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"With footsteps slow shall travellers go Where Lovewell's Pond shines clear and bright, And mark the place where those are laid Who fell in Lovewell's bloody fight.
"Old men shall shake their heads, and say, 'Sad was the hour, and terrible, When Lovewell's brave 'gainst Paugus went, With fifty men from Dunstable.' " 1
The wretched state of the country induced the legislature to adopt more vigorous measures to bring the war promptly to a close. The Indians had greatly dwindled away. Poorly armed, and with but scant ammunition, they were much disheartened. The loss of a single warrior was, by them, very sensibly felt.
All the eastern garrisons were strengthened and replenished by the government. Liberal pay was offered to volunteers. A large number of friendly Indians, from Massachusetts, were employed as allies. The Indian hostages, detained in Boston, became exceedingly impatient of their restraint. It speaks well for them, that one of these hostages, together with a captive taken in war, was liberated with permission to visit their tribe upon their parole of honor to return ; and they both faithfully came back, and surrendered themselves to imprisonment. They had been absent two months. They brought back with them the following report, so melancholy for them, so encouraging for the English : -
" The losses our tribes have met with, and the daily terror they experi- ence, causes their lives to be miserable. They long for peace. The Indians on the Penobscot are about to propose a negotiation, that the war may be brought to a close."
Again they were permitted to go back to their friends, with the stipulation, that within twenty-three days they should return with a delegation of chiefs for a peace conference. It was supposed that they would aid in urging forward peace measures.
In a former chapter we have given a narrative of the destruc- tion of the fort and pleasant little village of the Indians, at Old- town, far up the Penobscot. This was in February, 1723. Col. Thomas Westbrook led the expedition. In his official report to
1 Farmer and Moore's Historical Collections, vol. iii.
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Lieut-Gov. Dummer, he wrote, after describing the commodious structures which the French and Indians had reared, -
" We set fire to them all, and by sunrise the next morning they were all in ashes. We then returned to our nearest guard, thence to our tents. On our arrival at our transports we concluded we must have ascended the river about thirty-two miles." 1
The Indians, after the retirement of the English, returned to the ruins of their former homes. Their losses and sufferings were terrible. The foe, against whom they were contending, was infinitely their superior. Game in the forests had become scarce. With difficulty could they obtain ammunition for hunt- ing. It was necessary for them to rear their humble villages on the seashore or' on the banks of rivers, that by clamming and fishing they might lengthen out their miserable existence. But here the English could easily come upon them in their ships and strong whale-boats. Even if they retired far back into the country, and planted their fields with corn, after wait- ing half-famished, weary weeks for the harvest, they knew, by bitter experience, that energetic English bands would, in all probability, pass through the trails of the forest, lay their vil- lage in ashes, and trample their harvest in the dust.
Their doom was dreadful. It was no wonder that they longed for peace. Sadly the returning fugitives wandered through the desolations of their former homes, with no heart to attempt to rebuild. Oldtown, the site of this Indian village, was upon an island of the same name, about twelve miles above where Bangor now stands. In the year 1806, the township of Orono, previously called Stillwater, was incorporated, including the region of Oldtown. It took its name from a celebrated Indian chief Orono, of the Tarratine tribe. He was a warm friend of the Americans in the war of the Revolution. In the year 1840, Oldtown was incorporated as a separate town. Orono was the one hundred and sixty-second town incorporated in the State, and contained then about three hundred inhabitants.
The unhappy, despoiled, half-famished savages wandered down the western banks of the river, until they came to the spot where Bangor now stands. The region was then an un-
1 Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. viii. p. 264, 2d ser .; Hutch- inson's History of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 273.
OLDTOWN FALLS, OLDTOWN, ME.
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broken wilderness, through which the Kenduskeag River flowed silently into the Penobscot. Here they rebuilt their village. It is probable that six or seven French families were with them; for seven houses were found with cellars and chimneys. There were about fifty Indian huts, indicating, in their structure, a people slowly emerging from barbarism. .
Capt. Joseph Heath commanded the garrison at Richmond. He heard of this Indian village, situated but about one hundred miles north-east from him, through the trails of the lonely, un- inhabited forest. In the month of May, 1725, Capt. Heath took a company of men, and marched across the country, from the Kennebec to the Penobscot. The Indians heard of his approach ; and the whole population, men, women, and children, fled into the forest. They could take with them only such articles as they carried upon their backs. It is difficult to con- ceive how they could have escaped utter starvation. Probably many of them did perish of hunger.
Finding the village deserted, Capt. Heath burned all the dwellings, including a commodious church, and destroyed the cornfields. His party then returned to Richmond, not having caught sight of a single Indian. It was thought by many that this was a very injudicious expedition, considering that the Indians had already made proposals for a peace conference. The village destroyed was situated on what has since been called Fort Hill. The Indians never attempted to rebuild upon this spot. They subsequently returned to Oldtown, where they re-established themselves near the graves of their fathers.
There was another deed perpetrated by the English, of so atrocious a character that no English historian has been willing to dwell upon its details. The Indian village on the Penobscot was destroyed in May. On the 20th of June a few Indian chiefs, with a flag of truce, were approaching Fort St. George, at Thomaston, to sue for peace. A detachment from the fort attacked them, killing one and severely wounding another.1
There was still a third adventure, which, as a descendant from the English, one blushes to record. Young Castine, of whom we have before spoken, who was ever the friend of peace, and
1 Williamson's History of Maine, vol. ii. p. 144.
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who had often attested his magnanimous. spirit toward the English, was in a small sail-boat, at anchor just off the south- east point of the present town of Sedgwick, which was then called Naskeag Point. He had on board his boat a lad supposed to have been his son, the child of his wife, who was a chieftain's daughter, and another boy by the name of Samuel Trask, a captive from Salem, whom he had humanely redeemed from the Indians.
He saw an English sloop approaching ; but there was no war then between France and England, and Castine had no thought of any danger. They were probably fishing. As soon as the sloop came within musket-shot the crew opened fire upon him. Fortunately none were struck by the bullets. Castine and his companions speedily took shelter upon the land. The captain of the sloop then raised the white flag, and shouted out to Castine, upon the shore, that the firing was a mistake.
The guileless young man, incapable of treachery himself, immediately, with his companions, rowed out to the sloop. As soon as they stepped on board the Englishman seized young Trask, and turning to Castine said, " Your bark and all it con- tains are lawful prize. You yourself are justly my prisoner. You may think yourself well off to escape without further molestation."
Castine and his son returned to the shore. Some of the crew accompanied them. One of them then seized the lad with a. firm grasp, apparently intending to kidnap him. Castine, find- ing it impossible to extricate the boy, shot the miscreant dead, and with his son escaped into the woods. Mr. Williamson writes,1 " The conduct of these mariners was a great reproach to them, and in every respect the height of impolicy : for the Indians were now entertaining thoughts of peace, and Castine, who still possessed great influence among them, had more than once attested his magnanimity by instances of friendship and a forbearing spirit towards the English."
Notwithstanding these occurrences so calculated to exasperate the Indians, they still persevered in their endeavors to obtain
1 Penhallow's Indian War. Collections of New Hampshire Historical Society, vol. i. p. 120.
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peace. Thirteen chiefs met two commissioners from Boston, at Fort St. George. The commissioners, John Stoddard and John Wainwright, were not disposed to be courteous.
" Why," they demanded, " did you make war upon the set- tlers ?" One of the chiefs, speaking in behalf of the rest, replied, "Because you have taken possession of our lands, even as far as Cape Newagen.1 You also, at that place, seized two Indians, and beat them to death."
" We did not seize your lands, " was the reply : " we bought them. We have the deeds which were given us, and can show them. If our men did kill yours it was wrong. But why did you not, according to the treaty, appeal to our government ? Why did you take the hatchet ?"
To this the chief replied, " We come for peace. We wish to recall all our young men from the war."
The result was that a general council was appointed to meet in Boston at the end of forty days. Still there was no peace ; only a prospect of peace. Distant war parties, on both sides, unaware that negotiations were opening, continued their cruel ravages. Early in November four of the most distinguished sagamores of the Kennebec, Penobscot, and other eastern In- dians, repaired to Boston. The discussion which ensued lasted for more than a month. The Indians felt very deeply that their hunting grounds were encroached upon, and that they were defrauded of their territory by pretended purchases from Indians, who, having become intoxicated, were ready to sign any contracts which their betrayers might present to them.
At length the Indians were compelled to relinquish all their demands. Hostilities ceased. Professed friendship was estab- lished. The English were left in undisputed possession of all the land which they claimed as their own. The government of Massachusetts was authorized to arrange all the trade and
1 Boothbay, Lincoln County, is a peninsula situated between the mouths of the Sheepscot and the Damariscotta Rivers, and is what was formerly known as Cape Newagen. It is supposed to have been settled as early as 1630. William- son speaks of the island of Cape Newagen, about four and a half iniles long, and of an average width of one inile, separated from Boothbay by a narrow channel called Townsend Gut. See Coolidge and Mansfield's Description of New Eng- land, vol i. p. 59, and Williamson's History of Maine, vol. i. p. 55.
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intercourse between the two parties. If any Indians declined to ratify the treaty, the chiefs in council pledged their tribes to join the English, and compel the opposers to submission.
It was, in fact, an unconditional surrender on the part of the Indians. Dire necessity compelled them to yield to the humil- iating terms.1 This celebrated document, since known in his- tory as the "Dummer Treaty," was signed on the 15th of December, 1725. It continued in force for many years. The Indians were too feeble in strength and too broken in spirits to venture to violate its terms.
The General Court immediately established quite extensive trading-houses at Fort Richmond, on the Kennebec, and on the far away banks of St. George's River, where the flourishing village of Thomaston now stands, but which was then almost an unbroken wilderness. Goods for Indian traffic were deposited there to the amount of three thousand five hundred dollars.
There were but four sagamores present to sign this treaty. It was deemed important that there should be a fuller represen- tation of the chiefs of all the tribes. Another meeting was appointed. It was held at Falmouth, on the 30th of July, 1726. Forty chiefs attended. They represented nearly all the Maine, Nova Scotia, and the Canada tribes. Many of these Indians had become Christians. They declined doing business on the sabbath day. There were several vessels in the harbor, and there were taverns on the shore.
A large number of Indians had accompanied their chiefs. The lieutenant-governors of Massachusetts and New Hamp- shire were also attended by quite a brilliant retinue of soldierly young men. All were much impressed by the intelligence and high moral qualities manifested by many of these chiefs. They most earnestly requested of the English authorities, that they would prohibit the sale of any intoxicating liquors to their young men. Lieut .- Gov. Dummer assured them that positive orders should be given to that effect.
After deliberately examining and explaining the treaty in the meeting-house, it was signed, on the part of the English, by
1 Records, Resolves, and Journals of Massachusetts Government, vol. xii. p. 88.
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Lieut .- Gov. Dummer and a number of his councillors; and, on the part of the Indians, by Wenemovet, a chief sagamore, and twenty-six of his associates. It is said that this treaty may still be seen in the government archives at Boston, with all the signatures or respective marks of the Indians.1
There is no power of law which can restrain individual acts of outrage. The most efficient government cannot prevent the perpetration of crime. In this respect the influence of the Indian chiefs was superior to that of the white man's laws. Still there were drunken and vagabond Indians who easily yielded to any temptation.
A fishing vessel from Plymouth entered a forest-encircled bay in Nova Scotia. A fellow by the name of John Baptiste (we know not whether he was a Frenchman or an Englishman), with his son and three Indians, whom he had inveigled into the service, endeavored to seize it. Instead of capturing, they were all captured. They were taken to Boston, tried for piracy, condemned, and all were hanged. There were a few other similar acts of outrage. But, when we reflect upon the character of the times, it seems surprising that there should have been so few. One of the chiefs, by the name of Wenunganet, who lived on the River St. George, wrote to Gov. Dummer, -
" We look upon such Indians as much our enemies as yours. We are in as much danger from them as any of your people are. We are resolved to punish them for the wrongs which they have done."
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The English traders persisted in selling rum to the Indians. Under the influence of intoxication the young men became frenzied, and lost all self-control. One of the chiefs, by the name of Loron, who seems to have been a very noble man, wrote to Gov. Dummer, -
" Do not let the trading-houses deal in rum. It wastes the health of our young men. It makes them behave badly both to your people and to their own brethren. This is the opinion of all our chief men. I salute you, great governor, and am your good friend."
1 Penhallow's Indian Wars. Collections of the New Hampshire Historical Society, vol. i. pp 128-132.
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Another sachem, Wivurna, wrote to the governor in the fol- lowing elevated strain : -
" My brother, I am fully satisfied; for all the blood that before lay boil- ing in my breast has flowed away. I now labor for peace in our land. Should any stormy clouds arise, I will immediately inform you, that they may do us no harm. In three things you make my heart glad. My grand. son, who was to me dead, is alive, and has returned to me safe. Canava, who was a captive, has come home alive and well. He is encouraged to do good service. I thank you for your kindness to me and to my people. I am now old and gray-headed. I have seen many good men, English, French, and Indians; but of all I have not found one like Gov. Dummer for stead- fastness and justice. Were I a sagamore, and young, the first thing I should do would be to see you; but as I am old, and not able to travel, I heartily salute you, my good friend. Farewell. " WIVURNA."
Gov. William Dummer, who had become so prominent, was born in Boston, in the year 1677. He went to England, proba- bly for his education. There he was appointed, by the crown, lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts. This was in 1716. His father-in-law, Gov. Joseph Dudley, had just retired from office, after a stormy administration of fourteen years.
Gov. Dummer was a man of irreproachable morals, and of firm religious faith. Without possessing any brilliant qualities of mind, he manifested sufficient ability for all the great emer- gencies which rose before him. His highly eulogistic funeral sermon was preached by the celebrated Rev. Mather Byles.1
It is thought that during this war one-third of the four Abe- naquis tribes had perished.2 The war, Penhallow estimates, had cost the government a hundred and seventy thousand pounds, in addition to the forts, which had been reared and repaired at a cost of not less than seventy-five thousand pounds. These wretched wars had impoverished the whole land. Every man forty years of age had seen twenty years of war. Every boy was trained to arms. The scenes of cruelty and blood every- where witnessed hardened the heart and brutalized the charac-
1 See the admirable biographical sketch of the Dummers in the Centennial Discourse delivered at Newbury, by N. Cleaveland, Esq.
2 The Abenaquis inhabited the region between the Piscataqua River and the J'enobscot. The nation formerly consisted of eleven allied tribes. See Drake's Book of the Indians, book ili. p. 91, and Williamson's History of Maine, vol. ii. p. 404.
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. ter. During this last war, about two hundred of the inhabitants of Maine were killed or carried into captivity. The anguish which was thus sent to many a humble cottage, no tongue can tell.
Some of the captives were put to death by all the demoniac inflictions of Indian torture ; some perished from cold, exhaus- tion, and hunger ; some were never heard of more, and what their fate was none can know.
The Indians were fickle as children. They could be gentle, confiding, affectionate, at one moment ; and then, at some sud- den exasperation, become cruel as fiends. And yet it was an extraordinary and inexplicable trait in their character, that they never thus transformed themselves from friends to enemies without what they supposed just cause ; and they always gave notice of their hostility before striking a blow. The habit of giving this warning was invariable. The restoration of peace they hailed with undisguised and almost childish delight. We now speak of the majority of the Indians, the common people. The chiefs were truly the aristoi, the best of the land. They were almost invariably intelligent, serious, thoughtful men, whose minds were oppressed with the magnitude of the responsibilities thrown upon them, as they saw their tribes dwindling away, and their hunting-grounds passing to the ownership of strangers.
Upon the settlement of the terms of peace, they flocked to the villages of their former foes, with faces radiant with joy. In very many cases the Indians and the white families had been well acquainted with each other. They had often met in familiar intercourse, called each other by name, and had ap- parently cherished for each other sincere friendship.
The Indians now came. rushing back, with smiles and cordial greetings, as if totally unconscious of the fiend-like deeds which, upon both sides, had been recently perpetrated.1 There was one very noble Indian, by the name of Ambereuse, who lived on the banks of Mousom or Mousam River .? He was
' See some discriminating remarks upon this subject, by Mr. Edward E. Bourne, LL.D. in his excellent History of Wells and Kennebunk, pp. 327, 328.
2 Mousom River, as Mr. Williamson spells the name, was formerly called Cape Porpoise River, or Maguncook. It issued from ponds in Shapleigh, twenty miles distant. It was but two and a half miles from Wells. - Williamson, vol. i. p. 27.
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eminently a man of peace, a " praying Indian," and no persua sions could induce him to engage in the war on either side. Through all the bloody conflict he continued to visit the Eng- lish, as if peace had never been disturbed. Mr. Sullivan, writing of him, says, - .
" There came to Berwick an Indian named Ambereuse, with his wife. He said he hated war, and only wanted to live where he could make his brooms and his baskets, and live in peace. He remained there for several years, and then removed to the Kennebec."
There were more than two hundred Indians present at the conference in Falmouth, when the treaty of the former year was confirmed and ratified. Over forty gentlemen composed the retinue of the governor. The convention was held beneath a spacious tent on Munjoy's Hill. At the close of the con- ference, quite a splendid banquet for those times was given beneath the canvas of the tent, at the expense of the Massa- chusetts government. So large a concourse of people had never before been gathered in any of the settlements in Maine. Though vessels at anchor in the bay had brought supplies, there was such an entire consumption of the articles of food, that one of the annalists of that day wrote, "They left us quite bare ; and nothing of the country's produce was left, only three bushels of corn and some small things." 1
The three-years' war, thus terminated, was usually called Lovewell's War, from the important part he took in its cam- paigns. It was carried on by the Indians without any recog- nized assistance from the French. There was, at that time, settled peace between France and England. Undoubtedly the sympathies of the French in Canada were with their long-tried friends, the Indians. But they could not take any active part in favor of the savages, without violating solemn treaty obliga- tions.
1 History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 352.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE DOOM OF THE INDIAN.
French Influence - Governor Dummer - His Wise Policy - The Trading- Houses - Life at Falmouth - Governors Burnet and Belcher - Act against Duelling - Encroachments of the English - Conference at Falmouth -. Gov. Shirley - Visit of Whitefield - Council at St. George -The Indians desire Peace - Indians refuse to fight their Brethren - The Capture of Louis- burg -- War Proclaimed against the Indians - Peace -Subsiding Billows - New Claims of the English - Fort at Teconnet.
A SACHEM was asked, "Why are you all so ardently attached to the French, from whom you can never receive so much benefit as you may receive from the English ? "
The chief, after a moment's pause, gravely replied, " Because the French have taught us to pray unto God; which the Eng- lish never did."
This question was often asked of the chiefs and of the com- mon Indians. Invariably answers were returned essentially the same. I give a summary of those answers, made on different occasions, but here brought together : -
" The French are our friends ; they advocate our rights, and become, as it were, one with us. They sell us whatever we want, and never take away our lands. They send the kind missionaries to teach us how to worship the Great Spirit ; and, like brothers, they give us good advice when we are in trouble. When we trade with them, we have good articles, full weight, and free measure. They leave us our goodly rivers, where we catch fine salmon, and leave us unmolested to hunt the bear, the moose, and the beaver, where our fathers have hunted them. We love our own country, where our fathers were buried, and where we and our children were born. We have our rights, as well as the English ; we also know, as well as they, what is just and what is unjust.
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" When you English came, wereceived you with open arms. We thought you children of the sun ; we fed you with our best meat. Never did a white man go hungry from our cabins. But you returned evil for good. You put the burning cup to our lips. It filled our veins with poison. When you had intoxicated us, you took the advantage, and cheated us in trade. You now tell us that our country is yours, that it has passed from us for- ever.
" You say that you have bought our lands from our sagamores. It is not true. Our chiefs love their tribes too well. and have too great souls, to turn their children from the homes of their fathers. Where can we go ? We own no other land. There is no other land so dear to us. The forts which you have built on our territory are contrary to treaty ; and they ought to be laid low." 1
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