USA > Maryland > Allegany County > Cumberland > History of Cumberland, (Maryland) from the time of the Indian town, Caiuctucuc, in 1728, up to the present day : embracing an account of Washington's first campaign, and battle of Fort Necessity, together with a history of Braddock's expedition > Part 17
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We have received advice that our second convoy, of more than seventy wagons, will be at the South Branch to-day, where I expect they will be joined by other wagons with forage. They will all proceed to this place immediately.
I shall most cheerfully work on any road, pursue any route, or enter upon any service that the General or yourself may think me usefully employed in, or qualified for, and shall never have a will of my own, when a duty is required of me. But since you desire me to speak my sentiment freely, permit me to observe, that after having conversed with all the guides, and having been informed by others, who have a knowledge of the country, I am convinced that a road, to be compared with General Braddock's, or, indeed that will be fit for transportation even by pack-horses, cannot be made. I have no predilection for the route you have in contemplation for me, not because difficulties appear
239
THE TWO ROADS.
1758.]
therein, but because I doubt whether satisfaction can be given in the execution of the plan. I know not what reports you may have received from your reconnoitering parties, but I have been uniformly told that, if you expect a tolerable road by Raystown you will be disappointed, for no movement can be made that way without destroying our horses.
Bouquet was not convinced by Washington's representations, yet he was desirous of fully consult- ing with him, and fixing upon a plan which would meet with his approval. He therefore wrote to Washington, saying: "Nothing can exceed your generous dispositions for the service. I see, with the utmost satisfaction, that you are above the influences of prejudice, and ready to go heartily where reason and judgment shall direct. I wish sincerely that we may all entertain one and the same opinion; therefore I desire to have an interview with you at the houses built half way between our camps." Both officers went to the place designated, half way between Fort Cumberland and Raystown, and entered into a discussion of the question at issue. Washington stated that the road taken by Braddock had been laid out by the Ohio Company, aided by traders and Indians, the sole object being to secure the best and most direct route; that the road was in pretty good order, and could be made ready for use with but little labor, and that the building of a new road by another route would consume precious time, and extend the campaign into another year, which would have a demoralizing effect upon the soldiers, as well as upon the colonies. But General Forbes had determined upon the new route through Pennsylvania, and Colonel Bouquet naturally took the same position. Washington succeeded, however,
240
HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND.
[1758.
in persuading him to abandon the idea of dividing his forces, and it was finally determined that the advance upon Fort Duquesne should be over a new road to be built from Raystown. Washington was greatly dispirited by this, and he wrote to Major Halkett, in August, that this would ruin the expe- dition, as they would be utterly unable to get beyond Laurel Hill during the winter. He also wrote again to Colonel Bouquet:
CAMP NEAR FORT CUMBERLAND, 2d August, 1758.
SIR :
The matters of which we spoke relative to the roads, have, since our parting, been the subject of my closest reflection, and so far am I from altering my opinion, that the more time and attention I bestow, the more I am confirmed in it, and the reasons for taking Braddock's road appear in a stronger point of view. To enumerate the whole of these reasons would be tedious, and to you, who have become so much master of the subject, unnecessary. I shall, therefore, briefly mention a few only which I think so obvious in themselves, that they must effectually remove objections.
Several years ago the Virginians and Pennsylvanians commenced a trade with the Indians settled on the Ohio, and to obviate the many inconveniences of a bad road, they, after reiterated and ineffectual efforts to discover where a good one might be made, employed for the purpose several of the most intelligent Indians, who, in the course of many years' hunting had acquired a perfect knowledge of these moun- tains. The Indians having taken the greatest pains to gain the rewards offered for this discovery, declared that the path leading from Will's Creek was infinitely preferable to any that could be made at any other place. Time and experience so clearly demonstrated this truth that the Pennsylvania traders commonly carried out their goods by Will's Creek. Therefore, the Ohio Company in 1753, at considerable expense opened the road. In 1754 the troops whom I had the honor to command greatly repaired it, as far as Gist's plantation ; and in 1755 it was widened and completed by General Braddock to within six miles of Fort Duquesne. A road that has so long been opened, and so well and so often repaired, must be much firmer and better than a new one, allowing the ground to be equally good.
But supposing it were practicable to make a road from Raystown quite as good as General Braddock's, I ask have we time to do it?
241
A QUESTION OF ROADS.
1758.]
Certainly not. To surmount the difficulties to be encountered in making it over such mountains, covered with woods and rocks, would require so much time as to blast our otherwise well grounded hopes of striking the important stroke this season.
The favorable accounts that some give of the forage on the Rays- town road, as being so much better than that on the other, are certainly exaggerated. It is well known that on both routes, the rich valleys between the mountains abound with good forage, and that those which are stony and bushy are destitute of it. Colonel Byrd and the engineer who accompanied him, confirm this fact. Surely the meadows on Braddock's road would greatly overbalance the advantage of having grass to the foot of the ridge, on the Raystown road ; and all agree that a more barren road is nowhere to be found, than that from Raystown to the inhabitants, which is likewise to be considered.
Another principal objection made to General Braddock's road is in regard to the waters. But these seldom swell so much as to obstruct the passage. The Youghiogany river, which is the most rapid and soonest filled, I have crossed with a body of troops, after more than thirty days' almost continuous rain. In fine, any difficulties on this score are so trivial that they really are not worth mentioning. The Monongahela, the largest of all these rivers, may, if necessary, be easily avoided, as Mr. Frazier, the principal guide informs me, by passing a defile, and even that he says, may be shunned.
Again, it is said, there are many defiles on this road. I grant that there are some, but I know of none that may not be traversed ; and I should be glad to be informed where a road can be had over these moun- tains, not subject to the same inconvenience. The shortness of the distance between Raystown and Loyal Hanna is used as an argument against this road, which bears in it something unaccountable to me ; for I must beg leave to ask whether it requires more time or is more difficult and expensive, to go one hundred and forty-five miles on a good road already made to our hands than to cut one hundred miles anew, and a great part of the way over impassable mountains.
That the old road is many miles nearer Winchester in Virginia, and Fort Frederick in Maryland, than the contemplated one is incontestible ; and I will here show the distance from Carlisle by the two routes, fixing the different stages, some of which I have from information only, but others I believe to be exact. From this computation there appears to be a difference of nineteen miles only. Were all the supplies necessarily to come from Carlisle, it is well known that the goodness of the old road is a sufficient compensation for the shortness of the other, as the wrecked and broken wagons there clearly demonstrate :
31
242
HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND. [1758.
FROM CARLISLE TO FORT DUQUESNE BY WAY OF RAYSTOWN.
Miles.
From Carlisle to Shippensburg. 21
Shippensburg to Fort Loudon 24
Fort Loudon to Fort Littleton ... 20
Fort Littleton to Juniatta Crossing. 14
Juniatta Crossing to Raystown 14
93
Raystown to Fort Duquesne. 100
193
FROM CARLISLE TO FORT DUQUESNE BY WAY OF FORTS FREDERICK AND CUMBERLAND.
Miles.
From Carlisle to Shippensburg .. 21
Shippensburg to Chambers'
12
Chambers' to Pacelin's . .... 12
Pacelin's to Fort Frederick 12
60 Fort Frederick to Fort Cumberland 40
97
Fort Cumberland to Fort Duquesne
.. 115
212
All that Washington could say, however, was of no avail, and Colonel Bouquet was ordered at once to have his men go to work on the new road.
About one-fifth of the force at Fort Cumberland was taken sick early in August, and no salt provisions of any kind were on hand, nor an ounce of salt, so that all fresh meat had to be barbacued in Indian style, which process caused a loss of at least one-half. There were no pack horses in camp, and in order to equip Captain Mckenzie's company for a march of fourteen days, upon which it had been ordered, five horses were pressed from some country- men who had come to the camp on business. Colonel Burd's men were sick, and all were greatly dispirited. Washington said, "This sickness and depression of spirits cannot arise from the situation of our camp, which is undoubtedly the most healthy of any ground in this vicinity, but is
243
AN INDIGNANT EPISTLE.
1758.]
occasioned, I apprehend, by the change in their mode of living, and by the limestone water."
There was a vast amount of impatience exhibited by some of the officers, and this was aggravated by the selfishness and lack of patriotism displayed by those settlers and traders who had influence, and who were more interested in securing the construc- tion of a road at the expense of the government than in the success of the enterprise against Fort Duquesne. The following letter was written by Robert Munford, a Virginian, to his uncle ,Theodoric Bland, Sr., and is found amongst the "Bland Papers :"
CAMP NEAR FORT CUMBERLAND, August 4th, 1758.
HON'D SIR : If'tis honorable to be in the service of one's country, 'tis a reputation gain'd by the most cruel hardships you can imagine, occasioned more by a real anxiety for its welfare, than by what the poor carcase suffers. Every officer seems discontented in camp, happy on command, so deep is the interest of our country implanted in the minds of all. Sometimes the army wears a gloomy, then a joyous, aspect, just as the news either confirms our stay here, or our departure. The General with the small pox in one, the flux in the other, division of our forces, and no provision ready, are indeed excuses for our being here at present; yet all might have been prevented. A few hearty prayers are every mo- ment offered up for those self-interested Pennsylvanians who endeavor to prevail on our General to cut a road for their convenience, from Rays- town to Fort Duquesne, that a trifling good to particulars, should retard what would conduce to the general welfare ! 'Tis a set of dirty Dutchmen, they say, that keeps us here ! It would be impertinent to condemn, yet I must [think] our leaders too deliberate at this important juncture, when all are warm for action, all breathing revenge against an enemy that have even dared to scalp our men before our eyes. The amusement we have in the meantime is only following the brave dogs over the mountains for some miles, and our sole satisfaction sufficient fatigue to make us sleep sound. An old scoundrel has intimated to the General that the Virginians have bribed the guides; for 'tis practicable to go the new road, contrary to their report. We have lost all our Indians by the assistance of a man, the [aforesaid] old dog, who inter- posed through some dirty views he has of superseding Mr. Atkins. Thus are our officers in a manner ruined by persons whose souls scorn a
244
HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND. [1758.
thought that tends not immediately to their own advantage. I'm sorry to live upon my country, when I've so small a prospect of repaying her by any service. We shall march to Raystown shortly, thence to the Fort* if permitted. I shall embrace the next opportunity of writing you our transactions, and am as always, dear sir, your most
aff'te nephew, &c
R. MUNFORD.
P. S. By express, we have an acc't that some of the enemy Indians have joined the Pennsylvanians.
On the 17th of August a wagoner was shot, and his horse killed, within three miles of the Fort, and several parties of hostile Indians were seen in the woods. Four days later the following letter was written to Colonel Bouquet, by Washington :
CAMP AT FORT CUMBERLAND, 21 August, 1758. DEAR SIR :
Twenty-five Catawbas came here this evening, and the convoy may be expected day after to morrow, as it was at Pearsall's last night.
Governor Sharpe may be expected here in a day or two. I am at a loss to know how he ranks and whether he is entitled to the command. In the British army his rank is that of Lieutenant-Colonel only, but what it may be as governor, in his own province, I really do not know, nor whether he has any out of the troops of his own province. I should, therefore, be glad of your advice, being unwilling to dispute the matter with him wrongfully, or to give up the command if I have a right to it.
Governor Sharpe arrived at Fort Cumberland shortly afterwards, but Washington's position as commander-in-chief was not interfered with. Indeed Governor Sharpe was more interested in the suc- cessful prosecution of the enterprise against Fort Duquesne than in the matter of personal glory. He gave all the aid and encouragement in his power to the project, and did all that could be expected of him. The delay, however, in the movements of the army had resulted in the greatest depression to the entire command, and in the total annihilation of the
*Fort Duquesne.
245
WASHINGTON DESPONDENT.
1758.]
enthusiasm with which they had advanced thus far. Two months of inactivity had filled Washington with disappointment and apprehension, and he addressed the following letter to Speaker Robinson, of the House of Burgesses, than which a more gloomy one he probably never indited:
CAMP AT FORT CUMBERLAND, 1 September, 1758.
MY DEAR SIR :
We are still encamped here, very sickly and quite dispirited at the prospect before us.
That appearance of glory which we had once in view, that hope, that laudable ambition of serving our country, and meriting its applause, are now no more; all is dwindled into ease, sloth, and fatal inactivity. In a word all is lost, if the ways of men in power, like certain ways of Providence, are not inscrutable. But we, who view the actions of great men at a distance, can only form conjectures agreeably to a limited perception ; and being ignorant of the comprehensive schemes which may be in contemplation, might mistake egregiously in judging of things from appearances, or by the lump. Yet every fool will have his notions- will prattle and talk away ; and why may not I? We seem then in my opinion to act under the guidance of an evil genius. The conduct of our leaders, if not actuated by superior orders is tempered with something I do not care to give a name to. Nothing now but a miracle can bring this campaign to a happy issue.
Washington evidently devoted a considerable portion of his time while at Fort Cumberland, on this occasion, to a correspondence of a more tender nature than that given in these pages. There are on record numerous evidences of many hours spent in the contemplation of the graces and perfections of his lady love, whose vision brightened the solitary evenings of camp life, and recently there was sold in New York an autograph letter written by him at this time, to Mrs. Sarah Fairfax, who was formerly a Miss Cary. She had at one time been the object of Washington's affections, and he had made her a
246
HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND. [1758.
proposal of marriage, which she declined, as she had already given her heart to Mr. George William Fairfax. Until twelve months since this letter was never published, and is now for the first time embraced in the contents of a book. It was found among the papers of Mrs. Fairfax; who died at the age of eighty-one years, in Bath, England, where she had lived widowed, childless and infirm for many years. The letter is as follows:
CAMP AT FORT CUMBERLAND, 12th September, 1758. DEAR MADAM :-
Yesterday I was honored with your short but very agreeable favor of the first inst-how joyfully I catch at the happy occasion of a renewing a corres- pondence which I feared was disrelished on your part, I leave to time that never failing expositor of all things-and to a monitor equally faithful in my own breast to testify. In silence I now express my joy. Silence, which, in some cases- I wish the present-speaks more intelligently than the sweetest eloquence.
If you allow that any honour can be derived from my opposition to our present system of management you destroy the merit of it entirely in me by attributing my anxiety to the animating prospect of possessing Mrs. Custis- when-I need not name it-guess yourself-Should not my own Honor and country's welfare be the excitement ? 'Tis true. I profess myself a votary of Love-I acknowledge that a lady is in the case-and further I confess that this lady is known to you .- Yes, madam, as well as she is to one who is too sensible of her charms to deny the Power whose Influence he feels and must ever submit to. I feel the force of her amiable beauties in the recollection of a thousand tender passages that I could wish to obliterate, till I am bid to revive them,-but experience, alas ! sadly reminds me how impossible this is,-and evinces an opinion which I have long entertained, that there is a Destiny, which has the sovereign control of our actions-not to be resisted by the strongest efforts of Human Nature.
You have drawn me, dear madam, or rather I have drawn myself, into an honest confession of a simple Fact-misconstrue not my meaning-doubt it not, nor expose it-The world has no business to know the object of my Love -declared in this manner to you-when I want to conceal it. One thing above all things in this world I wish to know, and only one person of your acquaintance can solve me that or guess my meaning-but adieu to this till happier times, if I ever shall see them. The hours at present are melancholy dull, neither the rugged toils of war, nor the gentler conflict of A- B-s is in my choice. I dare believe, you are as happy as you say. I wish I was happy also. Mirth, good humor, ease of mind and-what else ? cannot fail to render you so and consummate your wishes.
If one agreeable lady could almost wish herself a fine gentleman for the
247
THE TWO ROADS.
1758.]
, sake of another; I apprehend, that many fine gentlemen will wish themselves finer e'er Mrs. Spotswood is possest. She has already become a reigning toast in this camp; and many there are in it, who intend (fortune favoring) to make honorable scars speak the fullness of their merit and be a messenger of their Love to her.
I cannot easily forgive the unseasonable haste of my last express, if he deprived me thereby of a single word you intended to add,-the time of the present messenger is, as the last might have been, entirely at your disposal. I can't expect to hear from my friends more than this once before the fate of the expedition will some how or other be determined. I therefore beg to know when you set out for Hampton and when you expect to return to Belvoir again-and I should be glad also to hear of your speedy departure as I shall thereby hope for your return before I get down; the disappointment of seeing your family would give me much concern-From anything I can yet see 'tis hardly possible to say when we shall finish. I don't think there is a proba- bility of it till the middle of November. Your letter to Captain Gist I forwarded by a safe hand the moment it came to me, His answer shall be carefully transmitted.
Col. Mercer, to whom I delivered your message and compliments, joins me very heartily in wishing you and the Ladies of Belvoir the perfect enjoyment of every happiness this world affords. Be assured that I am, Dr madam, with the most unfeigned regard, yr most obedient and most oblig'd H'ble serv't,
G. WASHINGTON.
N. B. Many accidents happening (to use a vulgar saying) between the cup and the lip, I choose to make the exchange of carpets myself, since I find you will not do me the honor to accept mine.
On the 16th of September Washington left Fort Cumberland, for Raystown, at which place he arrived on the same day. He had a conference with General Forbes, in which the situation was discussed at length. Major Halket wrote to Governor Sharpe, the same date, as follows:
CAMP AT REASTOWN, 16th September, 1758.
DEAR SIR : This evening Colonel Washington arrived, who surprises the General extremely by the account that he gives of the great scarcity of provisions at Fort Cumberland, after having wrote to Colonel Boquet so fully upon that subject, however, the General (who is greatly fatigued from the business that his just coming to Reastown has oblidged him to go through) has ordered me to inform you that he will send off a convoy of provisions to morrow, the particulars of which Mr. Sinclair will inform you of, at the same time the bearer carries orders for all the Virginians to be ready to march' immediately upon the arrival of Colonel Wash- ington, who sets out for that purpose to morrow morning, which will diminish the consumption of provisions at Fort Cumberland very
248
HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND.
[1758.
considerably, and make it a very easy matter to support you for the future, as your numbers will be so much diminished.
Three days ago commissary clerk wrote to Mr. Rutherford, at Winchester, to supply your people with spirits, and all the other necessarys that you desir'd which letter I hope will be in good time to answer your expectations. I am dear sir, your most obdt humble servant, To GOVERNOR SHARPE. FRANCIS HALKETT.
Upon Washington's departure from Fort Cumber- land, Governor Sharpe took command of the post, and had a garrison composed of Maryland troops alone, after the Virginians had left. In the latter part of September, by an unavoidable accident one of the storehouses located on the river bank, and used for the deposit of ammunition was blown up, and most of its contents destroyed. A few days after this occurrence Governor Sharpe received the following letter:
CAMP AT REASTOWN, 2d October 1758.
SIR :
About this time we expect their will be a number of the Shannondo Waggons arriving at Fort Cumberland with provisions from Win- chester; the General therefore begs that you will be so good as to engage as many of them as possible upon the same terms as the Pennsylvania waggons, to go upon our Expedition, and that you will take the opportunity of their coming here, to send over all the Buck shott at Fort Cumberland, seven Boxes containing two hundred weight each, were lodged in the new store under the hill, which was sent from Fort Frederick along with the shelles. Six hundred weight was likewise lodged in store that was blown up, if any of that remains undistroyed, you will send it also, and provided the carriages can be ready time enough they may take the benefite of the officer and thirty men sent from the Second Virginia Regiment for horses, to escort them-if this party marched before that the waggons can be got Ready they must be escorted by the Recover'd men of the Virginia Regiments.
If their are any spair wheels or carriages for Howitzers be pleased to send them likewise in some of the empty Waggons, Captain Hay having brought no spair ones with the Train, and we may come to have occasion for them. I am, sir
your most obedient humble servt,
To Gov. SHARPE, Fort Cumberland. FRANCIS HALKETT.
249
GENERAL FORBES' ARMY.
1758.]
In compliance with this letter Governor Sharpe sent forward all the shot and shell remaining at the fort, except a small quantity necessary for the garrison.
The force under General Forbes' command, at Raystown, at this time, was as follows:
Name of Corps.
No. of field Company Officers. Officers.
Total.
Division of Ist. Battal. Į of Royal Americans.
1
12
363
The Highland or 62d reg't. Division of ditto.
3
37
998 )
1267
Ist Virginia Regiment.
3
32
782
1484
2nd Virginia Regiment.
3
35
702
1
10
141
4 Maryland companies.
1
15
270
1st Battallion
Penn'a.
3
41
755 }
2d
do
3
40
666
3d
do
3
46
771
The three lower Counties,
Total,
5980
Detachments on the frontiers of Pennsylvania and the road of commu- nication.
From the
Total
Penn'a. Regiment.
1 Major. 10 Captains. 17 Subalterns.
563
From the North
Total
Carolina Regiment 1
3 61 624
Early in September the advance of the army at Raystown had moved forward to Loyal Hanna, near Fort Ligonier, and on the 11th of that month Major Grant, of the Highland Regiment, marched off on a premature movement against Fort Duquesne, taking with him a force of 37 officers and 805 men. On the 14th he reached a point within eleven miles of Fort Duquesne, where he left the baggage, under a guard of 50 men, and moved forward with the rest of the command to the summit of a hill, less than half a mile from the fort, which point he reached about midnight.
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