Walks & talks about historic Boston, Part 17

Author: Mann, Albert William, 1841- ed
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Boston, Mass., The Mann publishing co
Number of Pages: 606


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And the breezes of the morning Blessed the Banner Betsy made.


Years have passed but still in glory, With a pride we love to see. Laureled with a Nation's story, Waves the emblem of the free From the rugged pines of Northland In the ever-deepening glade, In the land of sunny Southland Floats the Banner Betsy made.


Now she sleeps, whose fingers flying, With a heart to freedom true, Mingled colors, bright, undying, Fashioned stars on fields of blue. It will lack for no defenders When the foreign foes invade, For our Nation rose to splendor 'Neath the Banner Betsy made."


*Author unknown.


Betsy Ross Making the First American Flag


The Wiring of Foreign Mercenaries by England Co Subjugate America


A new and ominous light dawned upon King George and his subservient ministers after the events at Lexington and Concord. They had boasted before the whole world that they would crush rebellion in America, but the task began to assume "gigantic proportions." To subdue and compel the obedience of a people, scattered along a narrow fringe of sea coast of a thousand miles would require an army of several thousand men for there were many natural obstacles to overcome, such as rugged hills, large rivers, vast morasses, and heavy wooded land almost everywhere. It was difficult to obtain enough British soldiers for such a work against a tolerably united people, smarting under the wrongs and oppressions of many years. The military establishment of Great Britain was not strong enough to spare sufficient troops and ships from the necessary police force of the kingdom to do it, so they began to look for foreign mercenaries in America and Europe -the savages of our forests and the soldiers of the old world despotisms-to aid them in enslaving between two and three millions of their best subjects." (Lossing).


The first application of King George for such troops was made to the Empress Catherine of Russia. He thought that British gold was omnipotent and that she would gladly loan him a few thousand of her "barbarians." Gibbon, the histo- rian, wrote in 1775, regarding this action: "We have great hopes of getting a body of these 'barbarians' (Russian) ; the ministers, daily and hourly, expect to hear that the business is concluded."


But King George and his ministers received a flat refusal from Queen Catherine of Russia, to have anything to do with such a nefarious business, "half barbarian," as the British King thought her to be. In a letter written by her minister, she says: "I am just beginning to enjoy peace, and your maj- esty knows that my empire needs repose. There is an im- propriety in employing so considerable a body in another hemisphere, under a power almost unknown to it, an almost


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deprived of all correspondence with its sovereign. Moreover, I should not be able to prevent myself from reflecting on the consequences which would result for our own dignity, for, that of the two monarchies and the two nations, from this junction of our forces, simply to calm a rebellion which is not supported by any foreign power."


This sarcastic reply greatly irritated and stung King George who expected a gracious letter and a ready compliance with his request. He sputtered out his indignation in his rapid way, and said: "She has not had the civility to answer me in her own hand, and has thrown out expressions that may be civil to a Russian ear but certainly not to more civilized ones."


Baffled in this attempt, he next turned to Holland and asked her for the loan of a brigade of troops. The great statesman of the Netherlands, Van der Capellan, replied ; "A commer- cial State should avoid quarrels, if possible, and a republic should never assist in making war on a free people." He of- fered to loan England a brigade on the condition that it should not serve out of Europe, which was a polite form of denial.


At last he turned to some of the petty German rulers for mercenary troops, and closed the bargain with them in the close of the year 1775 and early part of 1776. These rulers were not so scrupulous. They had a surplus of men and their treasuries were well nigh bankrupt. These men were disposed of by the common law of trade, supply and demand. "Eng- land needed troops, the German rulers needed money." The bargain was a natural one on business principles ; the morality of the transaction was quite another affair. The contracting parties were the reigning Governors of Hesse-Cassell, Hes- se-Hanau, Brunswick, Anhalt, Amspach and Waldeck, and the King of Great Britain. The trade was made through Frederick II. of Hesse Cassel ( 1760-1785) for 22,000 Hes- sian soldiers, most of them well disciplined. In all 29,807 Hessians came to this country-17,313 returned-the rest either died or remained as citizens. Grants of land in Nova Scotia were given to many by the British Government.


Their masters were to receive for each soldier a bounty of twenty-two dollars and a half, besides an annual subsidy, the whole amounting to a large sum, £3, 191,000. The British government also agreed to make restitution for all soldiers who might perish from contagious diseases while being transported in ships ; in engagements, and during


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sieges ; and they were all to take an oath of allegiance to the British monarch, without its interfering with their oaths of allegiance to their respective rulers.


They were, according to the agreement, to constitute a corps made up of four battalions of grenadiers, each of four companies ; fifteen battalions of infantry of five companies each, and two companies of Jagers (riflemen), all to be well equipped with the implements of war. The chief com- manders of these troops, best known to Americans, were General Baron de Riedesel, General Baron Knyphausen and General De Heister. The name of Hessians was given to them all, and because they were mercenaries (fighting only for pay), they were particularly detested by the Americans. The employment of them was a disgrace to the British government, and the method used in forcing many of them was a crime against humanity. Laborers were seized in the fields, mechanics in the workshops, and worshippers in the churches and hurried to the barracks, without being allowed a parting embrace with their families. The King of Great Britain, to avoid complicity in the horrid work, refused to give commissions to German recruiting officers (who, it was known to the British ministry intended to impress men ), saying: "It, in plain English. amounts to making me a kidnapper, which I cannot think a very hon- orable occupation." All Europe cried "Shame!" and Frederick the Great of Prussia, took every occasion to express his contempt for the "scandalous man-traffic" of his neighbors. Whenever any of these troops were com- pelled to pass through any part of his dominions, he claimed the usual toll for so many head of cattle, since, as he said, they had been sold as such .* * * Without these troops the war in America would have been of short dura- tion : with them. the British were not successful. A part of them under Riedesel went to Canada in the spring of 1776, to assist in driving the republicans out of that province. Another part under Knyphausen and De Heister joined the British army under General Howe, before New York, in the summer, and had their first encounter with the patriots on Long Island."


Washington's brilliant stroke against the Hessians at Trenton, is one of the bright spots in Revolutionary his- tory. After a sharp conflict of thirty-five minutes the Hessians were defeated and dispersed, and Colonel Rahl


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was mortally wounded. The main body in trying to escape were intercepted by Colonel Hand of the Continental Army. The frightened Germans threw down their arms and begged for mercy. The victory for the Americans was complete, and would have been more decisive had not General Gates been wilfully disobedient. As it was, Washington, with his small force of two thousand men, won all the glory which greatly inspirited the patriots.


The Americans did not lose a single man and only two were slightly wounded: William Washington, who later served with distinction in the Campaign in the South, and James Monroe, afterwards President of the United States. The spoils of victory were almost a thousand prisoners, twelve hundred small arms, six brass field pieces and all the German standards. This bold stroke of Washington's puzzled the British leaders, alarmed the Tories, and dis- sipated the terror which had been felt in the presence of the Hessians, as invincible troops."


Samuel Adams


Historians have given many appellations to this famous man and son of Boston, but none seem more fitting than these


THE MAN OF THE PEOPLE and


THE FATHER OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.


He was born on the 16th of September 1722 in a large house on Purchase Street which was then the water front. His father was a wealthy brewer who took an active part in politics and with twenty other substantial citizens of the North and South Ends, organized a Club, the members of which used to meet and lay their plans for introducing cer- tain persons into places of trust and power. It was called the "Caulkers" Club," as it included a number of ship caulk- ers. Samuel Adams, senior was a man of great influence in the town. He had been a deacon in the Old South Church, and it was through his efforts that the New South Society was established and the House of Worship built on Church Green, Summer Street. He was a Justice of the Peace and a Selectman, and the politicians of his day resorted to his house on Purchase Street to lay their plans for the coming election. It was in such an atmosphere that our Samuel Adams of Revolutionary fame was brought up, and his after life shows that he made good use of the training thus re- ceived. Like many other boys of his age and class, he at- tended the Boston Latin School, which was taught by that celebrated Master. John Lovell. At that time the School was located on School Street directly in the rear of King's Chapel. We know that he was an earnest and diligent stu- dent, for he entered Harvard College in 1736 at the early age of fourteen and graduated in 1740, the fifth in a class of twenty-two. Not being content with an A. B .. he returned to study for a Master's degree, which he obtained, and in 1743 in the very presence of Governor Shirley, he declaimed in Latin, to the effect that it was "lawful to resist the Supreme Magistrate if the Commonwealth cannot otherwise be pre- served." His father, through his connection with the "Land


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Bank Scheme" met with great financial losses, so that at his death in 1748, he left little but the house on Purchase Street, which was fast becoming rusty for want of proper means to keep it in proper repair. "In 1763, Samuel Adams, because of his great financial straits, was made one of the Collectors of the Town of Boston, an office generally given to citizens who had seen better days. This position gave him wide ac- quaintance among all classes of the citizens and was of great political value to him."


John Adams thus wrote of his kinsman: "Samuel Adams to my certain knowledge, from 1758 made it his constant rule to watch the rise of every brilliant genius to seek his ac- quaintance, to court his friendship, to cultivate his natural feelings in favor of his native country, and to warn him against the hostile designs of Great Britain. Through his influence, four brilliant young men came to the front and left their indelible impress on the history of this country. They were John Hancock, Dr. Joseph Warren, Josiah Quincy, 2d, and John Adams. He had great political sagacity." John Adams also tells how Samuel Adams directed the politics of the town of Boston. He says: "I learned this day that the Caucus Club meets at certain times in the garret of Tom Dawes, the Adjutant of the Boston Regiment. He has a large house, and a movable partition in his garret, which he takes down and the whole club meets in one room. There they drink flip and smoke tobacco till you cannot see from one end of the garret to the other. They choose a Moderator, who puts questions to the vote regularly ; and Selectmen, Assessors, Collectors, Wardens, Firewards and Representatives are regu- larly chosen here, before they are chosen in the town." But Samuel Adams did not come into general prominence in the town until 1764, when he was appointed one of a committee of five to prepare instructions for the representatives just elected to the General Assembly. The other members of the committee were eminent citizens, but Samul Adams was the one who drafted the instructions. In that document, the first of his writings of which a trace remains, there is found a year before Patrick Henry's Virginia Resolutions, the first public denial of the right of the British Parliament to tax the Colonies without their consent, and the first suggestion, also. of the union of the Colonies for redress of grievances. These instructions produced a great effect and the provincial policy was based on these lines.


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He organized non-importation societies and encour- aged the Colonists to make and use their own goods, which dealt a heavy blow to English merchants and manufac- turers. It was his idea that caused circular letters to be sent to the other Colonies, asking for their support, and later brought about a Union to resist British taxation and tyranny. He kept up a running and constant fight against Bernard, the Governor, and Hutchinson, his lieutenant. An effort was made to deport Adams to England, there to stand trial for treason, but this proved abortive. Bernard, the Governor, was soon after recalled, leaving Hutchinson, acting Governor. Another grievance was furnished Adams when two infantry regiments arrived in Boston in the fall of 1768, to enforce the decrees of Parliament. This, as we have elsewhere seen, finally led to the Boston Massacre.


We have alluded elsewhere to that witty old Tory of Boston in those days of the Revolution, the Rev. Matthew Byles.


He met Samuel Adams as he was walking home the night of the latter's famous interview with Governor Hutchinson.


In his address to the Governor, Adams stated that three thousand people in the Old South were waiting for the ver- dict of the Governor in relation to the removal of the British troops from the town to Castle William.


The Rev. Matthew Byles, it is said, asked Mr. Adams,. "Why he wouldn't be just as well pleased to be ruled by one tyrant three thousand miles away as by three thousand tyrants only one mile away?" Mr. Adams' reply to this. witticism has never been reported.


Three years and a half later, Governor Hutchinson wrote as follows of Samuel Adams: "They (the Legislature) have for their head, one of the members from Boston, who was the first person that openly in any public assembly declared for absolute independence, and who, from a natural obstinacy of temper, and from many years' practice in politics, is, perhaps, as well qualified to excite the people to any extravagance in theory and practice, as any person in America. When- ever there appears to be a disposition to any conciliating measures, this person, by his art and skill, prevents any effect, sometimes by exercising his talents in the newspapers, at other times by open opposition, and this sometimes in the House, where he has defeated every attempt, as often as any has been made."


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There is not the slightest doubt but that Sam Adams by his writings in the "Gazette," by his speeches in the Town Meetings, and his work in the Assembly, kept the issues of independence constantly before the minds of the people. He wrote "Let associations and combinations be everywhere set up to consult and recover our just rights."


Parliament retained the tax on tea. Adams resolved to combat it, and his efforts in this direction are told in the article on the Boston Tea Party. "That act left the Prov- ince, the town of Boston, in open rebellion against Great Britain. Then followed that retaliatory measure, the Boston Port Bill. The effect of the appeals which Adams sent out at this time to the several Provincial Assemblies for co- operation was magical. From New Hampshire to Georgia, the watchword was, "Boston must be regarded as suffering in the common cause." Expressions of sympathy and help poured in from every quarter. Meanwhile General Gage had arrived in Boston with five regiments of British troops, as Military Governor, replacing Governor Hutchinson. He prorogued the Assembly to meet in June in Salem. Adams was so busy with his correspondence that he did not arrive until late and the Tory members of the Assembly circulated the report that he had been arrested. Once arrived, he lost no time in getting at work and gave a signal proof of his political ability. A great crisis was at hand and a larger number of representatives had gathered than ever before, many of whom were confessed tories. The work before the Assembly was the nomination of delegates to the Conti- nental Congress, and it was all important that the right men should be chosen. Adams saw that the preparations must be made in profound secrecy. If a hint of their proposed plan should reach General Gage, he would instantly dissolve the Assembly and that would mean the failure of everything. A committee of nine was chosen to take the initiation and Adams was made Chairman. The majority of the committee were patriots, but there were some tories, and some doubtful, and these he deceived into inaction. He allowed the talk to run for peace and concord. He lulled the tories into a feel- ing of confidence, so much so, that a member of the com- mittee, one of the doubtful ones, left for his home in Taun- ton, and then Adams set to work in the open house. He held secret caucuses at night, where he gathered and drilled his men. At first there were but five, but in two days the


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number had increased to more than 30. Presently he had a full majority in hand and the work was done. On the 17th of June, 1774, just a year before the Battle of Bunker Hill, his trap being ready, he sprung it. The Committee on the State of the Province was called to make its report. Adams, as Chairman, suddenly gave orders to the doorkeepers to lock the doors of the house, and to let no one in, or out. Then, before the bewildered tories could gather their wits, he introduced resolves providing for the appointment of James Bowdoin, Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams and Robert Treat Paine, as delegates to the Colonial Assem- bly, September Ist, at Philadelphia The House was in an uproar, tories and others remonstrated, vehemently, but in vain, for the majority stood firm. Realizing that they had been tricked, the Tories attempted to leave the hall. As the doorkeeper, beset on all sides, began to weaken, Adams took the key from him, and put it in his pocket, and the debate went on. One Tory member, feigning sickness, managed to escape, and sent word to General Gage, who sent his Secre- tary with a hastily scrawled order of prorogation. But the door was locked and the key could not be had, and so the Secretary read his order to the crowd, that pressed about the stairs. Seeing that resistance was useless, the Tories suc- cumbed and the doubtful ones went over to the whigs. The resolves passed with but II "Noes" and then the doors of the room were opened, the Secretary admitted, and the man- date of porrogation submitted to. "It was Adams' greatest triumph, both as patriot and politician. General Gage had special instructions to arrest the Chief of the Revolution, at the proper time, which never seemed to come. Offers of rank and riches were made to Adams, which he spurned as insults. General Gage, through an agent, sought to buy off the opposition of Samuel Adams. The latter indignantly re- turned this answer : "I trust I have long since made my peace with the King of Kings. No personal consideration shall in- duce me to abandon the righteous cause of my country. Tell General Gage it is the advice of Samuel Adams that he no longer insult the feelings of an exasperated people."


Much as the Privy Council hated Adams, they did not dare to sign orders for his arrest and trial. Adams was a poor man and when the time came for him to go to Phila- delphia, there arose the question of funds. From 1765 to 1774 he had no income save his salary as Clerk of the As-


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sembly of £100 per annum. On this, his wife, by frugal housekeeping, maintained a decent and comfortable home. but there was little surplus for apparel, and as delegate to Congress it was fitting that Adams should be properly dressed. For himself his own red cloak would have done amply well, but his friends had other ideas on the matter. One evening as Adams was sitting with his family at supper. a knock came at the door, announcing a well known tailor, who proceeded to take his measure, but would say no word of his business. In a few minutes came a hatter, the most approved in town, and after him a shoe maker and others, all of whom refused to tell whose orders they were obeying. A few days later a large trunk arrived, containing a complete suit of clothes, a red cloak, shoes and cane, a cocked hat, and all the other articles of wearing apparel of the finest quality and style. So attired Adams, on August 10, 1774, left Bos- ton for Philadelphia. As Adams was alone in 1768 when he declared himself in favor of independence, so he was at this session of Congress in the Fall of 1774. By the "Conserva- tives" he was considered "an artful and designing man." who courted the lower classes for popularity.


The fact was, Adams was in advance of his times; he had the vision of a prophet, and he received, for the time being, the abuse frequently bestowed on prophets. Charles Tom- son was the Secretary of this First Continental Congress, a native of Ireland. who, in early life, had emigrated to Dela- ware, but at this time was a citizen of Philadelphia, a man of character and fortune. Benjamin Franklin was his firm friend. As he was alighting from his chaise with his bride. a messenger came to him from the Congress saying. "They want you at the Carpenter's Hall to keep the records of their proceedings, as you are expert at the business." He complied with their request, and for fifteen years was the sole secretary of that body. Of him John Adams said: "He is the Samuel Adams of Philadelphia, the life of the cause of liberty."


The First Continental Congress adjourned on the 26th of October, 1774, without taking any action toward independ- ence. As the members were about to depart for their sev- eral homes, they were impressed with the belief that war was inevitable. Before separating they spent a social evening together at the City Tavern in Philadelphia. They were all bold in their utterances, but Samuel Adams in his address showed his indomitable courage as he said: "I would advise


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persisting in our struggle for liberty, though it were revealed from Heaven that nine hundred and ninety-nine were to perish, and only one of a thousand to survive and retain his liberty. One such freeman must possess more virtue, and enjoy more happiness than a thousand slaves; and let him propogate his like and transmit to them what he hath so nobly preserved." As Lossing has well said of these days, "Of what they (the Continental Congress) said, we know very little, for the sessions were held in secret, and there were no professional newspaper reporters in those days. What they did, we all know. The State papers put forth by them were models of their kind, and commanded the admi- ration of the leading statesmen of Europe." Adams returned to Boston, again took up the helm of the town meetings, ready to go again to Philadelphia the following May, to the session of Congress. Meantime came the Battle of Lex- ington.


The night before the battle Samuel Adams and John Han- cock, his fellow delegate, were stopping at the house of Rev. Jonas Clark at Lexington. Gage, backed by his strong mili- tary, force, had made his preparations to seize those "rebel leaders." Adams and Hancock had been warned of Gage's plans, but paid but little attention to the matter. The Clark house was guarded that night by a Sergeant and eight men, when about midnight of April 18th, there suddenly appeared on horseback, Paul Revere, the patriot chieftain. The Sleepy Sergeant, only half aroused, protested against the noise Re- vere was making. Adams and Hancock were quickly aroused and in a few minutes they were down on Lexington Common, where the men of Captain Parker's Company were loading their muskets. An hour later, these two dele- gates were walking across the fields to Woburn. They heard the reports of the muskets, and Adams knowing that this meant a conflict and that both sides were now committed, exclaimed, "What a glorious morning is this!" Even after this conflict, Congress was not ready to declare for inde- pendence. General Gage offered pardon to all who would lay down their arms, "except Samuel Adams and John Han- cock, whose affences are of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other consideration than condign punishment." Adams' comment on this exception was characteristic: "Gage," he said, "has made me respectable, by naming me, first, among those who are to receive no favor from him."




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