USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bristol > History of York, Maine, successively known as Bristol (1632), Agamenticus (1641), Gorgeana (1642), and York (1652) Vol. I > Part 26
USA > Maine > York County > York > History of York, Maine, successively known as Bristol (1632), Agamenticus (1641), Gorgeana (1642), and York (1652) Vol. I > Part 26
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42
No further attempts were made on York during this year but relaxation of the tension was not to be con- sidered, as no moment gave immunity until it had passed. The savages had begun to make daily raids, destroying livestock principally, and in this situation the isolated people of Cape Neddick housed in the Stover Garrison, deprived of provincial support, concluded to abandon it. The Cape Neddick garrison was then in charge of Lieut. Richard Hunnewell who had married a daughter of Mrs. Stover, its owner. Major Robert Pike, in a letter to the Governor and Council dated June 19, said: "I Lament the breaking up of Cape Nadik Garison. I have spoken with Leftenant Hunnewell and the rest of the men who say they will return again if ralif Com unto those parts." Hunnewell was a seasoned Indian fighter, several times wounded in past campaigns, and known throughout the province as the "Indian killer." He was not deserting his post, but it was inviting disaster to try to defend it with- out troops.
On June 22 a party of Indians, forty in number, prob- ably aware of its abandonment, selected this undefended settlement for destruction. It happened that about a dozen of the inhabitants of that village were loading a
28g
HISTORY OF YORK
sloop when the attack took place and nine of them were wounded and one killed. Three of the former were re- ported as in a serious condition and Parson Dummer, writ- ing to his brother-in-law at Portsmouth on the day of the attack said: "We are in hourely Jeopardy (of our) lives & Estates (which) calls for prayer & pitty & speedy reliefe by men forthwith sent unto us." Two months later twenty men of the provincial troops belonging to the companies of Captains Daniel King and John March were "sent away to Yorke to strengthen their hands." As usual, these necessary defenders arrived after the damage had been done. A captive taken at this attack related that Madocka- wando, disappointed at the trivial results of this excursion, remarked, "Miss it this time, next year I'll have the dog Converse out of his den," referring to the commander of the provincial forces in Maine.
From this time on, as Autumn brought its lengthening shadows which were slowly merging into the Winter's twilight, the town girded itself for another snowbound season of suspense and unknown danger. Madockawando did not fail to execute his threat that Winter.
286
CHAPTER XXV THE MASSACRE ON CANDLEMAS DAY 1692
The story of the greatest tragedy of Colonial days in New England has never been written in authentic detail, although information concerning it has existed in abound- ing fullness in manuscript documents, both French and English. It is the story of a bloody shambles staged by a relentless party of savages, led by Madockawando as its chieftain and the Sagamores, Edgeremet and Moxis, as his lieutenants, who descended on a peaceful village and nearly wiped it out of existence in a short and sanguinary struggle. Its location offered no special facilities for the foray, at least not more so than any one of the fringe of settlements in the frontier Province of Maine at that time, nor is it known that it was selected as the victim of a particular warfare of reprisal engendered in this irrepress- ible conflict of race and religion then being waged be- tween the French Catholics, the savage Indians and the English Puritans. While York had suffered sporadic attacks in the First Indian War, with the loss of a few men, the experience was not unlike that of the neighboring villages along the coast of Maine during those troublous times. Nor was it the home of any English leader con- spicuous in military affairs, whom the French or their Indian allies wished to kill or capture as a matter of per- sonal revenge, or in retaliation for anything its inhabitants had done in the past. There has never been any explana- tion for the selection of York as the particular object of Indian displeasure, but the following contemporary cir- cumstance gives a clue to the motives which actuated the natives in this foray. On the last day of September 1691, a party of Indians came from the eastward in canoes and landed on Sandy Beach, Rye, when they killed about a dozen English settlers and carried the same number away. From these captives they learned, or were told, "that the Bostoners were providing many Snow Shoes & Designed a considerable army out this winter to Disrest them at Some of their headquarters, which made them very uneasy
287
HISTORY OF YORK
ment in the direction of Agamenticus to set his traps, and in making the rounds he came upon a pile of Indian snow- shoes stacked against a large rock. While pondering upon the significance of this discovery, an Indian dog, tightly muzzled to prevent his barking and thereby precipitating an alarm from the houses nearest the encampment, fell on his trail and immediately disappeared into the woods whence he had emerged. This was the first point of con- tact on that memorable day between this unsuspecting lad and the large band of Indians who were making ready to execute their murderous design. The Indian scouts, evidently guided by the dog, suddenly surprised young Bragdon busily engaged in fixing his traps; they seized him and a little later came across two other inhabitants who were probably going into the forest to cut wood as they were carrying axes. The rest of the story can be best told as written by Champigny in his official report, as related to him by the Indian chiefs in person.
Quebec, October 5, 1692
Towards the end of the month of January, 1692, 150 Abenaquis started out for the place which they had called Iarc (York) only about two leagues away. They discovered near the place where they had camped the tracks of two Englishmen whom three of our people fol- lowed for quite a while, but they proved to be tracks of the day before. They had camped at the foot of the mountain from which place they could see the surrounding country very comfortably. As they were suffering from hunger they concluded that they would attack on the morrow. The snow was falling fast so they decided to wait for the fine weather. The War Chiefs, who are always listened to preferably than the heads of the tribes, were of advice to give battle in spite of the snow, hence they advanced towards Iarc. At about a quarter of a league distant they saw a young Englishman who was setting traps. They caught him and later two others whom they saw a little further on. These Englishmen had only their knives. They halted to question the three captives. They smashed the heads of two of them and from a desire to get information they bound the third one .*
The 150 warriors divided in two bands and one advanced first on a garrison and the other on the English people's houses. It was at noon and the morrow of the Feast of Purification. They made them- selves masters of the garrison and the houses without much resistance as they threw terror into the English inhabitants. There was one of our people killed in that first attack in which, and the one that fol- lowed, we were victorious. For the time being our people divided into
* It is evident from the context and from the local tradition in York that young Bragdon was the "third one" who was bound and his life spared. If his identifica- tion is complete, there being another of the same name, a cousin Arthur, he was then about twenty years of age and lived to suffer in later Indian raids on the town.
290
Verslafin Dumois Je Junmir 1 Gg 2 Contemquete O Conuygun Semirentin marthe your fercure avy low aqui ils in voulow nomme lare non estaut plus Estoyux que Vinuiron Jeux lives Ils Decourirint proche le lien de leur Cabanaige Pompestore Seven Anglois, que Fois de nos gens suivront assor Conteurs, Mans Ellos- Forem diegu Jauparavant Die Etouens Ca banos acivil One montagne- You the Secondround levayer chilling fort commandement, Commela faim las pressoirile coresturent quel falloir Formor der le laudomain, Mais commejenigea beaucoup plusieurs conclurent a atterrerber Ceautruck Les chats Je querre que Pon Ecoute, toujours intorno funnet nome, aux
1
1
2512-
3
·Escargots surti
i
1
HISTORY OF YORK
ment in the direction of Agamenticus to set his traps, and in making the rounds he came upon a pile of Indian snow- shoes stacked against a large rock. While pondering upon the significance of this discovery, an Indian dog, tightly muzzled to prevent his barking and thereby precipitating an alarm from the houses nearest the encampment, fell on his trail and immediately disappeared into the woods whence he had emerged. This was the first point of con- tact on that memorable day between this unsuspecting lad and the large band of Indians who were making ready to execute their murderous design. The Indian scouts, evidently guided by the dog, suddenly surprised young Bragdon busily engaged in fixing his traps; they seized him and a little later came across two other inhabitants who were probably going into the forest to cut wood as they were carrying axes. The rest of the story can be best told as written by Champigny in his official report, as related to him by the Indian chiefs in person.
Quebec, October 5, 1692
Towards the end of the month of January, 1692, 150 Abenaquis started out for the place which they had called Iarc (York) only about two leagues away. They discovered near the place where they had camped the tracks of two Englishmen whom three of our people fol- lowed for quite a while, but they proved to be tracks of the day before. They had camped at the foot of the mountain from which place they could see the surrounding country very comfortably. As they were suffering from hunger they concluded that they would attack on the morrow. The snow was falling fast so they decided to wait for the fine weather. The War Chiefs, who are always listened to preferably than the heads of the tribes, were of advice to give battle in spite of the snow, hence they advanced towards Iarc. At about a quarter of a league distant they saw a young Englishman who was setting traps. They caught him and later two others whom they saw a little further on. These Englishmen had only their knives. They halted to question the three captives. They smashed the heads of two of them and from a desire to get information they bound the third one .*
The 150 warriors divided in two bands and one advanced first on a garrison and the other on the English people's houses. It was at noon and the morrow of the Feast of Purification. They made them- selves masters of the garrison and the houses without much resistance as they threw terror into the English inhabitants. There was one of our people killed in that first attack in which, and the one that fol- lowed, we were victorious. For the time being our people divided into
* It is evident from the context and from the local tradition in York that young Bragdon was the "third one" who was bound and his life spared. If his identifica- tion is complete, there being another of the same name, a cousin Arthur, he was then about twenty years of age and lived to suffer in later Indian raids on the town.
290
Verslafin Dumois de Jammer 1 692 Contenimento Or Ginujian Somerent in marche pour fercure avy few aqui ils on voulow Homme lare non estant plus Estoynot que Sinviron Jeux fire Ils découvriront Trorhele lin de leur Cabanage Perpestox Seven Anglois, que Fois de nos gens Simirent assor Contenus, Mas Ellix- Jou the Secondround le vaya cinny fort courmovement, Comme la faim la pressoir ile consturent quel falloir donner Der le dandomain, Maive comme jenigea beaucoup, plusieurs condurant a alterarer le Beautrack Les chefs deguerre que Pon Ecoute toujours proforablement more, aux Capitaimon de nation furout Janis Ic Jimor malgré Canvige Il avancerout dono vers laze, En estain imusin werinquart der Prever- Ils vireur un jeune femme Anglais que Faisor Dis Erapor He lepriment a minute deux autres un peuplus Loin. Con anglies nouscont quenous bagges Lonavrch Paruaribe yourjutroger Por hois EsoCause a Deux Jusquils on cassa la triste, Lors quon Just fine d'oex cerque! Con Souhaitais on liw le wversione.
Queur emigrante guerriers Se digavorout on deux bandin love Jonna Ou Gow SurUn fort, ne l'autre Sur des mais our Anglaise CutorSur Gorily Ju landemain De lafoste O la purification Ils Se- rendiront Mais tres Injort in Jomillusoire Sant beaucoup Devoinstance y ayant dette la tivair Ily cust un denos gous I tur in certe Frumuse attaque, in cequi bus Quinque Dans toute cette action pour lors nos gous Se partagerent in petites bandise, 8 Jeux de De- trois, or des olivent vue coste ) Environ Vur lui Meeting in moins deJeux ou trois forwar. My auvir trois forts, or in his grave worker De l'autois Amyloidone, curci la fur Grué on on tirrale most a Bonaques Dans Vic Cause d'une maison Anglaise, avant que by mostre Le fre, vou Abonaqui qui voir in dnech fe de guerre, in qui araporté toutéry à vis quel y avoir in plus de contactois tuos, qu'il avoir iste luy momentuside les Guy for aux dopoin the oneminirent quatre vingt porfois, Low ne Saurait, timor le Carnage qui fut Fair de chuaux, 1 Bouche, de moutous de Corhous tuir ou brulee; Nos gous dormirons lavie a vue Touraine depetits enfants or atrois villes Anglais, quile. renuigivent au fost prochain, Pune de convivillon portoirene tothe In Anglois considerable qui Se trouve varmy lor Enclause or aqui nos AGinaquin la feront Levine, Ils Som mount ungloire Jeleur rewire Son fort, ou de for tir pour devenir battre con Hux, que sul ay moir mina les your sure, quili l'allint attendre deuxjours tout proche jela, pour ligondomar le times, mis quesil venait quant que de sexosiere) Gattin). Ils cashivoire la teste, a tource qu'ils en monvient d' clause- Anglois, qu'ils luis virujoint quelques petits enfants requalquer vivilles outils auvient eu compassion, queluj Anglois nin- auroit vous agy demosme, mais quil jugoast De la quela aurions. pour ling televisor motorino . Hunjours apres nis your furent pour sui par trois cent Anylois guils découvriront dans in- stre découverts, qualquervous tours Janis de Se Battre, mais la Quin or les Es daum, Leur in frist perdre la poussée, ainsi in Centinutren leur route; Par chita diquirre siton leur coutume re partant Jului Su Cubanage, que emyou Dix heures après que le gros on voit Farby- gay ou ble de dire, quevn Ministre Fur Sunombre des morts anglais,- commeil Je Jauvoir achoual on Lejotta par force Jun coup de fusie .- Pen anou donné lavie vela liberté ala forme Ju Ministre autybin guaux Villes, mais tant retournée deux fois your demander Son fils qui voir parmiles Es claus, onluy Dit que puis quille levoules Moon augmenteroir le nombre, Elleni fur pas plutostavuie auxvillages a benaquis qu'ille mourut derchagrin. Inparty de 24 Abinaquis Je Sillery estaur alle controles Anglie interieur 90, reprirent to Go dann; Sortam insuite giant cure Aberuquin Or L'acadie a factant tous ousemble 150 quiriorte pievicinirent trecute Iviolino wanie rplus, Euvousplus der Cent laglois, in ingvireur quatre vingts professions ,
A quebec Gsm octobre og 2 Champigny
Cí
und
mivel.ce of This di covery, un and
France he nad
The first point
7.4
5
1. 000 shusy Isol NO JUSTINAVIS
THE MASSACRE ON CANDLEMAS DAY
little groups of two or three and sacked the region for about one or two leagues in less than two or three hours. There were three garrisons and a very large number of English people's houses. All of these were burned. They had buried the dead Abenaquis in the cellar of one of the English houses before setting fire to it, and an Abenaquis, who was one of the war chiefs and who related all this, said there were more than 100 English killed and that he had himself counted them. They took away So prisoners. One could not estimate the slaughter of horses, cattle, sheep and pigs killed or burned. Our people spared a dozen little children and three old English women whom they took to the next garrison. One of these old women, carrying a letter from an important Englishman who was one of the prisoners, written at the command of one of our Abenaquis, summoned the English to give up the garrison or come out and fight them if they preferred; that they would wait nearby two days to let their people sleep, but that if they came other than to surrender they would break the heads of all the English prisoners; that they sent to them a few small children and some old women for whom they had compassion - of course the English would not have acted like that, but they could judge from that what their scorn for them was."
Thus far we have had the official description of the massacre in general from an entirely new source, and on some of its special incidents it will be necessary to turn to other authorities to complete the picture. In his usual lurid verbiage Cotton Mather gives his version of Madock- awando's challenge to the defenders of the garrison to come out and give battle. "This body of Indians," he said, "consisting of divers hundreds then sent in their summons to some of the garrisoned houses and those gar- risons whereof some had no more than two or three men in them, yet being so well manned as to reply: 'that they would spend their blood unto the last drop, ere they would surrender.' These cowardly miscreants had not mettle enough to meddle with 'em. So they retired into their howling thickets." (Magnalia Ch. vii, Art. xv.)
Rev. George Burroughs in a letter from Wells, dated January 27, 1692, gives this lurid picture of the attack as told him "by a Captive youth who made his escape from them, as the beholding of the Pillours of Smoke, the rage- ing of the merciless flames, the insultations of the heathen enemy, shooting, hacking, (not having regard to the earnest supplication of men, women or Children, with sharp cryes & bitter teares in most humble manner), & dragging away others, (& none to help), is most affecting the heart."
The local poet expresses the same sense of horror at the
291
HISTORY OF YORK
recollection of the scene, in verse that is equally pic- turesque.
Hun-dreds were murdered in their beds, With-out shame or remorse; And soon the floors and roads were strewed With many a bleeding corse.
The village soon began to blaze, To heighten misery's woe; But, Oh! I scarce can bear to tell The issue of that blow!
They threw the infants on the fire; The men they did not spare; But kill-ed all which they could find, Though aged or though fair.
Apparently as an afterthought, Champigny added to his account this sentence which touches the outstanding incident of the massacre. "I forgot to say," he wrote, "that a minister was one of the dead Englishmen. As he was fleeing he was brought down by a pistol shot as he was trying to escape on his horse." This accords with the local tradition of his death. Williamson states that he was "found by some of his surviving neighbors fallen dead upon his face near his own door." (History of Maine i, 629.) Mather amplifies this by explaining that "this good man was just going to take horse at his own door upon a journey in the service of God." A contemporary diarist adds that he was "found cut in pieces." This is not to be understood literally but refers to a mutilation commonly practised by the Indians on their victims. "Those blood- hounds," said Mather, "being set on by some Romish missionaries had long been wishing that they might em- brue their hands in the blood of some New England min- ister and in this action they had their diabolical satisfac- tion. They left him dead among the tribe of Abel on the ground." Williamson records the information, probably a tradition gathered by him in York, that the Indians stripped the body of this parson of its apparel, and during the march through the wilderness "on the next Lord's Day a full welted savage, purposely to deride the minis- terial character of Mr. Dummer, put on his garments, and then stalked about in the presence of the distressed cap- tives, some of whom belonged to his church, to aggravate their feelings." (Maine Hist. Soc. Coll. iv, 72.) Mather
292
could . soferixi .
the dello
1
the r. Frnd o'clock in
1
Ned momic
the brain 7 of the ved
elleW
-
een beqmso Hostte 91019
-
-
6
--
son beamso onstbnl
1 1 1 kill
HISTORY OF YORK
recollection of the scene, in verse that is equally pic- turesque.
Hun-dreds were murdered in their beds, With-out shame or remorse; And soon the floors and roads were strewed With many a bleeding corse.
The village soon began to blaze, To heighten misery's woe; But, Oh! I scarce can bear to tell The issue of that blow!
They threw the infants on the fire; The men they did not spare; But kill-ed all which they could find, Though aged or though fair.
Apparently as an afterthought, Champigny added to his account this sentence which touches the outstanding incident of the massacre. "I forgot to say," he wrote, "that a minister was one of the dead Englishmen. As he was fleeing he was brought down by a pistol shot as he was trying to escape on his horse." This accords with the local tradition of his death. Williamson states that he was "found by some of his surviving neighbors fallen dead upon his face near his own door." (History of Maine i, 629.) Mather amplifies this by explaining that "this good man was just going to take horse at his own door upon a journey in the service of God." A contemporary diarist adds that he was "found cut in pieces." This is not to be understood literally but refers to a mutilation commonly practised by the Indians on their victims. "Those blood- hounds," said Mather, "being set on by some Romish missionaries had long been wishing that they might em- brue their hands in the blood of some New England min- ister and in this action they had their diabolical satisfac- tion. They left him dead among the tribe of Abel on the ground." Williamson records the information, probably a tradition gathered by him in York, that the Indians stripped the body of this parson of its apparel, and during the march through the wilderness "on the next Lord's Day a full welted savage, purposely to deride the minis- terial character of Mr. Dummer, put on his garments, and then stalked about in the presence of the distressed cap- tives, some of whom belonged to his church, to aggravate their feelings." (Maine Hist. Soc. Coll. iv, 72.) Mather
292
"The Greate Mounte of Saganoa"
0
Indians/ camped here night before attack Eastward
Wells
through
Indians retreated
A AXA
Snowshoe
Indians camped here night after attack
THE ASSUMED ROUTE OF THE INDIANS Red dotted lines with arrows indicate the attacks and return of the two parties
E
usle pic-
AT" . Mounte of Sasards!
ded to tending Ax be he wol the local it Le was aler dead Maine i,
Cs
2
1
n
af godekon2.
bicod- me Lomili wight eri-
il Miofac- bojon the profihly a e Indians ind chunleg est Hord's the mimis- nentol end esed -
-
-
Matl)
diarios 1
THE MASSACRE ON CANDLEMAS DAY
could not let this impious masquerade pass without char- acterizing this diabolical savage as "a Demon transformed into an angel of light"; and he closes his disquisition on the death of his colleague with the following epitaph:
Dummer, the shepherd sacrific'd By wolves, because the sheep he priz'd. The orphan's father, church's light, The love of Heav'n, of Hell the spight.
The Countries gapman, and the face That shone, but knew it not, with grace.
Hunted by devils, but reliev'd
By angels, and on high receiv'd.
The martyr'd Pelican, who bled Rather than leave his charge unfed.
A proper bird of paradise Shot, and flown thither in a trice.
Lord, hear the cry of righteous Dummer's wounds, Ascending still against the salvage hounds,
That worry thy dear flocks, and let the cry Add force to theirs that at thine altar lye.
Thus far the story of this astounding butchery closes the narrative of the day's work. It began about ten o'clock in the morning and continued until early in the afternoon when, for want of fresh victims, the savages be- gan their retreat. They encamped that night at Cape Neddick Pond to rest after their furious labors. The next morning, after leaving behind a rear guard of thirty warriors, the main body started on their march eastward through Wells with their booty and captives. Meanwhile the alarm was spread by the inhabitants on the south side of the river, who were spared in the attack for the obvious reason that the Indians would not cross the river and endanger their retreat. The awful news was carried to Kittery and ferried over to Portsmouth where provincial troops were then stationed. From these sources we get some of the numerical results of the raid, even if they are marked by disparity. As has been read in Champigny's account, he makes this report of the number of the victims of the massacre: "qu'il avoit en plus de cent Anglois tuez."1 This was told him by one of the Indian chiefs and it is probable that the claim of "more than a hundred English killed" was an exaggeration for the purpose of impressing Champigny. It is certainly a number far in excess of that
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.