USA > Maine > A history of the discovery of Maine > Part 34
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45
Mercator does not indicate, so far as I know, the sources from which he derived these remarkable improvements for his chart, which were not known by Homem in 1558, and of which there are only slight indi- cations on the Cabot map of 1544. He adopts the Portuguese names for his " Terra Corterealis," namely, " Golfam de Merosro," " Y. dus de- monios," " Cabo Marco," " Ilha da fortuna," "Baia dus medaus," "Rio de tormenta," " Ylhas de caravillo," "Baia d'e malvas," etc. Some of the names are not new, but had been long known, though not always put in the same position. We know of no official Portuguese exploring expedition made to these regions between the time of Homem (1558) and Mercator (1569); and therefore the suggestions of Dr. Asher, for the solution of this problem, have a high degree of probability. He says :* "The Portuguese fishermen continued their surveys of the northern coasts," commenced by Gaspar Cortereal in 1500, " most likely for no other purpose than to discover advantageous fisheries. They
* See G. M. Asher's Henry Hudson, Introduction, p. xcvi. London, 1860.
389
MERCATOR'S MAP, 1569.
seem to have advanced slowly, step by step, first along the shores of Newfoundland, then up to the mouth of Hudson's Strait, then through that strait, and at last into Hudson's Bay," or as I think into Ungava Bay. "With a certain number of ancient maps, ranging from 1529 to 1570 before us, we can trace this progress step by step. In 1544," the time of Cabot's map, " the Portuguese seem not yet to have reached the mouth of the Strait; and in 1570," or as I think 1569, the date of our Mercator's map,* "they have reached the bay," Hudson's, or at least Ungava Bay. "We can, therefore, state with the greatest cer- tainty, that Hudson's Bay," Hudson's Strait as far as Ungava Bay, ... " had been discovered before the publication of Ortelius's atlas, which took place in 1570," or better, before the publication of Mercator's chart, which took place in 1569. "But we are not equally certain, that the discovery falls within the years 1558 to 1570," or better, 1569, " be- cause we have only the negative evidence of Diego Homem's chart to support the latter assertion. The fact itself is, however, probable enough."
Diego Homem was living in Venice several years after 1558. He therefore may have made other charts of later date than that preserv- ed in the British museum of 1558, and may have represented upon them the latest discoveries of his countrymen; and it is therefore pos- sible that Mercator may have had before him a chart of Labrador by this Portuguese; though it would appear from other sections of his chart, that he was not acquainted with Homem's map of 1558.
South of " Terra Corterealis " are Newfoundland, still called " Terra de Bacallaos," and "Nova Francia." The latitudes for Newfoundland are partly correct; for instance, Cape Race in 46° 30' N., is nearly in its true latitude. The names along the east coast of Newfoundland remain as they had been from the time of the Cortereals, with the addi- tion of a few French names from the voyage of Cartier.
Mercator has made a good use of the charts of Cartier and Roberval, which, in 1569, furnished the only materials for the construction of a map of New France. Fully and correctly, with slight exceptions, he adopts all their names along the gulf and river of St. Lawrence. It is the best draft which one could have for illustrating and understand- ing the voyages and proceedings of Cartier, not excepting even the French copies of the charts of this explorer, which I have examined in former essays. The only neglected part is the western shore of New-
*Dr. Asher does not mention Mercator's map of 1569. He had before him the map of Ortelius of 1570, who was only a follower and copyist of Mercator, but adopted his views.
---
--
390
MERCATOR'S MAP, 1569.
foundland, which, with the assistance of Cartier, might have been made more accurate.
The principal affluents of the St. Lawrence, the Saguenay, the St. Maurice, the St. John, and the Ottawa, are all indicated with nearly their true features, which he could have thus delineated only by pro- ceeding on a correct hypothesis. On the Ottawa, left without a name, there is written the following inscription : "Hoc fluvio facilior est navigatio in Saguenai" (by this river the navigation is easier to Sague- nay), that fabulous country in the north-west, from the riches of which Cartier hoped so much. To the west, at the head of this river, in about 60° N., appears a part of a large lake, with the inscription : "Hic mare est dulcium aquarum, cujus terminum ignorari Canadenses ex relatu Saguenaiensium aiunt" (here is a sea of fresh-water, the end of which, say the Canadians, according to the report of the Saguenay people, is unknown). The high latitude would lead us to think, that Lake Su- perior was referred to, though of course it may have been Lake Hu- ron. The manner in which the St. Lawrence has been drawn west of Montreal proves, that neither Cartier nor Mercator had any knowledge of Lake Ontario.
South of New France and Newfoundland we come to Nova Scotia ; for a description of which, Mercator might have learned much from the Portuguese chart of Homem of 1558, our No. 21. But it is evident that he had no knowledge of it, nor is Homem mentioned in the celebrated catalogue of chartographers given by Ortelins.
Mercator has drawn the coast of Nova Scotia, New England, and, in fact, the entire east coast of the United States, nearly corresponding with the French chart of 1550, our No. 1S. He has given to these coun- tries the same configuration and latitudes as are seen on that map, and must have had a copy of it before him. The names on this coast, which are mostly of Spanish origin, are very much corrupted, and sometimes are scarcely intelligible. Some of them have a Portuguese appearance; as in the inscription given to Nova Scotia: "Esta he a terra dus Bre- tones " (this is the country of the Bretons). Many old acquaintances from the map of Ribero-names introduced by Gomez-are found among them ; but are placed in such different positions, varying some- times for hundreds of miles, that it is impossible to say what harbor or locality is intended; for instance, the name "Rio primero" is placed on Mercator's map on the west of Cape Breton, while on the map of Vallard, our No. 19, it is ou the west of Nova Scotia.
Near the name " C. da lexus ( ? );" not far from "rio hondo," a rectan- gular cape is depicted. This was probably meant for Cape Sable. There is no other indication of the Bay of Fundy, although it had been
391
MERCATOR'S MAP, 1569.
placed in 1558 on the map of Homem. Verrazano's "island of Clau- dia," which seems to flit from place to place along the whole coast, according to the will of the chartographers, is placed on our map near the cape last mentioned.
At the great river of Norumbega (rio grande), we arrive on well known and sure ground. This great river with its broad mouth is, no doubt, the " Rio de las Gamas " of Ribero and Gomez, and our Penob- scot Bay and River. The coast of Maine is indicated, as usual, by a long chain of islets. To the territory of Maine, the famous name of " Norumbega" is given, and in the midst of it, on the east bank of the great river, a splendid capital, "Norumbega," is depicted. Mercator gives to his " Rio grande" of Norumbega, two branches or forks, which-curiously enough !- happen to be nearly correct.
The cape to the west of the great river of Norumbega, usually called " Cabo de muchas islas," has on our map the name, "Cabo de lagus islas" ( ? ). Then comes a bay, "Orsmora" (? ); after this, "arciel de estevan gomens " (instead of Arcipelago de Estevan Gomez). It is evi- dent that our excellent Mercator had no accurate knowledge either of the name of Gomez himself, or of the names given by him to this coast.
All the following names of Gomez and Ribero have been corrupted in a similar manner; so that they can scarcely be recognized or ex- plained. These names of Gomez had now grown very old; they had been copied by many authors; and copies became more degenerate the further they were removed from the date of the original. So that Mer- cator's map has exactly its weakest part, and has the fewest new and good things to tell us, on that section of the coast which interests us most, namely, the coast of New England.
From the " terra dus Bretones," for about twenty degrees of longi- tude, the coast-line runs due east and west in about 42º N. Then, not far west of the river Norumbega, it turns to the south-south-west, forming that semicircular gulf, lined with little islands, which points out the Gulf of Maine, ending at the projecting "Cabo de arenas." This cape on Ribero's map, stands in latitude 40º N .; on Mercator's, it is two degrees south, in 38º N .; on the French chart of 1550, our No. 18, in 30° 30'. However, from the manuer in which Mercator depicts the reefs and banks near this cape. it is evident, that in other respects he follows the French chart. He gives to these banks the same two little crosses, and the same configuration, which are to be found on the French chart.
Except this " Cabo de arenas " (Cape Cod ? ) nothing is to be found on our chart of the peninsula of New England, or of the gulf and harbor of New York; nothing of all that Verrazano discovered, except his island " Claudia," misplaced far to the cast.
--
392
.
MERCATOR'S MAP, 1569.
As our chart has duplicated the Faroe Islands, Greenland, and Davis' Strait, so has it given us two States of Maine, one under the name of Norumbega, in the right place, and another under the name of "Drogeo," misplaced, and swimming far to the north, as an island in the midst of the ocean.
'That part of the east coast which lies south of " Cabo de arenas," had been represented much better on former Spanish charts. We scarcely recognize in 34º 30' N., the Baia de Sta. Maria (Chesapeake Bay); the name of which has been here omitted. But he has given not far from where it should be, some indication of a bay, under the name " del principe," which is a Spanish name always given to one of the rivers entering the Chesapeake Bay.
The only thing on the map which, in this part of our east coast, we can praise as meritorious, is the long mountain range following the coast-line at some distance in the interior. Mercator is the first, I think, who delineated the chain of the Alleghany Mountains, and gave to them their true distance from the Atlantic; and he has done this in a very happy manner. He makes them run in their southern section, from the south-west toward the north-east; and in the north of Norunbega, he gives them an eastern direction. This northern branch may be in part conjectural, but in part may have been taken from Cartier's report, who, as I have said, saw from the St. Lawrence the mountain range that borders the northern portion of Maine. The southern portion of the Alleghanies was discovered by De Soto on his grand expedition to the Mississippi Valley in 1538-1543. And Mercator must have studied the reports of this expedition, which were for a long time the only source of information on the southern region of the Alle- ghanies; deriving from it the names which are found on his map, namely, " Mocosa," "Apalchen," and others.
The great and well-deserved authority which the "Ptolemy of the sixteenth century" enjoyed, gave him numerous followers and copy- ists. The picture of America given in his chart of 1569, was at once copied by his friend Ortelius in 1570, and afterwards by innumerable others. His successors, Wytfliet (1597), Quaden (1600), Hondius, and others, would sometimes change, or add something to, Mercator's draw- ings and names. But one thing, the "Rio grande of Norumbega," pleased them so much, that they allowed it to remain. And so we see that the Fenobscot, with its two branches coming in from the east and west, and with the fabulous city "Norumbega" on its banks, makes a great figure on all the subsequent charts and maps just mentioned; and also on those of John Dee (1580), of Hakluyt (1589), and several others. It is everywhere the same figure which Mercator partly bor-
0
393
MERCATOR'S MAP, 1569.
rowed from former Spanish maps, and partly drew from his own re- sources.
It is a remarkable fact, that while the icy seas and coasts of Green- land, Labrador, Newfoundland, and Canada were depicted on the maps of the sixteenth century with a high degree of truth, our coasts of New England and New York were badly drawn, so late as 1560. Though these countries had been known in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and had been visited by navigators and sometimes colonies from Norway, Spain, France, and England, still their geography was little understood, and their chartography was very defective, and so remained through nearly the whole of the sixteenth century. And when at the end of this century, and the beginning of the seventeenth, the modern French and English discoverers, Gosnold, Pring, De Monts, Weymouth, Hudson, Smith, and others, arrived on these coasts, they had to begin the work of exploration anew. Hudson, when in 1609 he sailed to the south of Cape Cod, and entered the Gulf of New York, was perfectly justified in saying, that he entered " an unknown sea."*
But the results of these later discoveries, and the improved charts · brought out by them, belong to another period of time, and, per- haps, may be considered in a subsequent volume. For the present, I conclude my series of chartographical illustrations with this chart of Mercator. Between 1569, the year of its composition, and 1583, the time of Gilbert's expedition, the interval which separates the present volume from its successor, I find no other map or chart, manuscript or printed, having any relation whatever to our subject, or adding any- thing new to the stock of our knowledge of the coast of Maine.
* See Asher, 1. c. p. 68.
CHAPTER X.
CONTINUATION OF THE SPANISH EXPEDITIONS ALONG THE COAST OF FLORIDA.
1. EXPEDITION OF LUCAS VASQUEZ DE AYLLON TO THE COUN- TRY CHICORA (CAROLINA), IN 1526.
LUCAS VASQUEZ DE AYLLON, as I have said before, re- turned to Spain, probably in 1521, from his exploring voyage of 1520, to report his success and induce the government to assist him in the conquest of Chicora, his newly discovered country. He represented it as fertile, rich, abounding in pearls and other valuable productions, suitable for settlement, and inhabited by a good sort of people of clear understand- ing, and governed by a king of gigantic figure. He succeeded in concluding with the government an agreement (una capit- ulacion), the articles of which were signed on the 12th of June, 1523 .*
The royal decree gave him permission to fit out, arm, and man at his own cost as many vessels as lie thought neces- sary. He was to return with them to "Chicora " (Caro- lina), and continue the discovery and exploration of the country as far as eight hundred leagues to the north ; ; and if in this navigation he should find a strait going to the west, he was to enter and explore it, and procure an exact knowledge
* See these articles in Navarrete, Colleccion de los viages, etc., tom. 3, p. 153 seq.
t "Nauegareis ochocienta leguas." Navarrete, 1. c.
7
1
395
EXPEDITION OF AYLLON TO CHICORA, 1526.
of all the regions, whether islands or continent, and report upon the number of the former, and the extent of the latter ;* and should also ascertain the nature of the country, and what valuable productions, useful to commerce, it might contain.
After this, the country was to be settled, and in all its parts were to be erected such fortifications as might be neces- sary for the protection of commerce. To Ayllon was given, at the same time, the title of " Adelantado of the country of Chicora;" under which name a very large portion of the eastern coast may have been comprised. This title, and the privileges connected with it, were made hereditary in his family.
From these facts it is evident, that the plan of this enter- prise embraced the whole of the east coast of the United States, and also, as in the case of Gomez, the discovery of a north-west passage. Ayllon was also enjoined that if he should discover this passage, he should be careful not to in- terfere with the possessions of Portugal, embracing the Spice Islands .; Hence it will be perceived, that this voyage was intended as a grand exploring expedition, and might extend even to a circumnavigation of the globe.
It was stipulated that Ayllon should sail as early as the spring of 1524, and complete his expedition within three years from the day of his departure; but this last condition he was unable to fulfil.
He returned to St. Domingo, and spent there not less than two years in making his ontfit, until he was admonished and even urged by the council of the Indies to make more haste with his expedition. We are not informed of the causes of this delay ; but it appears that there were dissensions between him and his former associates, Matienzo and Caballero, who
* See this in Navarrete, l. c. p. 151.
t Navarrete, 1. c. p. 155.
-
396
EXPEDITION OF AYLLON TO CHICORA, 1526.
claimed to have as much right and title to the northern con- quest, as Ayllon himself; and pretended that he had made false representations to the king on the events connected with the first discovery in 1520 .*
At last, in the spring of 1526, the armament was ready. It consisted of six well-provided vessels with five hundred sailors and soldiers, and some women ; and from eighty to ninety horses; in furnishing all which, Ayllon is said to have spent not less than 100.000 ducats. It was as large an armament as that with which Cortes had set out for the conquest of Mexico.t
The expedition sailed from Port de la Plata, in Hayti, in the middle of July, 1526,¿ and arrived at St. Helena Sound, called " the River Jordan," on the coast of " Chicora," where it came to anchor.
But the whole. expedition was a series of misfortunes. Ayllon may have been, as Oviedo describes him, a " distin- guished scholar, a virtuous cavalier, and a person of good in- tellect ;" but he probably was neither an experienced naviga- tor, nor a fit commander. Herrera says, "he did not know how to govern his people, nor they to obey him ;"§ and the chief pilot of his fleet, Diego Miruelo, who led the expedition to Chicora in 1520, was also unsuccessful in his arrangements. Of him Barcia relates, that his naval operations were exe- cuted in so unsatisfactory a manner, that he went mad, and died from grief. |
* Herrera, Dec. III, lib. 8, cap. 8.
1 Gomara and Herrera make it consist only of three vessels. But Ovie- do gives the numbers above mentioned.
# So says Navarrete, after the manuscript of Oviedo. Herrera puts the expedition in 1525; Gomara and Barcia in 1524. The authors last named, seeing in the royal decree that Ayllon had promised to sail in 1524, proba- bly supposed that he did so, not knowing his hindrances.
§ Herrera, 1 c. cap. 8, " ni el sabia governar, ni ellos obederle."
# Barcia, Ensayo cronologico de la Florida, p. 8.
397
EXPEDITION OF AYLLON TO CHICORA, 1526.
The first in the series of mischances was the loss of the admiral's ship (la Capitana) ; which, on entering the river Jordan, grounded and became a total loss, with all her cargo and provisions, though the crew were saved. The other ves- sels being smaller, entered the port without danger.
A part of the soldiers were put on shore, under the con- duct of their officers, to explore the interior of the country. The vessels, meanwhile, were sent north, to make a further survey of the coast, which they " examined extensively," * and, in a short time, returned with the news, that they had found in the north, at the distance of about forty or fifty leagues, a much better country, to which they had given the name "S. Miguel de Gualdape."
The company on shore were glad to hear this, for they had already begun to suffer from sickness and want of provisions ; and the women and the infirm were at once transported in the ships to "S. Miguel de Gualdape." The rest marched along the shore to the same point, where they erected the royal standard, and constructed houses.
They found the country to be level, and full of lagoons, with a large river (Rio caudaloso) abounding in fish. But the entrance thereto was obstructed, and the ships could pass the bar only at high tide. I suppose that this is the present Cape Fear River; but I will not discuss here the particulars of a question which belongs to the special history of the coast of Carolina.
We are more particularly interested in the "extensive sur- vey " of the coast north of the Rio Jordan (St. Helena Sound), which the ships of Ayllon completed soon after their arrival in the country ; and it is much to be regretted, that we have not more full information on this part of the enter- prise. We do not know how long they were out, and only
* " Los buques fueron examinando prolixamente." Oviedo.
1
398
EXPEDITION OF AYLLON TO CHICORA, 1526.
hear, that they examined the coast in detail (prolixamente) through forty or fifty leagues to the anchorage-place at "S. Miguel de Gualdape." But as this could scarcely be called an extensive examination, it is probable that they surveyed the coast much further north.
This idea would be more in accordance with the plan and instructions of Ayllon, by which he was to go along the coasts "for more than eight hundred leagues," and to look out for a north-west passage. The harbor of San Miguel being alone mentioned, would not imply that no other places were discovered on this occasion. It was, no doubt, the com- mencement of an extensive exploration of the coast, which Ayllon had intended to make, and was not a mere search for a good anchorage, which had been found before, and only afterwards proved to be insecure.
We should infer from the chart of the imperial cosmog- rapher, Ribero,* in 1529, that more was accomplished than is communicated in the historical reports. This chart repre- sents the outlines of the coast, according to original surveys, as far as it had been discovered up to that time ; and is even more authentic than the accounts of Gomara, Oviedo, and Herrera. It was made only four years after the voyage, and is the oldest document on the expedition ; while some of the narratives of the above-named historians were written twenty, and others sixty years after.
On this chart we find laid down all the regions discovered by Ayllon in 1526. They are indicated under the name, " Tierra de Ayllon," which covers all the eastern countries south of 40º N., namely, the present States of Virginia, Maryland, Carolina, and Georgia.
In the southern part of this territory, near 32º N., we find Ayllon's "C. de S. Elena," and a little further to the north
* See map, No. 16.
399
EXPEDITION OF AYLLON TO CHICORA, 1526.
of it, his "Rio Jordan." Thence the coast runs north-east, exhibiting several inlets and capes as high as 40º N., where we find the far projecting "C. de Arenas."
From the manner in which Ribero writes the name " Tierra de Ayllon," it is clear that he includes under it all the coasts south of "Cabo de Arenas." This cape and its neighbor- hood appear to mark the division between " Tierra de Ayl- lon " and " Tierra de Gomez," and might be ascribed either to the one or the other. I have already given my reasons for believing that it must be ascribed to Gomez ; at all events, we may be sure that south of 35° or 36° N., the discoveries of Ayllon begin, and that the delineation of that coast, and also the names given on the chart, must be considered as being made after the survey and chart of the pilots of Ayllon in 1526. We know of no other explorer who sailed along this part of the coast between 1526, the date of Ayllon's expe- dition, and 1529, the date of Ribero's map.
We find a little north of Rio Jordan, in not quite 33º N., "C. de S. Roman " (Cape Romain ), in its true latitude.
Further on, in about 33º 30' N., occurs " Rio del Prin- cipe." It may be Georgetown entrance. This name, " Rio del Principe," occurs on many subsequent Spanish charts, but at length disappears.
In about 34° 30' N. we find "C. Traffalgar;" a name which remained conspicuous during the whole Spanish era, and is still found on some charts of the last century. It is generally thought to be Cape Lookout ; but to me it appears to correspond better to Cape Hatteras.
In 35º N. is a great bay, with many islands before it, called "B. de Sta. Maria " (St. Mary's Bay). The latitude and configuration given to it, its islands and many entrances, would indicate that Pamlico Sound was here intended ; but for other reasons and from a later exact description of it, we
400
EXPEDITION OF AYLLON TO CHICORA, 1526.
consider it certain, that it is the entrance of Chesapeake Bay.
As I consider it essential to the history of Ayllon's expe- dition, and a true understanding of the map of Ribero, to settle this question, and to gain at St. Mary's Bay a fixed point south of New England, I will here anticipate a little the order of events.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.