USA > Massachusetts > Suffolk County > Boston > Walks & talks about historic Boston > Part 28
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THE REV. THEODORE PARKER
was born in Lexington, August 24, 1810. His grandfather
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was Capt. John Parker, the hero of Lexington, who com- manded a company of "Minute men on Lexington Common, on that eventful morning of April 19th, 1775." He fired the first shot at the British in that fight and said to his men :-
Rer. Theodore Parker
"Stand your ground. Don't fire unless fired upon, but if they want a war, let it begin here." Theodore Parker's most cherished treasure was his grandfather's musket. His fa- ther was a New England farmer and mechanic of good mind, a great reader and a deep thinker. His mother was a woman of fine mind and imagination, and it was to her, that Theo-
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dore confided his thoughts and fancies, sure of her help and sympathy. He labored hard on his father's farm in order to go through Harvard College, at first only going there for examinations. He secured his theological education by teach- ing school and through the benefit of a fund for helping poor students. His first pastorate was at West Roxbury, where his noble, generous nature, and love for humanity, secured for him the affection of his people. For 14 years he preached in Old Music Hall where he drew an audience of 2000 people Sunday after Sunday. He was one of that fearless band of New Englanders who aided escaping fugitive slaves on their way to freedom. One of the cases he aided is worthy of special mention. Two fugitive slaves William Crafts and his wife, had managed to escape to Boston, where they were traced. She traveled in the disguise of a Southern gentle- man, and her husband, William, acted as her valet, and in this way they came in safety over 1000 miles. A Boston judge, strong in his belief in property rights, endeavored to find them, that he might send them back to their master. Theodore Parker took them to his home, where he hid them for many days. He stood guard at the door, and besides several fully loaded pistols, he had the beloved musket his grandfather had used at Lexington. He succeeded in getting the Crafts safely off on a ship to England, just as it looked as if they would be captured. "Mr. Parker knew the hiding places of all fugitive slaves in Boston. Upon one occasion a negro had been safely hidden for a year. His wife, on a Southern plantation asked a visitor to try and find him and deliver a message. The gentleman asked several prominent persons in Boston how he could find the man and was finally told that Theodore Parker was the only man who could do this, and sure enough this was the fact, for he went directly among the negroes and asked for the man. The visitor found that they had absolute confidence in Mr. Parker and their adoration for him was touching. In a few hours the man was found, the message was delivered and he was again safely hidden." To crown his work for their cause, it was Theodore Parker who helped largely to raise funds needed by John Brown, in his efforts to liberate the slaves. Mr. Parker did not live to see the consummation of his hopes, the emancipation of the negroes. . He died May 10th, 1860, in Florence, Italy, whither he had gone to retain his health. Memorial services in his honor were held in Music Hall, and
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there Ralph Waldo Emerson delivered the eulogy on his life and services.
DR. SAMUEL GRIDLEY HOWE
was born in Boston, November 10, 1801, and died in Boston, January 9th, 1876. He graduated at Brown University in 1821. He studied medicine, but did not practice his profes- sion preferring to devote his life to philanthropic move- ments. He went to Greece and from 1825 to 1827 took an active interest in their struggle for independence, residing in that country for several years. He was subject to arrest in Prussia, for aiding the Polish army. His great heart and soul went out to all classes and races and nations that were struggling to throw off the yoke of oppression, and it was but natural, on his return to America, that he should ally him- self with the little band, then a forlorn hope, that was fight- ing the institution of slavery. He became an active ally and co-worker with Garrison, Phillips and Parker and gave largely of his time and talents to the cause. But Dr. Howe's greatest work were his efforts to educate and uplift the blind, both in this country and in Europe. In 1832 he organized the Perkins Institution for the Blind in South Boston. Of the great work he performed in this direction, we speak else- where in this volume.
His wife. Julia Ward Howe, survived him many years and was a woman of remarkable talents and unusual strength of character. Her name was a household word throughout this broad land, and few women have been so loved and revered by all classes. Her noble and inspiring poem, "The Battle Hymn of the Republic," written during the Civil War, stirred every patriotic heart, and will live as long as the Repubic stands.
John Greenleaf Whittier was another of that famous quartette of Boston Abolitionists, and the poet whose stir- ring lines, aroused the conscience of many sleeping patriots and inspired to right and noble action. Although terrible as a prophet of old in his denunciation of wrong and op- pression, he had a most loving and gentle spirit. Edwin D. Mead, the Historian, says: "Whittier was pre-eminently the poet of the conflict, and again and again, in his ringing lines, he appeals to the great Boston traditions to enforce his high demands. "By Boston's Mound." "By Warren's
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Ghost," he exhorts Massachusetts to heroism. When Vir- ginia storms and threatens, he replies for Massachusetts.
"Forgets she how the Old Bay State in answer to her call, Of her old House of Burgesses, spoke out from Faneuil Hall When echoing back her Henry's cry, came pulsing on each breath,
Of Northern winds, the thrilling sound of "Liberty or Death !"
In 1850 the excitement on the slavery question was at fever heat. President Fillmore had signed the Fugitive Slave Law. This one act strengthened and multiplied the hitherto small and insignificant Free Soil Party. There was one clause in that law that was offensive to every sentiment of justice and humanity, and repugnant to the feelings of the people of the Free States. This clause provided "that in no trial or hearing under the act, should the testimony of such alleged fugitive be admitted in evidence, and that the parties claiming the fugitive should not be molested in their work of carrying the person back. by any process issued by any court, judge, magistrate, or other person whatsoever." It was plainly to be seen that under that law free negroes might. by the perjury of kidnappers, and the denial of the common right to defence, allowed the vilest criminal, be carried away into hopeless slavery, beyond the reach of pity, mercy or the law." Against this cruel act there was rebellion in every humane and Christian heart. The per- ception of possible wrong caused the legislatures of several of the Free States to pass laws for the protection of free colored citizens within their borders, made so by the cir- cumstances of their births or existing laws. Up to this time, abolition in the North, had been, for the most part, a moral, not a political question, although in August 1848, a Free Soil Convention assembled at Buffalo, New York, and nominated Martin Van Buren for President and Charles Francis Adams for Vice-President. But when the slave- holders declared their purpose to carry their peculiar insti- tutions into the territories, and thus increase the number of slave labor states, thousands of voters were added to the rolls of the Republican Party, and the long and bitter and memorable struggle in Congress commenced. Emi- grant Aid Societies were organized in the Free States to
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assist Northern families in moving to Kansas, then a terri- tory, and establishing themselves there.
A small number of Southerners moved in there with their slaves, but a clear majority of the residents were Free State men. The story of that struggle in Kansas between the friends and foes of slavery is an exciting and interesting
John Greenleaf Whittier
chapter in American history to every student. There was great excitement in Boston when two fugitive slaves who had escaped to this city, were taken by their masters and returned to bondage under the Fugitive Slave Law. Thomas Semmes, a fugitive slave, was arrested April 5, 1851. This action brought to the front, Richard Henry Dana, Jr., a prominent citizen of Cambridge, who had a strong sympathy for the unfortunate slave and a clear con- viction against the institution of slavery.
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A reference to his letters shows that he was opposed to the extreme measures of the abolitionists, as led by William Lloyd Garrison, but in that great moral crisis he had to array himself on the side of right. He was a lawyer of great ability and came into active life when the abolitionist agitation was at the height of its unpopularity. He came out as a member of the Free Soil Party. As one has said of him : By his social relations and by his strong antipathy to violence of every kind, Dana would naturally have found his place among the men, who, in politics, prefer orderly and regular and especially respectable associations."
"The ultra conservative elements were calmly tolerant of slavery, and under the influence of Daniel Webster were satisfied to compromise." Dana's defence of the fugitive slave, Thomas Semmes, cost him the respect of half of Boston. He conducted the case without charge. The night before Semmes was taken back into slavery, Rev. Daniel Foster and a few others kept vigil with him through the long hours. The ship that was to carry him south was at Long Wharf and there was a large crowd present to wit- ness his departure. It was a solemn time to many of them and in the hush that fell upon every one, Rev. Mr. Foster offered the following notable prayer:
"Almighty God thou seest this poor man one of thy chil- dren, borne away by oppression. Thou art the friend of all who suffer wrong and we have no hope but in Thee. That hope still is unshaken. Thy promises endure forever. And now we besech Thee to show Thy power and love in bless- ing this dear brother who is carried away by force to the land of whips and chains. O. God, make him a missionary of power to awaken a love of justice and liberty that shall result in the speedy overthrow of the accursed system which now creates millions of bleeding hearts. In mercy, Heavenly Father, do thou destroy the wicked power which rules us. Give us righteous men to administer just laws. Forgive the wickedness of our rulers and lead them to true and lasting repentance. Pity this wretched man, who now goes in fetters over the waves. Pity and bless his brethren in chains. Hasten the day when all men shall be free. And thine shall be the glory. Amen.
This beautiful prayer was afterwards translated into several languages. Rev. Daniel Foster was one of seven brothers, graduates of Dartmouth College, six of whom, in-
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cluding himself, became Congregational ministers. He be- came extremely interested in the anti-slavery cause. Dur- ing the struggle in Kansas, he emigrated there, and carried on his good work for freedom where he frequently preached with a pistol beside his Bible. He laid down his life at last for the cause. During the war he was commissioned a cap- tain of colored troops. In one fight he went back to the pickets of his company to warn them of a retreat, and his form, conspicuous among the blacks, was singled out by the rebel sharpshooters, and thus his valuable life ended. This was at Chapin's Bluff, outside of Richmond. His fellow officers had his remains embalmed and sent home for burial.
A few years after the incident on Long Wharf, at the de- parture of Semmes, the fugitive slave, Mr. Foster received the following letter from Hon. Charles Sumner :- "Rev. Daniel Foster,
"My dear Sir :- I wish that I could serve you. May God speed you always! I honored you much, when on that day of shame you made that prayer for the poor slave who was about to be conveyed to bondage. I have honored you since for all that you have done in Kansas. Keep on in your good efforts. The good cause cannot fail.
Faithfully yours,
Charles Sumner."
In 1854, Anthony Burns, a fugitive slave who had escaped, came to Boston, where he was arrested and lodged in jail. It was a case that stirred the entire nation. "It had become a point of honor with the South to get Burns back, and with the North a point of honor to see that he escaped." Mr. Dana took up the defence of Anthony Burns, and such was his earnestness that all Boston was brought to a state of in- tense feeling. "One man was killed by the Boston mob, in its efforts to rescue Burns from official custody and Mr. Dana, himself, nearly lost his life at the hands of a would-be as- sassin." Not since the days of the famous Tea Party of 1773 had Boston been in such a turmoil. The Anti-Slavery men at once called a meeting in Faneuil Hall. Theodore Parker, Wendell Phillips and Dr. Howe were there and filled with fiery indignation. The Old Cradle of Liberty fairly rocked wih the intense excitement. Such an influence went out from that meeting that the authorities ordered out the militia to guard the Court House, which they feared would be at- tacked.
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"Mr. Dana's great argument, which was widely quoted, occupied four hours. Even the Marshal's guard was so in- fluenced by it that some of them said frankly that they wished the man would get off. The remarkable fact about Mr. Dana's argument was, that the entire brief was written on the two sides of a piece of small note paper-a mere table of references. He was so inspired by his subject that he did not need to write a single word of his four hours' argument in advance. But notwithstanding Mr. Dana's eloquence and persuasiveness, the case went against Burns. The trial ended on Wednesday, and on Friday came the demonstration in front of the Court House. The soldiers were given orders to fire on any one who dared to cross certain lines.
It was on Friday, the 2d of June, 1854, that Burns was surrendered to his master. He was taken from the cell where he had been confined. The square in front of the Court House was cleared of all civilians and filled instead with troops. "A brass field piece belonging to the Fourth Artillery, was ostentatiously loaded in front of all beholders, and car- ried by some men of the corps, in the rear of a hollow square. In that hollow square of armed men, was the cause of the whole commotion, a weak, broken colored man, An- thony Burns, the last fugitive slave ever to be caught in Massachusetts and returned to the South.
It was three o'clock that afternoon when Burns walked out of the Court House on that memorable march to Long Wharf. There were no less than 20,000 people, closely packed all the way along Court and State Streets. The side streets were also crowded, and it was a surging. turbulent mass, whose feelings were wrought up to the highest pitch by the injustice of the act being performed. The bells in Boston and in the neighboring towns tolled a solemn dirge. Mayor Smith had said, most emphatically, that the bells of Boston should not ring, but they tolled as if it was a requiem for the dead, and there were no policemen ordered to stop them : they had other work, nearer at hand, requiring all their attention.
The city was feverish with excitement, repressed for the most part, but all the more dangerous on that very account, should it break over the bounds. Many of the shops on the line of march were closed. A number of American flags, draped in black, were displayed. Hanging from a window near the old State House was a black coffin, and on it the
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words, "The Funeral of Liberty." There were no cheers as the soldiers marched by, no music, only the dull measured tramp of men of arms, who were greeted with groans and hisses. Women wept and men showed the signs of grief in their countenances. In some cases the dragoons had to clear a passage, especially near the Custom House, riding their houses upon the crowd while the infantry with fixed bay- onets charged into them. As one has said: "Anthony Burns had a guard sufficient for Caesar, and an audience of people, in numbers worthy any General that ever returned as victor from a war." The expression of public disapproval on this occasion was so emphatic as to be awe inspiring. For the peace and quiet of the city, it would not have been safe to repeat the scene.
Burns was placed on a United States Revenue Cutter and carried to Virginia." On the evening of that day an attempt was made on Mr. Dana's life. Mr. Dana was born in Cambridge August 1, 1815, with a line of ancestors reach- ing back to the early days of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. He was the legal associate of the Hon. Joseph H. Choate, the prominent New York lawyer and former Ambassador to Great Britain. The execution of the Fugitive Slave Law was so repugnant to every feeling of liberty and humanity that it brought out in strong relief the hideous wrong of slavery, and it began to press upon the national conscience, so that when the Presidential Campaign of 1856 opened, the Republi- can party was well organized and the country divided into two political camps, the Democratic and Republican partis. It was at this time that William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phil- lips, Theodore Parker, Dr. Howe and John G. Whittier were at the zenith of their careers. But the great advocate of the Anti-Slavery Crusade in Congress and thus before the whole nation was the
HON. CHARLES SUMNER.
He was born in Boston January 6, 1811, and died in Wash- ington, D. C., March II, 1871. He graduated at Harvard in 1830, and at the Harvard Law School in 1831. He entered public life in 1851. and although meeting with great opposi- tion, he was elected United States Senator from Massachu- setts to succeed Daniel Webster. He began his congressional assault on slavery by a masterly argument for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. entitled "Freedom National, Slavery
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Sectional." The phrase was immediately caught up and be- came the watchword of the Republican party. He became the leader of the political Anti-Slavery movement. So thoroughly did he become identified with it, that his life may truly be said to have become the history of the Anti-Slavery cause in Congress. As one has said: "No other man watched every point so vigilantly, no one suggested so many plans of attack, no man did so much to arouse and inform the political
Charles Sumner
mind, no one enriched the treasury of anti-slavery as he did. Added to this was his unquestioned honesty and fiery enthu- siasm." Such a man could not escape personal attacks, and his indignant reply to these brought down upon him the brutal assault of Preston S. Brooks of South Carolina in the Senate Chamber of the United States May 22, 1856. This bru- tal assault aroused the greatest indignation all over the North, and yet there were not a few citizens of Boston. who sympathized so strongly with the South that they refused to take part in a meeting which was called to protest
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against such a dastardly outrage. In consequence of this attack, Mr. Sumner was laid aside from his public duties for quite a long period. When he had nearly regained his health and strength he visited Boston in November, 1856, and was given a great reception by the State Authorities. He was hailed with great enthusiasm by crowds on the streets, but as the procession, escorting Mr. Sumner passed through Bea- con Street, the windows of many of the houses had their cur- tains drawn or blinds closed. to show their indifference and contempt.
There were two notable exceptions, the houses of Mr. Samuel Appleton and of Mr. Wm. H. Prescott, the Historian, and grandson of Colonel William Prescott, the Commander of the American forces at the Battle of Bunker Hill. History has failed to record the names of those persons who sat be- hind closed blinds or drawn curtains as the Champion of Freedom and Humanity rode by, but what Charles Sumner said and did will live forever in the annals of the Republic.
Mr. Sumner's Boston office was at No. 4 Court Street, where the Sears Building now stands. For twenty years he liad as law partner the Hon. George S. Hilliard.
The Visit of the Prince of Wales to Boston Arribal in Boston
The Prince of Wales and his party reached Boston about 4 o'clock in the afternoon of October 17, 1860. In his suite were Lord Lyons, the British Minister to the United States, the Duke of New Castle, George Frederick Bruce, and the Earl St. Germain. Mayor Frederick W. Lincoln, and a com- mittee of citizens, consisting of Edward Everett, Robert C. Winthrop, Josiah Quincy and Alexander H. Rice, met the party at the Cottage Farm Station, on the Boston and Wor- cester Road, and welcomed them to the city. The formalities of introduction accomplished, the line of march was taken up for the Revere House, which was, at that time, the leading and most fashionable hotel in the city. There was hearty and spontaneous and continuous cheering along the entire route, which must have convinced the Prince, that he was cordially welcome to the old city of Boston. On the second day, Baron Renfrew, the title assumed by the Prince, for his American visit, and his retinue of dukes, earls and generals, visited the State House and paid their respects to the Governor of the State, Nathaniel P. Banks. Governor Banks, at that time, was at the zenith of his glory and the Waltham "Bobbin Boy." by his grace, his eloquence and his alert manner, made a deep impression upon the visiting party.
Following this call upon His Excellency, was a compliment- ary parade and review. About 2,000 men were in line, al- most the entire military force of the State. After the review. the Prince was escorted to the Revere House, and as he rode in an open barouche slowly through the principal streets, the people had ample opportunity of seeing him. He was then of slight figure, very boyish looking, but bore himself with great composure and dignity. In Boston and elsewhere he made a most agreeable impression. "His form is small and well pro- portioned, and his bearing is dignified, manly and modest." The Prince's dress varied much of course with the place and occasion, but was always simple, elegant and appropriate. It
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is said he had to be careful where he hung his clothes, as the Yankee maidens had a mania for surreptitiously cutting off the buttons for souvenirs of England's future king. The late Charles O. Stickney, in a published article, gave some interest- ing reminiscences of the Prince's visit to Boston. One incident he relates is the interview which the Prince had with Ralph Farnham, a veteran of the Revolutionary War. "Did you see
The Prince of Wales in 1860
Burgoyne when he surrendered?" asked the Duke of New- castle of the old veteran, and added rather good humoredly, "you rather had him there." "Well," returned the old sol- dier, with a chuckle, and evading a direct answer, "To tell the truth, I hear so much said in praise of the Prince, that I be- gin to fear our people are all turning royalists." The diplo- matic and witty reply and Mr. Farnham's manner elicited much laughter in which the Prince heartily joined. He then sent for pen and ink and exchanged autographs with the vete- ran. Mr. Farnham afterwards spoke of this interview with
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the greatest pleasure, remarking, that he wished "to show the boy and his soldiers that he bore no anger for old times." And who can tell but that those kind words of the old revolutionary hero, had something to do, collaterally, in averting a war with the mother country at the time Massachusetts men, as well as their loyal brethren in other states, were engaged in a gigantic Civil War, a few months later? For when Britain was breathing out "threatenings and slaughter over the capture by a Union war vessel of the Confederate emissaries, Mason and Slidell from a British steamer, and the Ministry, especially Palmerston, had formulated an ultimatum, which our Govern- ment could not in honor, accept without a fight, the Queen remembered the kindness shown her boy by the people of the North, and through her influence the despatches were so modi- fied as to admit of a peaceful solution of the grave difficulty. The Prince was in the city four days and was constantly on the move. The same day that he reviewed the troops on Bos- ton Common, he attended a Children's Musical entertainment at Music Hall. Twelve hundred school children were ar- ranged on seats sloping from the floor to the ceiling and from the platform one could see two large triangles of boys, and two immense parallelograms of gaily dressed girls, while be- tween them was an orchestra of 90 performers. As the Prince entered, the whole Company rose and the masses of children waved handkerchiefs and clapped hands, producing a fine effect.
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