts and graces of his Holy Spirit, for generall and speciall wel- fare of all, and for the support of ministerial administrations. Notwithstanding, wee conceive, by reason of remote distance of place and other considerations, that if it were effected it would not have a tendencye to the effecting of the ends proposed to in- duce unto the same, but rather the contrary; and therefore our ad- vice is to a continuance in two distinct bodyes, retaining a brother- ly affection each to other, and indeavoring to promote the good of each other what you can, as many years you have don; and as for and in reference unto such of the society of youer end of the towne whoe have lately repaired to the other congregation to heare the word of God, wee see no reason to blame them for so doing, consid- ering the defisiensye of youer reverend pastour (Mr. Witherell, then in his eightieth year) by reason of age, and other infeirmities thereof, as you say, and the able despensation of the words by the other, yett, notwithstanding wee advise and desire that such would looke backe with a single eye to the societie of which particularly they are, so as to put forth theire best and streniouse indeavors for the promoteing of theire sperituall good and edification, both in seeking unto God for help in the minnestry of his word, and oth- erwise for the obtaining of soe great a favor; and whereas wee are informed that youer meeting house is fallen much to decay, wee require you, (according to order of Court) that you all, both those above last mensioned, with theire brethen and naighbours, doe mutually joyne together in the erecting of another, such an one as may be a fitt and meet place for you to meet in together to wor- ship; and for as much as we understand that there are different apprehensions amongst you in reference unto contributing or col- lecting the charge thereof, and the place whereon to erect it, wee have appointed a committee viz, Elder Kinge, Cornett Robert Stud- son, John Bryant, Sen'r, and John Turner, Sen'r., these four or any three of them, acte in those affaires whoe wee hope will de- termine therein so as tend to youer mutuall good. Thuse hartily desiring youer present and future happiness, we commend you and all youer piouse concernes to the wise guidance and direction of our Good God. Restng, &c.


Wee have appointed and impowered another committee, viz. our honored Governor (Josiah Winslow), Mr. Hinckley, Major Bradford, Mr. Arnold, Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wiswell, to acte and determine in reference to the premises as they shall see reason, upon hearing of the case or cases respecting the same."


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-- Mr. Mighill-to aid him. It would have been quite to their advantage if they could have been assisted in erecting a new church by the congregation at the Harbor and that edifice placed "at Walter Woodworth's hill, or the center of the present inhabitants of the Town." } The conclusion of the Court does not appear to have been illy founded. Each society had a goodly number of members. Cudworth and some of those who had gone to Barnstable with Mr. Lothrop had returned and rejoined the first church, whose membership had been further augemented by the Tildens, Vinals, Damons, Briggs and Litchfields. To the second church had been added the families of Hatch, Stockbridge, Torrey, Stetson, Clapp and Barstow.


The matter of the maintenance of the church, which was accomplished by the imposition and collection of rates or taxes, probably also entered into the conclusions of the Court. These rates were assessed by committees chosen by the town and not by the parish :--


"Nov. 1, 1667. Thomas King, Isaac Chittenden and Isaac Buck were chosen ratirs to make a rate for the main- tenance of the ministers. They put the rate at £107 s. 10, payable to Mr. Baker 57 £ 10 s: and to Mr. Witherell £50 payable the one half in corne and the other half in clothing, provisions or cattle."


A vigorous protest was entered by the members through a petition * from John Bailey and twenty-six others who objected to being "rated for the erection and maintenance of a church in which they did not worship :-


To The Honorable General Court now assembled at Plymouth, June 1680. Humbly Showeth, etc.


That we whose names are here underwritten, being inhab-


+ Vote of October 24, 1679, Scituate Town Records, Vol. VI.


¿ Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. (Fourth Series) Hinckley Papers, Vol. V, page 38.


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itants of the town of Scituate and members of this Commonwealth, cannot but acknowledge it as to be our great privilege to enjoy, so to be our bond and duty to support and uphold, the present government under which we live, by all due means; acknowledging it to be the great and underserv- ed favor of our gracious God to us, that our judges may proceed of ourselves, and that strangers rule not over us; and that we have such fundamental law and constitutions, so carefully revised and so essentially good, and suitable to the well-being of this Commonwealth, that they ought to be, as they are declared, for ever preserved unviolable; so that, al- though succeeding laws and orders, through change of time and choice of psons may infringe upon the due liberty of the subject; and if the judges themselves (though the best of men), yet being but men, may through ignorance or mistake err in the dispensation of justice, as holy records gives us examples of for our instruction,-yet those just constitu- tions, the defense of our due liberties, may recover the subject's rights, whom the law says shall not be damnified in any respect, through color of law or countenance of authority, without legal conviction by due process. The consideration of the above-written premises, duly weighed, both doth embolden and encourage us to present our griev- ances to this Honored Court, who are yet unconcerned in the grounds of our present complaint; and, having no Court of Appeal nor higher power within our jurisdiction, we crave your serious consideration and application to our re- dress as the Lord shall direct in a case of so great moment, not only, as to our own particular who take ourselves to be greatly wronged and oppressed, but also, and that more especially, as it hath so deep an influence into the general liberties of the whole inhabitants of this jurisdiction; the case of each plantation in this Colony being, or liable to be, parallel with ours, who have our own goods liable to be taken from us, as delinquents, for not performing a duty, who were never yet convicted by any law of God or man of any duty incumbent upon us to do the thing required of us




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