USA > Massachusetts > Plymouth County > Scituate > The early planters of Scituate; a history of the town of Scituate, Massachusetts, from its establishment to the end of the revolutionary war > Part 7
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to that purpose, in reference to the building a new meeting- house in o (ur) town, as appears enjoined by an order of Court bearing date October, 1679; it being, as we conceive, so directly contrary to the due liberties of our town, who, with the concurrence of the churches, preferred their minds to the Honored Court at March last past; so that if there were either law or reason for the merit of the case, as it is required, which we cannot apprehend of, yet it could not appertain to us, the most of whom never appertained to that society, but do judge that we are, according to the rule both of law and gospel, in a regular way for the maintaining the worship of God Without any such forcible means as is uncomfortable for us to yield to. But yet further; suppose it should be imagined that the towns have not a regular power within themselves to order their own prudential mat- ters, which the law allows them, and that this were a just injunction laid upon us so to act in and with that society; yet could it be in reason denied us, as here it is, our own free vote and approbation in our own concerns, but must be as children under age, under tutor, only to be appointed what to do, on which account, there has been such unusual austerity used about this rate as we have not been exercised with before. Our case being thus dubious and difficult, find- ing no rule nor reason quietly to submit to it, and seeing our- selves barred of all usual methods of law for any trial by due process, doe yet further crave of this Honored Court some satisfaction, either by your own determination as it may stand with the general interest of the Colony, or by making way for our due Process in the premises, and for your help and direction therein. We earnestly implore the guidance of His good Spirit in whose hand is our breath and all our ways; and so rest your humble petitioners,
John Bayley Daniel Staycy Thomas Pinchin, Sen.
John Barstow Jonathan Jackson Jonathan Cudworth
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THE EARLY PLANTERS OF SCITUATE
John Curtis
Joseph White
Josiah Palmer
Benjamin Woodwarth
Zachariah Dimmon
John Buck, Sen.
Henry Chittenden
Steven Vinall
Anthony Dodson
Daniel Daman
Benjamin Pirce
Matthew Gannet
Peter Worthylake
Samuel Holbrook
Peter Collimore His
John Booth
William x Randall, Sen.
John Allin
mark
Thomas Wood
Joseph Woodwarth
Nathaniel Turner
(In the above signatures, the original orthography is retained.)
When the court, therefore, undertook to settle the differ- ences between the two congregations, the making of a rate by a committee of the town was changed (at least so far as the second society was concerned), by the following order :
"Plymouth the 29 October, 1680
Whereas the Generall Court incurraged and ordered the church and society att the North River, att Scituate, to erect a new meeting house for the worship of God, and sett the bounds how farr they should rate for the defraying the charges thereof, namely, upon all the inhabitants thereof from the mill brooke upwards fur- ther explained by the Court and declared to be their full intent and purpose that the said order should be observed, with this proviso namely, that the particular persons heer named, that live above the mill brooke, namely Jeremiah Hatch, Thomas Hatch, Thomas Palm- er, Samuel Clapp, being of the lower societie, should be exempted out of the said rate; and that these persons heer named who live below the mill brooke namely, Mistris Elizabeth Tildin, Richard Curtice, John Turn- er, Charles Stockbridge should be put into the said rate; this Court doth declare and rattify this theire said
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acte, and doe require and expect, that according to this rule, the rate be made and collected by the congregation and societie up the river for finishing the meeting- house, and for the maintenance of the minestry, and all necessarie charges for incurragement and support of the worke of God amongst them; and this Court doth promise and resolve, according to theire power and interest, to strengthen the hands of that church and societie in theire due attendance to this order."
The meeting house was built on the site of the one it replaced. It could have been neither commodious nor sub- stantial, however, for, twenty-six years later a new building was erected upon common lands of the town. t This was a . frame structure "fifty feet in length and forty in breadth, and twenty feet between joints and a flat roof of about ten feet rise." #
The first society meanwhile was worshipping in the build- ing in Meeting House Lane. This structure, too, had become out of repair and unfitted to the use of the increased congregation. After Mr. Baker's death in 1678 it was razed and replaced by a new one of much the same con- struction, on the same site. It is interesting to note how nearly contemporaneous were the apparent necessities for new houses of worship by the two societies. While the south parish was occupying its new house erected on the common land, the first society on October 1, 1707 "voted to build a new meeting house upon the same part of the meeting house hill, not to be farther west than where the ways meet below Lieut. Buck's shop;" that the cost "should not exceed $300 with the old meeting house." It contained pews but was not plastered or otherwise substantial. In twenty years it stood so in need of repairs that in 1729
1 "May 28, 1707. Voted liberty to the South Parish to set up their Meeting-house at or near the place where it is now framed, upon the Town Common, and to use of their common land, a con- veniency for a burying place, and also for building a stable or stables."
# Deane's History of Scituate, page 37.
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THE EARLY PLANTERS OF SCITUATE
it was voted "to take down the said house and remove it to a certain piece or gore of land betwixt two highways, which two highways open from that which goeth by Balch's toward Cohasset, the one by James Cudworth's house, the other by John Otis's which piece of land is the N. W. part of a 20 acre lot, and since exchanged by the town; provided sd gore or land can be obtained."
The gore of land was easily "obtained" but the removal was not to be as readily effected. David Jacob and others objecting to the rebuilding, addressed the General Court setting forth that there was no need of the new structure as the present edifice was "a very commodious House & in a manner new" and that it was proposed to "set it up" in "a Place very inconvenient for the Generality of the People, that the vote upon which they proceed was obtained in a very unfair and illegal manner and passed against the sense of the most substantial People." An order was passed April 8, 1731 by this body enjoining the removal of the Meeting house until the May session and appointing a committee of five of its own members to examine into the situation. This committee reported on June seventeenth! that the house should not be removed "from the Place where it now stands for the space of seven years next coming" and that in the meantime the necessary repairs of said house be effected at the charge of the precinct."
Notwithstanding this order the work of tearing down the old structure continued and in August of the same year Deacon Jacob and the other remonstrants again addressed the Legislature through this petition :-
"shewing that in defiance of the Order of this Court forbidding the removal of their Meeting House, divers persons of said precinct have violently broke into said Meeting house & have erased & demolished it praying that this Court would interpose their authority for punishing those that have disobeyed their Orders, & also direct that satisfaction be made to the aggrieved petitioners."
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A committee consisting of Councillor Palmer and Rep- resentatives Lewis of Boston, Shore of Dighton, Bourn of Sandwich and Goddard of Framingham was appointed "to examine into the matters complained of and consider and
report as soon as may be what is proper for the Court to do in the Affair."
The matter was deemed of sufficient importance to re- sult in a report by this committee only four days later. It is here given in full :-- +
"Whereas it appears &c
"The Committee having viewed the Precinct & consid- sidered the Pleas & Allegations of the Parties relating to the Meeting house, are of Opinion that the Meeting House remain where it now stands until June 1737, & then the same be removed from thence about one mile & a quarter Westward to the Place where the Inhabi- tants of the said Precinct voted to remove the same Mar. 17. 1729; & in the mean time the necessary repairs of the said house be effected & the Cost thereof with all other Charges that have arisen on account of this Controversy relating to the said Meeting house be paid by the Precinct aforesaid."
Nothing eventuated from this report, for the Legislature adjourned to September twenty-second, on the same day that it was made. The next year, however, David Little who was one of the persistent advocates of a relocation and rebuilding with others of the parishioners who agreed with him, petitioned the Legislature "setting forth the unhappy circumstances of the said Precinct" by reason of the order prohibiting the removal and asking for a revocation of the order against it. Another committee was chosen on which served Oxenbridge Thacher, Esq., of Boston, afterward the brilliant leader of the Massachusetts Bar.
This committee took its time, went into the matter thor- oughly, and did not make recommendation until the spring of 1733. It reported as being of the opinion :
¡ Province Laws 1733-34. Chapter 171 Vol. XI.
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"that the Meeting house remain where it now stands until June 1737 and then the same be removed from thence about one mile and a quarter Westward to the place where the Inhabitants of the said Precinct voted to remove the same March 17, 1729; & in the meantime the necessary repairs of the said house to be effected & the Cost thereof, with all other charges that have arisen on account of this controversy relating to the said Meeting house be paid by the Precinct aforesaid."
This settled the controversy. In the designated year a new edifice was built upon the gore of land and Deacon Little and his fellow parishioners prayed the more unctiously.
The new structure was not to be of much greater life than its predecessor on Meeting House Lane. In 1769 it was again "voted to build a new meeting house" which "should be 67 feet by 50." Its location was fixed at this meeting- "that the house should be set on the top of the hill in Mr. Daniel Jenkin's pasture." This site, however was not agreeable to all of the parishioners. Indeed, it was not def- initely chosen until arbitrators, (Benjamin Lincoln of Hing- ham, Robert Bradford of Kingston and James Humphries of Weymouth) fixed it as the most desirable location. The building itself was completed and occupied in the latter part of 1774. Deane, in whose time (1831) it was standing, says that "It had a spire at the westerly end and a portico at the easterly end. It is a building of just proportions and respectable appearance, and with proper attention to repairs, promises to last at least another half century, and exhibit its ancient model to posterity."
Following Mr. Baker, as ministers of the First Parish were Rev. Jeremiah Cushing, Rev. Nathaniel Pitcher and Rev. Shearjashub Bourne, each a graduate of Har- vard and Rev. Ebenezer Grosvenor a graduate of Yale. 'A remonstrance was made to the church authorities at the time of the ordination of the latter, and although unsuccessful it foreboded the dissension which beset his pastorate during seventeen years. Deane, himself a learned divine, says
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that Mr. Grosvenor "was undoubtedly too mild and catholic in his faith and practice to give universal satisfaction." He resigned in 1780 and for two years up to the time of his death, preached to "the College in Cambridge."
For seven years after Mr. Grosvenor's departure, the First Society was without a settled minister. Many candi- dates were called but none was able to satisfy both factions. It was the old controversy renewed, although now more doctrinal than relating to mere outward ceremonials and observances. Finally Rev. Ebenezer Dawes of Bridgewater who had been graduated from Harvard in 1785 at an ad- vanced age for the times-he was twenty-nine-was ordain- ed and settled over the society in 1787.
During all this time the Second Parish was not without its troubles. Mr. Witherell had been the minister for near- ly forty years. A new meeting house was built in 1790. The previous year it had been,
"Voted to build a new Meeting-house XXX, using what of the old house may be convenient, and that the old pews be set up in the new house, as near as may be where they are in the old house, and that each proprietor enjoy his pew in the new house, saving those who have not agreed to give anything to encourage sd work, or for taking down and setting up their pews. Their pews shall remain for further consideration; x xxx that John Cushing, Nathaniel Clap, Joseph Tolman, Galen Clap and Nathaniel Turner be agents to agree with some suitable person or persons to complete sd work as soon as may be, not to exceed the first Nov'r 1770"
The agents chose Joseph Tolman, one of their own number, his uncle Elisha and Hawkes Cush- ing - undertakers, as they were called, -and they proceeded to erect a house of worship senventy- two feet long and forty-eight wide with a spire and belfry at the west end and a porch at the east. It was the most "commodious" church building that had been
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THE EARLY PLANTERS OF SCITUATE
attempted. The profit enuring to the undertakers out of their work was of such size as to create a mild scan- dal. On the whole, however, through the influence exerted by Mr. Witherell over his parish, matters pro-
Thomas Mighill who had been his assistant, was called gressed smoothly. Upon his death in 1684, Rev.
cy of the pulpit was short-he died five years later. fifteenth day of October of that year but his occupan- upon to become the pastor. He was ordained on the tled over this parish for the next five years. In 1694 There appears to have been no minister regularly set-
the office was also brief. While his baptismal name Rev. Deodate Lawson was ordained. His tenure of
indicates that he was God given, his ministry at Scit- uate showed that he was not at the same time, God serving. He sought his own secular advantages rather
than the spiritual welfare of his parishioners. He ab-
1698, leaving the latter to get along as best they might. people. He was away for two years from 1696 to sented himself, not only from his pulpit, but from his In their distress they, as usual, consulted the Elders of neighboring churches and being advised that they were
settle themselves with another Pastor, more spiritually "not to blame if they use all Evangelical endeavors to
and more fixedly disposed," they secured the services of Rev. Nathaniel Eells of Hingham at "£65 a year and the use of the parsonage." This was .in June 1704. He continued his pastorate actively for forty-six years and was probably the best beloved of all the ministers who have lived in Scituate either before or since his time. Judge Samuel Sewall was a frequent visitor at the home of Mr. Eells and often sat an interested and appreciative listener to his preaching. There are many references to him in the former's diary, as for instance :
"Satterday, March 26 (1709) Col. Hathorne, Mr.
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Curwin, Mr. Taft and I set out for Plimouth 1, get to Job Randalls about sun setting. March 27th. Mr. Eels preaches in the Forenoon; Mr. Taft in the afternoon; sup at Mr. Eels."
"Lords Day March 23. (1712) Heard Mr. Eels. Rain'd hard last night and something this day. Thin meeting." "Midweek, April 2. Congregational meeting at South Church X
x x x I was not at the Meeting. x x x x Speaking of Mr. Eels and enquiring how he preach'd, I comended him; and Mr. Pemberton # upon it, with a very remarkable Aer Said, his pupils could do worthily, he was one of them." "March 27. (1714 at Scituate). Mr. Eels preaches very well. Sup with him. Give Sarah Witherell (now Hubbard) Ten Shillings. Gave Mr. Eels some small books. Earl Sacrament, Wadsworth Catechisme, Colman Providence." April 26, (1719) Heard Mr. Eels. In the afternoon he baptized Sarah Stockbridge, an Orphan."
"April 24, 1720. Set out with Scipio § for Scituate. Baited at Mills's, went forward with Bointon and Read. Dined at Cushins; parted with my company at the foot of the Hill. Got to Mr. Randall's about 11/2 hour by Sun; found my Landlady dead.
April 24. Mr. Eels preaches out of Deuteronomy, Hear O, Israel-Cap. 6. 4. p. m. Mr. Eels baptized James Briggs and Israel Silvester and Elisha Silves- ter." T
¡ Judge Sewall was on his way to Plymouth to hold the Spring Term of the Superior Court of Judicature with Judges John Hath- orne and Jonathan Curwin who accompanied him, three then con- stituting a quorum of the court for the transaction of business.
¿ Rev. Ebenezer Pemberton, pastor of the South Church who had been the tutor of Mr. Eells at Cambridge.
§ Judge Sewall's negro servant.
[ Israel and Elisha Sylvester were sons of Zebulon the grandson of Richard who settled in Scituate in 1642. The latter named was banished from the Massachusetts Bay Colony because he persisted in the then heresy, that "all baptized persons should be admitted to Communion without further trial. Israel deceased at Assinippi in 1812 aged ninety-five years.
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Rev. Jonathan Dorby followed Mr. Eells for a brief per- iod. Then came the Rev. David Barnes, a man of much more than local importance. He preached at Harvard and was given its degree of D. D. in 1788; at Derby Academy in Hingham; at Plymouth, Duxbury and Boston. Through all the trying times of the Revolution he was without pay from the society. At the time of his resignation in 1809, it gave him, however, five hundred dollars in recognition of this sacrifice. His annual salary had been £80. He died April 26, 1811.
CHAPTER VII
QUAKERS IN SCITUATE
"No Quaker Rantor or any such corrupt pson shalbee admited to bee a freeman of this Corporation."
Ancient Laws of Plymouth Colony 1658
W HEN Mary Fisher and Anne Austin landed at Boston on that May morning in 1656, the Scituate planters had small notion of what the coming of these two women por- tended to them. In the five years which followed, up to the time when Charles II issued his edict requiring Quakers in New England to be sent to old England for trial, and even thereafter, the presence of these followers of George Fox in their community was regarded as a positive menace by the freemen. Whatever may now be said of the feelings which prompted this attitude toward the Quakers, it was far from being without justification at the time.
It is well to bear in mind that the men of importance in Scituate from 1636 to 1661, were stubbornly devoted both to the causes of a stable autonomy and freedom of religious worship. In order to have the latter they must maintain the former. The Quaker would have disrupted both. From the standard of orthodox Christianity, discarding all cere- monial forms, he would have done away with baptism and abandoned all tenets save the one, his own-"Inward Light" -which lay at the very foundation. By this inward light the Quakers in common with all other persons were to be guided in their conduct in life. They held to the most ab- solute assertion of the right of private judgment. This led them not only to stoicism in persecution, but to exag- gerated forms of expressions of fealty to their own faith, and scorn for the authority of those who oppressed them.
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Witness the words of William Robinson who with Marma- duke Stevenson, was hanged for his heresy on Boston Common in 1659.
"And when W. Robinson went cheerfully up the Ladder, to the topmost round above the Gallows, and spake to the People,-That they suffered not as Evil Doers, but as those who testified and manifested the Truth, and that this was the Day of their Visitation and therefore desired them to mind the Light that was in them, the Light of Christ, of which he Testi- fied and was now going to Seal it with his Blood." f And this scene in the session of the court at Plymouth on the third day of June, 1658.
"Moreover att the same time, the said (Humphrey) Norton againe carryed very turbulently, saying to the Governor 'Thy clamorouse tongue I regard noe more than the dust under my feet, and thou art like a scold- ing woman; and thou pratest and deridest me, or to the like effect, with other words of like nature, and tend- ered a writing desirouse to read it in the Court;' to which the Governor replyed, that if the paper were directed to him, hee would see it before it should bee openly read; the said Norton refused to deliver the said paper to the Governor and so it was prohibited to bee read."
Witness further, "that Lydia Wardwell and Deborah Wilson were adjudged to the whipping post, for coming into our assemblies, entirely divested of their clothes." §
It was not alone the hateful doctrine of "Inward Light" and its possible effect upon their own modes of religious observance, which the Pilgrims feared. They were quite
7 New England Judged (1661) pages 122-136.
¿ Plymouth Colony Records Vol. III, page 140.
§ Mass. His. Soc. Coll. (Fourth Series) Hinckley Papers, Vol. V, page 18.
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as much distressed over the possible undermining of their well beloved structure of self government, by the establish- ment of the anarchical doctrine of the Quakers. This had been built at the cost of great privation and devotion. At the time of the appearance of the Quakers in Plymouth Colony, war with the Indians was not improbable. The individual must bear arms against this enemy for the pres- ervation of the home and Commonwealth. This the Quaker refused to do. No more would he pay any part of the taxes necessary to the support of either church or state.
The Quaker's side of the question, logically put from his own standpoint is contained in a petition drawn by Edward Wanton of Scituate and signed by himself and three others. The naive reference therein to the "liberty upon suffer- ance" of the forefathers themselves is delicious.
"To the Governor and Magistrates, with the rest of the Court of this Colony of New Plymouth, sitting at ,
this instant fourth month called June, 1678.
We whose names are hereunder written, called Quakers in your said jurisdiction, conscientiously and in all tenderness show why we cannot give maintenance to your present established preachers.
We suppose it's well enough known we have never been backward to contribute our assistance in our estates and persons, where we could act without scruple or conscience, nor in the particular case of the country rate, according to our just proportion and abilities, until this late contrivance of mixing your preachers' maintenance therewith, by the which we are made in- capable to bear any part of what just charge may nec- essarily be disbursed for the maintenance of the civil government; a thing we could always readily do until now. And why we cannot in conscience, directly or indirectly, pay any thing to your said preachers as such, we, in true love and tenderness, (not through contention or covetousness, the Lord is our witness,) offer as followeth :-
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1. The ground of a settled maintenance upon preachers either must arise from the ceremonial law of the Jews paying tithes to their priests, the Levites; or from the Pope, who first instituted the same (as we find in history) in the Christian Church, so-called, in the year 786, in the time of Offa, King of Mercia, where there was a council held by two legates sent from Pope Adrian to that purpose (see Selden's "History of Tithes"). Now, the first, your preachers say as well as we, is ended, and therefore will not have their main- tenance called tithes. The second (viz. the Pope's . institution) we suppose they will also disclaim as any precedent or ground for their practice. We must therefore necessarily conclude they have no ground at all; which we further demonstrate as follows :-
2. The gospel ought to be preached freely, accord- ing to the injunction of our Lord Jesus to his disciples when he sent them forth to preach. Matt. x. 8: "Free- ly you have received, freely give." This is far from bargaining for so much a year, and, if it be not paid, take away food, clothes, bedding, and what not, rather than go unpaid. Doubtless those are no true shepherds who mind the fleece more than the flock. The apostles would rather work with their own hands than make the gospel burthensome or chargeable to any (1 Thess. II 9; Acts xx. 34; 1 Cor. xv. 9, 12; 2 Thess. III. 8.) Now, they are otherwise minded than the apostles who would rather make their gospel burthensome than work. The apostle coveted no Man's gold or silver or apparel ('Acts xx. 23). What thought will true charity allow us of those, who not only covet, but forcibly take away, either gold, silver, or apparel, and that where it can (not be) well spared, from families, and children? The gospel is the power of God, and therefore neither to be bought or sold. Christ Jesus invites people freely. His ministers ought not to make people pay.
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