USA > Maryland > Allegany County > Cumberland > History of Cumberland, (Maryland) from the time of the Indian town, Caiuctucuc, in 1728, up to the present day : embracing an account of Washington's first campaign, and battle of Fort Necessity, together with a history of Braddock's expedition > Part 12
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"Vaudreuil, Governor of the Colony, took the necessary measures to cope with the enemy, and
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HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND. [1755.
hastened to arm the regular troops, and the Canadian militia. The savages of the North-west, joined to the coureurs de bois, so numerous at that time, also furnished a valuable contingent; and he, without hesitation, confided this command to Charles de Langlade, whose exploits were already well known to him. United to the savages by the ties of blood, by similarity of habit, familiar with their dialects, and with their modes of warfare, of acknowledged bravery and ability, enjoying unquestionable authority and influence, Langlade was exactly the man for the situation.
"At his appeal, the tomahawk is unearthed, the tribes incite themselves with enthusiasm, and a crowd of savage warriors gather around the folds of the French flags. We find at the head of these Indian bands many celebrated chiefs; among others, it is believed, the famous Pontiac, who some years later became illustrious by his conspiracy against the English.
"After organizing his forces, Langlade received orders to direct his steps with all haste towards Fort Duquesne, of which General Braddock, recently arrived from England, with veteran troops, was about to attempt to acquire possession in order to drive the French out of the valley of the Ohio.
"Langlade arrived at Fort Duquesne in the beginning of July, 1755. Le Sieur de la Perade, as well as some French and Indians, sent to observe the hostile army whose least movements were watched, announced on the eighth of July that it was only a half day's journey from the Monongahela-the
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LANGLADE URGES THE ATTACK.
1755.]
Malenguentee of the Canadians-and that it was advancing in three columns. On the receipt of these tidings, the commandant at Fort Duquesne decided to oppose the advance of the enemy; and, for this purpose, De Beaujeu organized a force of about two hundred and fifty French, and six hundred and fifty Indians.
"Leaving the fort on the ninth of July, at nine o'clock in the morning, De Beaujeu found himself at half past twelve in the presence of the English, just at the instant when they halted on the South shore of the Monongahela, to take their dinner. The French and Indians had not yet been perceived by the enemy; and they placed themselves carefully in ambush in the ravines and thick woods, which formed an impassable belt in the steep bank in front of them .*
"Langlade comprehended at once all the advan- tages of the position, and hastened to de Beaujeu to beg him to commence the action; but that officer turned a deaf ear to his entreaties. Unwilling thus to relinquish his purpose, he then called together the Indian chiefs, showed them the importance of an immediate attack upon the English, and advised them to go and demand an order to commence battle. De Beaujeu gave them a no more satisfactory reply. Langlade then made a second appeal to the French commander, and insisted energetically upon the necessity of an immediate attack upon the enemy.
"This is confirmed by the relation of M. de Godefroy, an officer in the Fort Duquesne garrison: ". The party of M. de Beaujeu advanced for attack about three and a half leagues from Fort Duquesne, when the enemy were at dinner." This memoir has been published by Mr. John G. Shea, in his " Relations divers sur la bataille du Malangueule."
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HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND. [1755.
'If we are going to fight,' he said, "we must do it while the English, not suspecting danger, have laid aside their arms, or when they are fording the River, for they are too far superior in numbers for us to resist them in open country.' De Beaujeu was evidently discouraged by the strength of the enemy, and hesitated what course to take; but finally putting an end to his indecision he ordered the attack.
"The action commenced with vigor, and took the army of Braddock by surprise. Officers and soldiers ran to their arms with such precipitation that many of the leaders still had their napkins on their breasts when found among the dead. As they occupied lower ground than the French, they fired over their heads, and only hit a small number. The French and Indians, meanwhile, concealed behind the trees were, so to speak, invisible; and they returned the fire of the enemy by a fusillade, which scattered death and consternation amongst the English battal- ions. At last the soldiers of Braddock took flight, and both the Canadians and Indians charged upon them with tomahawks, forcing them to throw them- selves into the waters of the Monongahela, where many of them were drowned.
"This was a disastrous day for the English. Braddock, who wished to make war after the European manner in the forests of the Ohio, and had been unwilling to take advice from any one, paid for his temerity with his life, and the loss of the largest part of his army. The bodies of some hundred soldiers, and many officers, strewed the battle field,
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VICTORY AND SPOILS.
1755.7
and immense booty fell into the hands of the French .* Had it not been for the Virginia militia, commanded by Washington, protecting the retreat of the frag- ments of the English army, that portion of the savages who did not loiter to pillage the dead, would not in all probability have spared a solitary soldier to tell the story of their sanguinary defeat.+
"The French did not lose thirty men, and the most of these were killed, not by the English balls, but by the branches of the trees which sheltered them, and which were violently torn off by the fire of the enemy's artillery. The victory was more brilliant because the French had only an inferior force with which to oppose the army of Braddock, numbering at least two thousand men, which constrained Washington to say: 'We have been beaten, shamefully beaten, by a handful of French- men.'
"After the rout of the English, Langlade took energetic measures to prevent the savages from seizing the stores of liquor belonging to the enemy; for, once under the influence of the liquid fire, they might have been carried to excesses which would have tarnished the glory of a day so fortunate. Frustrated in their attempt the Indians set about searching the bodies of the English dead, lying by hundreds on the
*" There were counted dead on the battle field six hundred men, on the retreat about four hundred; along a little stream three hundred. Their total loss was reck oned at twelve hundred and seventy, other accounts place it at one thousand, fifteen hundred, and even seventeen hun - dred. The wounded were abandoned, and almost all perished in the woods. Of one hundred and sixty officers, only six escaped. Several pieces of artillery were taken; also a hundred covered wagons, the military chest, and the effects of the officers, who were well equipped. The last was the booty of the savages and Canadians .- Memoirs des Ponchot, vol. I. p. 37.
t'The rout became general. All the English took to flight, carrying with them their wounded General. Terror seized even those who had taken no part in this combat. Dunbar's army, encamped nearly twenty leagues from the field of action, deserted their camp and joined the fugitives, who did not stop till they reached Fort Cumberland, the longest flight on record. The French pursued the English till fear of some ambuscade made them retrace their steps for they had no suspicion that they had struck their toes with so great a panic .- Notice of Daniel Hyacinth Marie Lienard de Beaujeu, by John G. Shea.
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HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND. [1755.
bloody field. Many of the officers wore rich uniforms, and they despoiled them of every valuable article they might have upon them.
"Besides the Indians, many Canadians took part in the combat, under the command of Langlade ; among others his brother-in-law, Souligny, his nephew, Gautier de Vierville, Pierre Queret, La Choisie, La Fortune, Amable de Gere, Philip de Rocheblave, and Louis Hamelin. All won, by their brave conduct, the congratulations of their chief.
"The Indians were not alone in their desire to despoil the vanquished. La Choisie having found on the battle-field the body of an English officer dressed in a rich uniform, Philip de Rocheblave claimed to have discovered it at the same moment. The former took possession of the well filled purse of the officer, but the latter maintained loudly that he had an equal right to it, and they separated after exchanging more than one bitter word. However it may have been, La Choisie was assassinated during the following night, and the purse disputed with him by de Rocheblave was not found upon him. Quite naturally the tragical end of La Choisie was attributed to de Rocheblave, but his guilt could not be established. De Rocheblave was the uncle of Pierre de Roche- blave, who became one of the most important members of the North-western Fur Company."
Many of these details had never before been published, and the fact that Langlade should have taken so decisive a part in the engagement, must naturally excite some surprise, but there is little doubt that the French triumph was largely due to
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DE BEAUJEU AND LANGLADE.
1755.]
his exertions and his ability as a military man. He figured prominently in later days, and in 1777 one of Burgoyne's officers, in a letter referring to the expected arrival of Ottawa Indians, wrote: "They are led by M. de Saint Luc and M. de Langlade, both great partisans of the French cause, in the last war; the latter is the person who, at the head of the tribe which he now commands, planned and executed the defeat of General Braddock." Burgoyne himself wrote to the same effect, and he spoke as though the important part taken by Langlade was of common notoriety amongst the English. This history of the affair divides the honors of that memorable battle between Beaujeu and Langlade, whereas all previous accounts have given the former the exclusive credit for Braddock's defeat. According to other accounts Beaujeu originated the plan of leaving Fort Duquesne to make the attack, and secured a reluctant consent to his scheme on the part of M. de Contrecœur, the commander, who was indeed upon the point of abandoning the Fort, before Braddock's arrival. The Indians were afraid to march against a force so largely superior in numbers, but de Beaujeu vehemently said to them, "I am determined to go out against the enemy. I am certain of victory. What! will you allow your father to go alone!" His language and his manner aroused the savages, of whom there were gathered representatives of nearly a dozen tribes, and they responded to his appeal by declaring they would follow him, where- ever he might lead. Instantly the entire band prepared for action, and in less than an hour six 23
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HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND.
[1755.
hundred braves were armed, in their war paint, and on the march with two hundred and fifty French and Canadians. Beaujeu led his soldiers and their allies on to the attack, with the greatest bravery and coolness; he had prepared for the worst as to himself, having received the holy communion, in company with a party of his soldiers on the evening preceding the battle. Early in the conflict he fell mortally wounded, and shortly afterwards expired. His death caused the Indians to falter, and when the unfamiliar roar of artillery was added to the confusion of the conflict they, becoming terrified, began a retrogade movement. Dumas, next in command, sprang quickly to the front, cheered them on and led them back, to a still fiercer attack than the first. It is too late for history to attempt to change the records of more than a century far enough to give to Langlade the glory accorded Beaujeu and Dumas; but it cannot now be doubted that the former is entitled to a full share of the credit due for the victory given the French arms on that memorable occasion.
After the last sad rites had been paid the dead General, the British army continued its dreary retreat, and on the same evening reached Little Meadows. From that point Washington wrote to Colonel Innes the following letter, which was sent forward by an express:
LITTLE MEADOWS, 15 JULY, 1755.
SIR :
Captain Orme, being confined to his litter, and not able to write has desired me to acknowledge the receipt of yours. He begs the favor of you to have the room the General lodged in prepared for Colonel
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1755.] THE WOUNDED AT FORT CUMBERLAND.
Burton, himself and Capt. Morris, who are all wounded; also that some small place may be had convenient for cooking, and, if any fresh pro- vision, and other necessaries for persons in their condition, may be had, that you will engage them.
The horses which carry the wounded gentlemen in litters, are so much fatigued, that we dread their performance; therefore it is desired that you will be kind enough to send out eight or ten fresh horses for their relief, which will enable us to reach the fort this evening.
I doubt not but you have had an account of the poor gentlemen's death by some of the affrighted wagoners who ran off without taking leave. I am sir, your most obedient servant,
GEO. WASHINGTON.
To GOVERNOR INNES,
At Fort Cumberland.
Before the receipt of this letter by Colonel Innes a number of the teamsters had reached the Fort, and they spread consternation throughout the camp by reporting that Braddock and his officers were all dead, and that the entire army had been either killed or made prisoners. Upon receipt of Washing- ton's letter, however, Colonel Innes immediately sent forward the necessary horses, and prepared quarters for the wounded officers and men. When the sorrowful cavalcade arrived at the Fort it was received with the greatest kindness, and every effort made to relieve the sufferers. They were taken into buildings before used as barracks, and at once everything obtainable that could contribute to the alleviation of their sufferings was supplied.
Washington feared lest the exaggerated statements made by the badly frightened teamsters should be carried east, and at last reach his mother. In order to relieve her mind, he at once dispatched a letter, assuring her of his safety, and giving her some account of the expedition, and its unhappy results.
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HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND.
[1755.
On the same date he also wrote to his brother, as follows:
FORT CUMBERLAND, 18 July, 1755.
DEAR BROTHER :
As I have heard, since my arrival at this place, a circumstantial account of my death and dying speech, I take this early opportunity of contradicting the first, and assuring you that I have not as yet composed the latter. But by the all powerful dispensation of Providence I have been protected beyond all human probability or expectation; for I had four bullets through my coat, and two horses shot under me, yet escaped unhurt, although death was leveling my companions on every side of me !
We have been most scandalously beaten by a trifling body of men, but fatigue and want of time prevent me from giving you any of the details until I have the happiness of seeing you at Mount Vernon, which I now most ardently wish for, since we are driven thus far. A feeble state of health obliges me to halt here for two or three days, to recover a little strength, that I may thereby be enabled to proceed homewards with more ease. You may expect to see me there on Saturday or Sunday fortnight, which is as soon as I can well be down, as I shall take my Bullskin Plantations on my way. Pray give my compliments to all my friends. I am, dear Jack, your most affectionate brother, G. W.
Captain Orme wrote, the same day, to Governor Sharpe, giving an account of the battle, as follows:
FORT CUMBERLAND, July 18th, 1755.
MY DEAR SIR :
I am so extremely ill in bed with the wound I have received in my thigh that I am under the necessity of employing my friend Capt. Dob. son to write for me.
I conclude you have had some account of the action near the banks of the Monongahela about seven miles from the French Fort; as the reports spread are very imperfect what you have heard must consequently be so too. You should have had more early accounts of it but every officer whose business it was to have informed you was either killed or wounded, and our distressful situation put it out of our powers, to attend to it so much as we would have done.
The 9th instant we passed and repassed the Monongahela by advanc- ing first a party of 300 men which was immediately followed by another of 200, the General with the column of Artillery, Baggage and the main body of the army passed the river the last time about one o'clock; as soon as the whole got on the Fort side of the Monongahela we heard a
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1755.] CAPTAIN ORME'S ACCOUNT. S very heavy and quick fire in our front, we immediately advanced in order to sustain them, but the Detachment of the 200 and the 300 men gave way and fell back upon us which caused such confusion and struck so great a Panick among our men that afterwards no military expedient could be made use of that had any effect upon them; the men were so extremely deaf to the exhortations of the General and the officers that they fired away in the most irregular manner all their ammunition and then run off leaving to the enemy the artillery, ammunition, Provision and
. Baggage, nor would they be persuaded to stop till they got as far as Guerst Plantation, nor there only in part, many of them proceeding even as far as Col. Dunbar's party, who lay six miles on this side. The officers were absolutely sacrificed by their unparalleled good behaviour, advanc- ing sometimes in body & sometimes separately, hoping by such example to engage the soldiers to follow them, but to no purpose.
The General had five horses shot under him and at last received a wound through his right arm, into his lungs, of which he died on the 13th inst. Poor Shirley was shot through the head, Capt. Morris wounded, Mr. Washington had two horses shot under him and his cloaths shot thro' in several places, behaving the whole time with the greatest courage, and resolution. Sir Peter Halket was killed upon the spot, Col. Burton and Sir John St. Clair wounded, & Inclosed I have sent you a list of the killed and wounded according to as exact an account as we are able to get.
Upon our proceeding with the whole convoy to the Little Meadows it was found impossible to advance in that manner, the General therefore advanced with twelve hundred men, with the necessary artillery, ammu- nition, & provision, leaving the main body of the convoy under the command of Col. Dunbar with orders to join him as soon as possible; in this manner we proceeded with safety and expedition till the fatal day I have just related, and happy it was that this disposition was made, other- wise the whole must have either starved or fallen into the hands of the enemy, as numbers would have been of no service to us, and our provision all lost.
As our number of horses were so much reduced and those extremely weak, and many carriages being wanted for the wounded men, occasioned our destroying the ammunition and superfluous part of the provision left in Col. Dunbar's convoy to prevent its falling into the hands of the Enemy.
As the whole of the Artillery is lost and the troops are extremely weakened by Deaths, wounds and sickness, it was judged impossible to make any further attempts. therefore Col. Dunbar is returning to Fort Cumberland with everything he is able to bring with him.
I propose remaining here till my wound will suffer me to remove
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HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND. [1755.
to Philadelphia, from thence shall make all possible dispatch to England, whatever commands you may have for me you will do me the favor to direct to me here,
I am with the greatest sincerity your most obedient and most
Humble Servant, ROBT. ORME.
By the particular disposition of the French and the Indians it is impossible to judge of the numbers they had that day in the Field.
As the General's chariot is to be disposed of, I should be glad to know if you would have it again; it has been at this place since our departure from hence; if you propose taking it again I will send it to you and bring the General's coach back, Capt. Morris' compliments attend you with Mr. Washington's.
P. S. Writing to you as a friend I flatter myself you will excuse the hurry in which this is wrote.
To The Hon'bl Governor Sharpe.
Notwithstanding the great distance between Fort Cumberland and the battle field of the Monongahela, the rugged mountains, and the very difficult roads, the garrison at the Fort was in a state of the greatest uneasiness lest the victorious French, with their Indian allies, should pursue the retreating remnant of the army and strike it another blow. So com- pletely terrified were the defeated English that every particle of courage seemed to have been eradicated from their natures; they forgot their king, their country, their honor, everything in fact save the savage war whoop of the Indian and the fatal scenes of the battle field.
Dunbar, who had been so slow in going forward with his force that he did not get within sound of the conflict, made the best use of his time in marching to the rear. On the 20th of July he arrived at Fort Cumberland, having fifteen hundred soldiers fit for duty. In the hands of a proper officer these men would have been sufficient to set at defiance, and
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1755.] DUNBAR'S RETREAT TO PHILADELPHIA.
even to overcome, any force that the French might have been able to send against them from Fort Duquesne, but Dunbar was as badly frightened as any tyro in the ranks, and he did not feel that his precious body was safe so long as he was in the shadow of the wilderness. The necessities of the case were such that he could not continue his retreat immediately, and was compelled to remain at Fort Cumberland until the 2d of August, by which time the wounded had all been looked after, the weary and foot sore men somewhat recruited, and an abundance of supplies secured.
The following extract appeared in Green's Mary- land Gazette, July 31st, 1755, and is interesting in several respects :
" By Letters in Town we understand, that Col. Dunbar, with the Remainder of the two Regiments, and three Independent Companies, under his Command, were to march from Fort Cumberland on Tuesday last for Rays-Town in Pennsylvania. The same Letters mentioned the arrival of one Staut at Fort Cumberland, who gave them the following accounts : That about the Middle of June last he and his Family were carried off from the Back Parts of this Province, by a Party of Indians, to Fort Du Quesne; that when he came thither the French had not above 400 Men in the Fort; that on the 2d of July, about 1100 French, and 1300 Indians, came down the Ohio, and in a few Days afterwards several other large Parties of both French and Indians arrived also from other Parts: That a small Party of French, with about 2,000 Indians, were soon after sent out to harrass our army on their March, who understanding the Rout the General had taken, determined to have disputed his Passage over the Monongahela, but coming too late for that Purpose, found him entered into the Valley where the action happened. That after the Engagement the Indians pursued our People to the Monon- gahela, scalped and plunder'd all that were left upon the Field, except five or six, wbo not being able to keep pace with the Victors in their Return to the Fort, were all treated in the same Manner, one Virginian only surviving it. [Oh ! horrid Barbarity ! to kill in cool Blood ! But, Protestant Reader, such is the Treatment we may expect to receive from his most Christian Majesty's American allies, if ever we should be so
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HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND.
[1755.
unhappy as to fall into their Hands, except we give up our Religion Liberty, and every Thing that is dear and valuable, and submit to be his Vassals, and Dupes to the Romish Clergy, whose most tender Mercies are but hellish Cruelties, wherever they have Power to exercise them.]
" He further says, that the same Day of the attack, all the artillery, &c., was carried into the Fort, and the Plunder distributed amongst the Indians; a great Number of whom, the second Day afterwards, took their Leaves and set out for Canada, carrying this Staut with them a Prisoner who the first Night afterwards made his Escape from them, and with much Difficulty, arrived at Fort Cumberland, almost famish'd.
"He says the French have now about 3,000 Men at the Fort."
On the 1st, Dunbar received a letter from Commo- dore Keppel, directing him to send the seamen to Hampton, where they were to go on board the ship Garland.
On the same day he wrote the following letter to Lieutenant-Governor Morris, of Pennsylvania:
FORT CUMBERLAND, Aug. 1, 1755.
SIR:
With this you'l receive a Letter for Admiral Boscawen, which pray put under cover to him, directed to him or officer commanding his Majesty's ship at Halifax, and if the despatches I sent you are not gone, or an opportunity immediately offering, I would request your sending all to Halifax directed as before.
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