USA > Maine > Lincoln County > Bristol > History of York, Maine, successively known as Bristol (1632), Agamenticus (1641), Gorgeana (1642), and York (1652) Vol. I > Part 28
USA > Maine > York County > York > History of York, Maine, successively known as Bristol (1632), Agamenticus (1641), Gorgeana (1642), and York (1652) Vol. I > Part 28
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Sayward, Mary. She was daughter of the above- named by her second husband, John Sayward, and was born April 4, 1681, being about eleven years old when captured. She was baptized by the name of Marie Gene- vieve in Montreal and was brought up under the care of the Sisters of the Congregation. In 1699 she took vows in that order as Soeur Marie-des-Anges and was assigned to the Mission at Sault-au-Recollet as Superior of the local convent. She was later transferred, as is stated because of her high qualities, to the convent of the order in Lower Town, Quebec. She died in 1717 aged thirty-six years, and the word "Angloise" written in the margin of the burial register is all that is left to tell of the origin of the little Mary Sayward of York, led captive from her home by savages and dying a stranger among a people who spoke an alien tongue.
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Sayward, Esther. She was younger sister of the fore- going, born March 7, 1684-5 and a mere child of seven when captured. She, too, was baptized under the name of Marie-Joseph and was probably educated by the nuns in Montreal with her sister. She was naturalized in 1710 and on January 5, 1712 she was married to Sieur Pierre de Lestage, a merchant of the parish of Villemarie. Her husband lived later at Longueuil and he also owned the seigniory of Berthier, opposite Sorel. He died in 1743, and as all their children died in infancy the widow was left alone. In accordance with a privilege granted to maiden ladies and widows to be received as permanent boarders, Mme. de Lestage purchased a house adjoin- ing the convent and was allowed to cut a communicating door between the two buildings and for more than twenty years she continued this renewal.of relations with the nuns who had taught her in childhood. She is on their records as a constant benefactress. She was also a generous friend to the convent of the Ursulines in Quebec, of which her cousin, La Mere de l'Enfant Jesus (Esther Wheelwright of Wells), was Mother Superior. In 1725 Theodore Atkinson and Samuel Jordan of Saco (who had married her half sister, Olive Plaisted) were sent to Montreal on a commission to negotiate for the return of captives then remaining in Canada. On their return from this mission Mme. de Lestage, evidently persuaded by her brother-in- law, accompanied the party. Their journey was via Chambly overland to the Hudson. The exact route from there to Boston is not known, but that she visited her mother in York, and a sister, whom she had never seen, is a part of the romantic story of this expatriated daughter of old York. One might wish that the story of their meet- ing could have been related in a diary of mother or sister, but the historian is not permitted to speculate on what might have taken place or did take place on that memor- able visit. Mme. de Lestage was then forty years of age and having been brought up since childhood to speak the French language, it is doubtful that this reunion resulted in mutual understanding of each other as neither could express herself fully in the language of the other. Mrs. Plaisted was then sixty-five years of age and probably well preserved as she lived thirty years longer. Mme. de Lestage died January 17, 1770 and was buried in the
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Chapel of Sainte-Anne in the Cathedral Church of Notre Dame, Montreal.
Simpson, Henry. He was son of Henry and Abigail (Moulton) Simpson, born 1670; nothing is known of the details of his captivity except that in 1695 he was redeemed.
Tucker, Francis. It has already been noted that he was a resident of Portsmouth, visiting York at the date of the massacre and then taken captive. He was redeemed at Sagadahoc about two weeks afterwards.
Young, Rowland. There is no record in York of one of this name, but it may be surmised that he was an unre- corded son of Samuel and Elizabeth (Masterson) Young who lived on Cider Hill. The father was killed in the massacre and others living in the immediate neighborhood were either killed or captured. This seems more probable than that he was the son of Job and Sarah (Austin) Young who lived in another part of the town, whose family suffered no known casualties in the massacre. Nothing is of record as to his destination or final disposi- tion except that in 1695 he was still living in Canada.
Even a superficial examination of the above list of captives leaves the impression that the Indians, either by accident or design, chose to take only women and children, preferably girls, as captives. As this experience has been duplicated in all raids made by them during these wars, it is evident that it was a designed policy. Women and children were more easily managed and, for purposes of ransom, more valuable. It is not improbable that the French priests encouraged the capture of women and children, having in mind the opportunity for proselytizing. Adult men were usually killed outright wherever possible in any of the Indian attacks. Men were dangerous as prisoners, requiring constant use of force to keep them from escaping. The above list, comprising thirty-six names, added to the other thirty-six reported by Tucker as redeemed at Sagadahoc, making a total of seventy-two, leaves about twenty or thirty unaccounted for on the basis of about one hundred captives. The several state- ments concerning the number of captives are more uniform than those as to the number killed. It is only possible to surmise that those not accounted for were redeemed later at Sagadahoc after Tucker had left with his party. It was possible for ransoms to be paid individually.
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CHAPTER XXVII YORK'S STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENCE 1692-1712
The Second Indian War, beginning in 1689, marked the supreme effort of the French and their Indian allies to wipe out every English settlement in the province of Maine. Up to the time of the York massacre they had succeeded by a process of consecutive attacks, beginning at the Kennebec, and taking in each town in succession westward. Fort Loyal in Falmouth had been captured, in May 1690, by the French and Indians under Portneuf and Madockawando, and the fall of this stronghold threat- ened the destruction of the entire Province. Evacuation of the towns to the westward by soldiers and inhabitants proceeded as a matter of necessity, and Storer's Garrison in Wells became the last stand of the retreating defenders of Maine. Thence, as opportunity offered, the fugitives sought any conveyance by way of escape to Massachusetts. Wells, with York and Kittery, were marked for destruc- tion in due time. The Indians made a gesture at Wells, intimating a desire to have a treaty of peace but failed to appear at the appointed time. The destruction of York has already been described as a part of this program. An attempt on the Wells Garrison, defended by Capt. James Converse, was the first failure of the combined enemy, but this slight rift in the clouds afforded little satisfaction to the beleaguered population herded in garrisons. Rish- worth, Davis and Alcock of York were right in their opin- ion expressed to the General Court in 1676 that no confi- dence could be placed upon treaties with the Indians "talking peace with their tongues," they wrote "intending warr in their harts, never giveing any testimonyalls either by resignation of there armes, bringing in theire pledges or by the seasonable discovery of the Malitious plotts of theire Confederates." In this desperate struggle for existence York became an armed camp immediately following the massacre. The troops under Captain Floyd were the first to give York some measure of military protection. Capt. Pasco Chubb and Lieut. Anthony
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Bracket were in command of two companies which were first sent in April 1692, as a permanent garrison. Thence- forth, billeted soldiers became a part of the daily life of the townspeople. Their presence inspired the still anxious inhabitants with confidence to inspect the ruins of their homes and take stock of material that could be salvaged. These troops were distributed convenient for the defence of the three garrisons belonging to Job Alcock, Abraham Preble and Alexander Maxwell in Scotland. While this measure resulted in present safety, yet no man dared to go forth unarmed for any distance from his home. Recon- struction of the houses that were destroyed by fire pro- ceeded slowly as only those nearest the garrisons were deemed free from isolated attacks. Alarms were of con- stant occurrence and life in the town was anything but a satisfactory mode of existence. Some became discouraged and left permanently for the better protected towns in Massachusetts, but the old-established families of York, descended from the first settlers, stuck to their ancient hearthstones. Even with these precautions the relentless enemy were successful in occasional sniping operations. In 1693 Charles Trafton, the twelve year old son of Thomas and Elizabeth (Moore) Trafton who lived on the southwest side, was captured and taken to Quebec. He was taken into the service of Count Louis de Buade de Frontenac, Governor of Canada. He was baptized Sep- tember 12, 1694 as Louis Marie Trafton, his master standing as godfather at the ceremony. He learned the trade of a gunsmith and about 1710 returned to York where he resided until his death.
On August 20, 1694, Daniel Livingstone and a boy were killed by the Indians near the Maxwell Garrison where he lived. The slightest relaxation of careful policing of the outskirts was attended with a fatality. In 1695 it was reported to Governor Stoughton that "there is at present at Yorke posted 29 soldiers who are ordered to scout on the Eastward side of the Towne and towards Newitchawannick." It was further stated that the town was out of provisions, there being but "2 barrells of porke." Lieutenant Preble had for ammunition at that time forty pounds of powder, twenty pounds of shot and three dozen flints.
In July 1696 Robert Winchester, a lad of about four-
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teen years of age, probably son of Robert Winchester, was captured by the Indians and taken to Canada, but the place and circumstances of this incident are not known. He was still in Canada four years later, but what became of him afterwards is also unknown. His sister Mary married Thomas Card, and thus the name of Winchester Card was perpetuated in that family.
According to Pike's "Journal" one "Goodwife" Johnson of York was wounded by an unseen Indian July 7, 1696, "of Wch wound she died." As there were several fami- lies of this name in the town at that date it is not easy to make the identification of this woman. In 1696 Col. Bartholomew Gedney had four hundred sixty men at his disposal for protection of York and Wells. He made the latter town his headquarters. Major Benjamin Church, the famous Indian fighter, Capt. Anthony Bracket and Lieut. James March were at York as a part of this com- mand in August of that year, but with all this added sup- port Indian forays continued.
On May 20, 1697, according to Pike's "Journal," "Young Moulton (was) taken by the Indians at York." The identity of this lad is not certain. In June 1698 a plan for the "Deffense of the Frontiers" included the assignment of twenty soldiers in garrison at York, with twenty more for scouting duty ranging the forest outskirts of York and Wells.
At this time the General Court of Massachusetts passed an Act which condemned the residents of York to remain perpetual buffers against the savages, under pen- alty of loss of their hard earned property or fines for refusal to stay and fight the battles for them. It was entitled "An Act to Prevent the Deserting of the Fron- tiers." Enumerating the eleven frontier towns, including York by name, it was provided that neither of them "shall be broken up or voluntarily deserted," except by per- mission of the Governor and Council. This heartless law which held them virtual prisoners, reads in part:
Nor shall any inhabitant of any such frontier town or plantation hav- ing an estate of freehold in lands or tenements remove from thence with intent to sojourn or inhabit elsewhere, without special license first had and obtained (from the Governor and Council) on pain of forfeiting all his estates in land and tenements lying within the bounds or precincts of such town or plantation. (Acts and Resolves, vol. i, c. 25, p. 194.)
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The produce of estates so escheated to the state, when sold, was to be used for the defence of the place wherein the absentee's property was situated. If the person so leaving was able to bear arms he was further penalized by fines to support a substitute, and the "common goal" was to be his further punishment, if he were unable to pay the fine. (Province Laws, c. 25, 1694-5.)
This Act, amended and approved March 23, 1699- 1700, provided not only more efficient methods of for- feiture, but added penalties of ten pounds each on persons so removing who had no estate in lands or tenements. This latter class were to be apprehended on warrants and the Act was renewed yearly as late as 1713. With this club the officials in Boston condemned the people of York to fight for their lives, like rats in a trap, so that "their Majesties interests" would not be in jeopardy. Rather a singular regard for the interests of the English Crown sud- denly manifested. If the Maine towns were abandoned the Indians would be so much nearer Boston, and it is easy to conclude that the Massachusetts authorities were determined to use them as buffers for their own safety.
The excuse given for these acts was the great sums of money already expended in defence which would be lost should the towns be abandoned. Thus did the majority of the deputies of the General Court, living safely in the well-protected towns of Massachusetts, force the settlers of York to stay and fight savages that they might be free from attack. The loss of money was placed above the loss of life, even after York had suffered the appalling catas- trophe of the massacre a few years before.
The sad plight of the people in this frontier town aroused the sympathy of the more protected communities in the other parts of New England, and they helped out with contributions of food supplies. In 1697 Judge Sewall sent the following letter to Capt. Abraham Preble advis- ing him of a gift of corn for the poor people of York:
6 April 1697
I have once more the pleasure of sending a little Corn to the poor families of York that are in distress, the Connecticut Gentlemen hav- ing consigned their Contribution to me. I desire and Order that Samuel Donnel Esq. and your self, together with Capt Gooch doe settle the proportion what each family shall have, and send me an Account, of the Persons names on whom bestowed and the Quantity
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HISTORY OF YORK
to each. Praying God to give us thankfull frames of spirit for open- ing our Brethrens hearts towards us; and that would send a seasonable seed Time and Harvest I take leave who am Sir, your friend,
SAM: SEWALL
The end of that century found York still a garrison town with its people guarded by soldiers in the prosecution of their daily tasks. On May 9, 1698 Joseph Pray of this town, living in "Scotland," was wounded by a marauding band of savages who were making an attack on Kittery that same day. He reported that there were about fifteen in the party. This was the last casualty in the town dur- ing this war. In September of this year peace was con- cluded between England and France and was proclaimed in Boston early in the following December. The Canadian French could no longer take any open part in hostilities after this, although they could give aid and comfort to their allies and take satisfaction in seeing the "English heretics" harried or destroyed by the savages. At this time the Indians were in lamentations over the death of their great leader Madockawando and some of his chief sachems who had recently fallen victims to "a grievous unknown disease which consumed them wonderfully," wrote Mather. This event, coupled with the withdrawal of the French in Canada from active participation in the war, discouraged the Indians from continuing it, and on January 7, 1699 they signed another treaty of peace at Mare Point (now Brunswick). The toll of this second war was greater than the first, both in this town and in the Province, but the Indians had gained nothing by it in the provisions of the treaty, and they had begun to see that they were being used by the French as pawns in a greater game on the international chessboard.
The government of Massachusetts, located in the safety zone, far removed from the dangers of this terrible warfare, failed to give full protection to the people of the Province, the government of which they had usurped and finally bought. There was no settled policy of defensive measures. Troops were sent hither only to be withdrawn after the expense of a few months of inactivity in the gar- risons, on the grounds of economy, or want of appreciation of the peculiar dangers in the theatre of war. In 1679, after the First Indian War, Edmond Randolph wrote this
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criticism: "Grievous complaints are made by the inhab- itants of Maine who in the Indian War found more loss attending them by the Cowardice and inadvertency of their Church Member officers than from the Cruelty of the Indians themselves." (Colonial Papers xliv, 31.)
Thomas Newton, who was a candidate for appoint- ment as Attorney-General for New England, in a letter from Boston dated May 26, 1690, speaking of the Indian troubles in Maine wrote: "The Charter Government cares little for that country or for the lives of the settlers but only for smaller matters." (Colonial Papers 578, No. 138.) While these views were expressed by persons out of sym- pathy with the political conditions in Massachusetts, yet they undoubtedly represent an understandable indif- ference to dangers, remote from their daily lives, the pre- vention of which only involved them in costly military expenses which brought them no immediate return.
The end of the century, coming the following year, found York still billeting soldiers detailed to protect the inhabitants in the pursuit of their daily occupations in the village and on the farms. The treaty signified that peace existed, but the people of York had no reason to give it the significance of a white man's treaty. Governor Andros had said that "an Indian deed of land was no better than the scratches of a bear's paw," and the inhabitants of Maine, mourning for their dead and impoverished by their plunderers, held the same views regarding the sanc- tity of an Indian's word. The officials of Boston gave it full credit and acted accordingly. The experiences of the next few years disclosed the difference between these practical and theoretical divergences. William of Orange, King of England, died in 1702 and his sister-in-law Anne ascended the vacant throne. Among the first acts of her reign was a renewal of the war against France. Joseph Dudley, who had been appointed by Queen Anne as Governor of Massachusetts, undertook to forestall par- ticipation by the eastern Indians in any military measures which he expected would be instituted by the Governor- General of Canada. He met the principal Sagamores at Casco Bay and began the parley by a fraternal address of reconciliation and a settlement of all differences which existed. The chief Indian in reply protested that their thoughts were as far from war "as the sun is above the
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earth." Bomazeen, the new Indian leader, added that peace between them would continue "as long as the sun and moon endured." Presents were exchanged in token of good faith and it was proposed that the council should close by firing a grand round on each side. In this cere- mony the Indians were asked to fire the first salvo as a compliment. Their treachery was now made manifest for it was perceived that their guns had been loaded with bullets. Their previous actions during the parley urging delays for the arrival of other participants were now seen to be a part of a conspiracy to massacre the whites attend- ing it. The appearance of several hundred French and Indians three days afterwards confirmed these suspicions. (Williamson ii, 36.)
THIRD INDIAN WAR
The policies of the two governments towards the Indians were based on fundamental opposites. The Eng- lish authorities sought to deprive the Indians of weapons and ammunition, while the French readily furnished these to the savages, which not only enabled them to use them in securing game for food but as offensive and defensive weapons in war. It is not difficult to see why the un- tutored savage regarded the French as their friends. The religious side of the problem was easily developed by the Jesuit missionaries, whose intimate associations with them in their camp life and the picturesque character of the Romish ritual appealed to the Indians' fancy. The Puri- tan parson with his dolorous and complicated theological disquisitions never got beyond the status of a curious puzzle to the savage mind. The Indian could appreciate the symbolism of the Mass, as it conformed to their tribal conceptions of spiritual matters, also expressed by them in symbols, but they could never fathom the solemn dis- cussions advanced by Puritan missionaries concerning atonements and justification by faith. Under these con- ditions the English were never able to undermine the influence of the French for any length of time over their Indian friends. They were easily induced to join the war, which the French were bound to prosecute, and in less than two months after the treaty at Casco, just men- tioned, a body of five hundred Indians and French fell upon the eastern frontier from Casco to Wells in August
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1703 with a loss of seventy-three killed and ninety-five captured. On October 13 following, about sunset the Indians suddenly stole upon the house of Arthur Bragdon in Scotland, killed his wife (Sarah Masterson) and two of his children and carried his eldest daughter, Abiel, into captivity (Pike's Journal). She was still a captive in 171I and her fate is unknown. This section just north of Bass Creek appeared to be an easy target for their peculiar strategy. Penhallow adds to the account of this attack in stating that "Widow Hannah Parsons & her young daughter" were captured at the same time. She was the wife of William Parsons of Wells and may have been visit- ing York when captured. Mather, in his "Deplorable State of New England," relates that on the trail to Canada, having been without food for three days, they took this child and hung it before the fire to roast for sup- per but were induced to exchange the anticipated morsel for some dogs which happened to come in a canoe at that juncture. She lived to be baptized by the name of Cath- erine in Montreal and, in 1729, to marry Claude Antoine de Berman, Seigneur de la Martiniere. The mother re- turned to New England. A year later another marauding party killed a son of Matthew Austin residing on Cider Hill. This was the second child lost to him in this cruel warfare. These apparently long intervals between attacks gave a sense of false security only to be dashed at an unexpected moment.
On May 4, 1705, a party of about a dozen Indians attacking York and Kittery killed John Brawn and Henry Barnes besides taking a number of prisoners. On October 20 following, four young sons from three to fifteen years of age belonging to John Stover at Cape Neddick were the victims of another raid on the town.
The following contemporary account of this affair was printed in the Boston News Letter in the issue for the week of October 22-29, 1705:
Piscataqua, October 26. On Saturday the 20th currant about 20 Indians appeared at Cape Nidduck and carried away 4 sons of John Stover, who were at a little distance from the Garrison. Several others that were out of the Garrison retired to it with all speed; on which the Enemy fired about an hour, then drew up the Children in sight of the Garrison and marched off. At York 4 or 5 Indians were also dis- covered; Major Walton with a Company of men is gone in pursuit.
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The account goes on to state that Captain Brown of Wells Garrison hearing of the attack started out to head them off before they reached the Saco River. He divided his men, giving one section in charge of Lieut. James March, who caught up with them, unobserved, and the narrative continues :
... as they were passing over a little Bridge, being within 15 rod of them, some few with the poor captives were got over a minute or 2 before; and our men discovering several, behind & on the Bridge, fir'd several shot upon them, which being an unexpected surprisal, caus'd most dismal Consternation among them insomuch that some fell forwards, others backwards, and some into the River, which was IO foot deep, some throwing away their Plunder, others their Blanketts & Snapsacks.
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