USA > Michigan > Wayne County > Detroit > The city of Detroit, Michigan, 1701-1922, Vol. I > Part 48
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The old casino upon Belle Isle, of frame construction, was opened to the public in June, 1887. In 1903, by legislative act, the city was authorized to raise $100,000 for a new casino. Bonds were sold January 15, 1904, following which bids were received. It was found, however, that all of the bids exceeded the appropriation, so new plans were ordered by Commissioner Bolger. These were received and on March 22, 1906, contracts were let to Louis Schmied & Company for the construction of the building at a price of $85,429.81, and to another company the heating contract was let for $2,777. The casino was then completed and in May, 1908, was opened to the public.
The new bath-house, a remodeling of the old one, was opened in 1909, and two years later the motor transport service began to supplant the old "hack"
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service which had been used for many years. The first bridge from the Detroit shore to the island was constructed in 1889 at a cost of $295,000 and was used until April 27, 1915, when it was destroyed by fire. A temporary wooden bridge, costing $99,999, was opened to traffic in July, 1916. Plans for a new bridge structure were made and at a special election on July 9, 1915, the ques- tion of authorizing the common council to erect a bridge, to acquire land for the approach thereto, and to expend not more than two million dollars therefor, was defeated by a vote of 18,536 in favor and 14,129 against the proposition, a three-fifth vote having been necessary to carry. On April 5, 1919, however, the vote of the people swung farther to the favorable side, when a new $3,000,000 bridge was authorized. This bridge is to be constructed by the department of public works, is to be of the reinforced concrete and steel cantilever type, is to be 2,193 feet in length and wide enough to accommodate the large amount of traffic to and from the island. The Jefferson Avenue subway approach to the bridge was opened on February 12, 1921.
Two of the most attractive buildings upon the island, and which rank with the best structures of their kind in the country, are the aquarium and horti- cultural buildings which were opened August 18, 1904. The idea of the aquarium has been accredited to Representative David E. Heineman, who had visited Naples, Italy, and studied the aquarium at that place. He introduced the bill in the legislature and later passed the enabling act, approved May 26, 1899, authorizing the issuance of bonds to the amount of $150,000, on condition that the issue be approved by vote of the people. The bonds were issued and on March 1, 1900, the money was placed in the city treasury for the construc- tion of the aquarium and horticultural building. The firm of Nettleton & Kahn (afterward Mason & Kahn) drew the plans for the buildings and the cost of the two was in the neighborhood of $165,000, including equipment. The Belle Isle aquarium ranks among the six largest in the world. The equipment is modern in every respect, including the indefinite use of sea water, which by filtering and resting is utilized over and over for many years. Proper tempera- tures for different water tanks and special aerification provide that any fish may find conditions here identical with his native habitat. In addition to the tropical flora in the horticultural building, Belle Isle has been improved by thousands of plants, shrubs and trees of every kind which have been planted from year to year. Sunken gardens, fountains, statues and numerous other features have been added, and the pits, runways and cages for the animal life have been enlarged or added as new species have been purchased for the zoological collection. Through the will of James Scott, a comparatively unknown, but patriotic, citizen of Detroit, there was left more than $500,000 for the erection of a memorial fountain upon Belle Isle. To accommodate this fountain, the western tip of the island is being extended and filled in and when completed will make a substantial improvement to the appearance of Detroit's greatest physical asset.
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CHAPTER XIX HISTORIC POLITICAL CAMPAIGNS
BY WILLIAM STOCKING
THE STATE DEMOCRATIC IN EARLY DAYS-THE RISING TIDE OF ANTI-SLAVERY SENTIMENT-A SUCCESSION OF DELEGATED AND MASS CONVENTIONS-FOUND- ING AND TRIUMPHS OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY-SUDDEN DEVELOPMENT OF GREENBACK SENTIMENT-A POLITICAL SURPRISE AND SCARE WITH QUICK RECOVERY-MICHIGAN SETS THE PACE FOR SOUND MONEY-THE MICHIGAN CLUB AND ITS BANQUETS-A NOTABLE SCHOOL OF POLITICAL ORATORY AND AN INCUBATOR OF POLITICAL CLUBS-NOTES ON THE FREE SILVER CAMPAIGN.
In its territorial and early state period Michigan was almost uniformly democratic. The influence of the federal administration and office holders and the dominance of General Cass, one of the most prominent democrats in the country, both tended that way. Upon the three questions which in the largest degree separated the two great parties the United States Bank, internal im- provements and the tariff, Michigan sentiment naturally turned toward the democrats. Under the tidal wave that swept the country, the state gave a small majority for Harrison for President in 1840 and a still smaller one for William Woodbridge for Governor in 1839. But these elections furnished the only gleam of light for the whigs. In every other election from 1836 to 1852 the democrats had substantial pluralities and generally a clear majority. It was the rising tide of anti-slavery sentiment that brought about the revolution in Michigan politics, and led to the historic campaign of 1854.
ANTI-SLAVERY SENTIMENT
Under its fundamental charter, the ordinance of 1787, and in the sentiment of a majority of its people, Michigan was opposed to the system of slavery in itself, and especially opposed to its extension into new territory. The harsh methods sometimes used in enforcing the fugitive slave law of 1793 and the more severe law of 1850 were sources of constant irritation. The feeling first found political expression in a small way in 1840 when the "liberty party " in Michigan gave James G. Birney, a resident of the state, 321 votes for President. Four years later, under the same name it gave the same candidate 3639 votes. In 1848, under the name of "Free Soil" it gave Martin Van Buren 10,393. In 1852 the Free Soil vote fell to 7,237.
THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA CONTROVERSY
The overwhelming democratic majority in the country in the latter year and the assurance of the democratic platform and of President Pierce that the com- promises of 1850 should be accepted as final, seemed likely to quiet agitation for a time, but the proposition to open the way for slavery in new territories by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, reopened the subject under conditions that
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generated intense feeling and strife. It came about in this way. At the opening of Congress in December, 1853, Senator Dodge, of Iowa, introduced a bill to organize the territory west of Missouri and Iowa into the single Territory of Nebraska. Sen. Stephen A. Douglas, for the committee to which it was referred, reported the bill back creating the two territories of Kansas and Nebraska and providing that "the section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, was superseded by the principles of the legislation of 1850" and was declared inoperative. This movement to repeal the Missouri Compromise and thus practically to open all the territory to slavery, became the storm center of contemporary politics. Opposition to it became the rallying point about which all divisions of anti-slavery sentiment gathered, created a new party and made the year 1854 memorable in political history. In this movement Michigan took the lead.
THE FIRST JACKSON CONVENTION
The first of the three gatherings which brought about this result was a state convention called by the free democratic party "to effect a complete organiza- tion of the free democracy in the state, and to nominate candidates for state officers." The call was issued on January 12, 1854, and the convention was held at Jackson on February 22d. In the meantime numerous county conventions and mass meetings were held to give expression to anti-slavery sentiment. The largest and most significant of these was held in Detroit on February 18th, four days before the state convention. It was called simply as an "Anti-Nebraska" meeting, was attended by both free soilers and whigs, who heard vigorous speeches and adopted strong resolutions against the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill or any further concessions to slavery. It did not send delegates to the free dem- ocratic convention, but was the first large meeting to give voice to the suggestion that all anti-slavery elements should unite. The Jackson convention nominated a full state ticket, and adopted a long platform which was progressive in its utterances both upon national and state issues. It conceded that slavery in the states in which it then existed was politically beyond reach, but denounced and abhorred the system. Its utterance upon the issue immediately pending was as follows: "The attempt now pending in Congress to repeal the act by which the vast territory north of the Missouri Compromise line was dedicated to freedom is an outrage upon justice, humanity and good faith; one by which traitorous ambition, confederated with violation of a solemn and time-honored compact is seeking to inflict upon the nation a deep and indelible disgrace. We denounce the scheme as infamous, and we call upon the people to hold its authors and abettors to the most rigid and righteous accountability." The convention gave places on the platform to two leading whigs and advised the calling of a mass convention to take appropriate action.
MASS GATHERING AT KALAMAZOO
The passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill by Congress and its approval by President Pierce, May 30, 1854, furnished the occasion for holding such a con- vention. The call, a long and stirring one, parts of which might almost be called hysterical, was signed by several members of an independent democratic com- mittee. The convention was held in the court-house in Kalamazoo, June 21st. It included both whig and free soil leaders and was earnest, harmonious and enthusiastic. It adopted a series of strong resolutions. The one which was
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NO MONOPOLY! REGULAR DEMOCRATIC
NOMINATION! FOR GOVERNOR
STEVENS
ASON
FIRST STATE ELECTION HELD IN DETROIT, 1837
The man with the tall hat is Tom Mason, democratic nominee for governor. Other prominent men in the crowd are Mr. Stillson, Major Mckinstry, George C. Bates, F. H. Harris, Kingsbury, of the Morning Post, and Frank Sawyer.
Vol. I-30
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historically the most important declared that the free democracy of Michigan "are confident that the deeply aroused feeling of the masses in this state will seek a suitable expression in a convention springing from themselves irrespective of any political organization, and if such a movement shall be animated and guided by the principles expressed in the resolutions of this convention and shall con- template an efficient organization to give effect to our principles in this state, we shall willingly surrender our distinctive organization and with it the state ticket nominated at Jackson on the 22d of February last; and we commit the execution of this purpose to a committee of sixteen, two persons to each judicial district."
A ROUSING APPEAL
The committee of sixteen appointed in accordance with this resolution issued a stirring call addressed to "The People of Michigan," and commencing with the words "A great wrong has been perpetrated. The slave power of the coun- try has triumphed. The Missouri Compromise, a solemn compact, entered into by our Fathers, has been violated, and a vast territory, dedicated to freedom, has been opened to slavery." A long recital of the evil consequences resulting from this act was given, ending with the following invitation. "In view there- fore, of the recent action of Congress upon this subject, and the evident designs of the Slave power to attempt still further aggressions upon freedom, we invite all our fellow citizens, without reference to former political associations, who think that the time has arrived for a union of the North to protect liberty from being overthrown and downtrodden, to assemble in mass convention on Thurs- day, the 6th of July next, at one o'clock at Jackson, there to take such measures as shall be thought best to concentrate the popular sentiment of the state against the aggressions of the slave power."
Copies of this appeal were at once printed and circulated. In less than a fortnight 10,000 signatures were obtained and they kept coming in up to the day of the convention. The list from Detroit contained an astonishing number of the leading citizens including whigs, free soilers and many democrats.
THE GREAT CONVENTION
On the day appointed a crowd variously estimated at from 3,000 to 5,000 assembled at Jackson. There were too many to be accommodated in any hall, and adjournment was taken to a nearby grove of oak trees. The crowd was an unwieldy body, too large to be held down to parliamentary procedure, and it con- tained men of diverse views on many subjects. There were whigs who desired to retain the old name and organization if possible, and whigs who had been working for months to break up the old parties and to organize a new. There were free soilers who distrusted the whigs, and free soilers who thought the whigs as a party were at one with themselves on the vital issue. There were Anti-Nebraska democrats who, on every other question, agreed with their own party, and there were temperance men who wanted a prohibition plank in the platform. But there was sufficient unity of purpose to fuse these incongruous elements. The platform, which was finally and almost unanimously adopted, was long, containing about 2,250 words. It touched very lightly upon state affairs, being devoted almost entirely to the issues raised by the slavery question.
The delicate task of selecting a state ticket, to be submitted to the conven- tion for approval was delegated to a committee selected from the senatorial
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districts and numbering eighty-eight members-a fair sized convention of itself. The ticket nominated at the convention February 22d had been withdrawn, but the committee retained its candidate for governor, Kinsley S. Bingham, who had been twice elected to Congress as a democrat, but who had revolted on the slavery question. The rest of the ticket was made up impartially of old whigs and free democrats.
Many of the ablest leaders of the old parties were among the speakers at the convention. There was a strong feeling in favor of a complete union, a willing- ness to surrender old party ties and sentiment, and a supreme confidence in the success of the movement.
The campaign that followed was carried into every county, almost every school district, and was one of the most spirited ever made in the state. The state ticket was elected together with three out of the four congressmen, and a good working majority in both houses of the legislature. This was the last of democratic supremacy in Michigan for many a weary year. From that day to this the republicans have elected every governor but three, and have had a ma- jority in every legislature but one.
NAME AND PERSONNEL OF THE PARTY
There has been some controversy at different times as to priority in the use of the name for the new party thus launched, and claims have been made both for Wisconsin and Massachusetts. But the evidence of the dates is conclusive. In the voluminous declaration adopted at Jackson was a resolution "That in view of the necessity of battling for the first principles of republican government, and against the schemes of aristocracy the most revolting and oppressive with which the earth was ever cursed or man debased we will cooperate and be known as republicans until the contest be terminated." This was July 6, 1854. The Wisconsin State Convention which was held in Madison a week later, July 13, adopted the same name. The convention at Worcester, Massachusetts, which adopted the name republican, was held six days later, July 19th. A claim of priority was once set up for the Republican Association of Washington, but that was not organized till June 29, 1855. The fact remains that the republican party was born and christened "Under the Oaks" at Jackson.
Of the men who were sufficiently prominent in this epoch making convention to be mentioned in the published reports as officers, speakers or committee mem- bers, five were afterwards United States senators. They were Kinsley S. Bing- ham, Zachariah Chandler, Jacob M. Howard, Isaac P. Christiancy and Henry P. Baldwin. Fernando C. Beaman was appointed United States senator but declined the office. Bingham and Baldwin also held the office of governor as also did Moses Wisner, Austin Blair, John J. Bagley and Charles M. Crosswell. James M. Turner was once nominated for governor but was defeated at the polls. Five prominent members of this convention became judges of United States or state high courts, seventeen became members of the lower house of Congress, and many more held high appointive positions at home or in the diplomatic service.
A NEW CURRENCY ISSUE
The morning after the April election in 1878 the republican leaders in Michi- gan contemplated the returns with a dazed look and much confusion of mind.
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A party to which they had given little heed had invaded their strongholds, carried a few cities and elected a majority of the supervisors in some of the most reliable republican counties. It was the greenback party that had done the mischief. The party was not new, but it had not hitherto polled votes enough in any campaign to furnish an indication of any great latent strength.
A brief statement of antecedent conditions is essential to an understanding of the situation. To meet the needs of the war, Congress in July, 1861, passed an act authorizing the issue of non-interest bearing notes of small denominations and $60,000,000 of such notes were placed in circulation. They were redeemable in coin at any United States sub-treasury and thus violated none of the estab- lished principles of sound finance. This issue facilitated the negotiation of loans and sufficed for war needs for that year. Under the pressure of increasing demands, the first issue of the legal tender currency, which came to be known as greenbacks, was authorized by act of February 25, 1862. These were not redeemable on demand, but in order to secure their circulation they were made a legal tender for all purposes except the payment of customs duties and of interest on the public debt. The lack of the redemption feature and the compulsory circulation of the notes were repugnant to the financial ideas of many of the congressmen who nevertheless voted for the bill on account of the necessities of the situation. The first issue was $150,000,000, with the stipulation that the $60,000,000 of treasury notes previously paid out should be retired. By subse- quent acts the amount of greenbacks outstanding was increased to $400,000,000.
After the close of the war the secretary of the treasury, Hugh McCulloch, began retiring the currency with the view of restoring the finances of the country to a specie basis. The plan was to convert the greenbacks into interest bearing bonds, and to depend upon national bank notes for the currency of the country. This aroused strong opposition and in 1868 an act was passed forbidding the further retirement of the greenbacks. The outstanding amount was then $376,000,000, and it remained at that figure throughout the whole period of currency agitation. In 1874 an act was passed providing for the resumption of specie payments January 1, 1879.
During this whole period there was a constant struggle between two ideas, one to increase the greenback issues and one to retire them. Under various phases and forms of expression the greenback party favored the issue of all cur- rency by the government, in sufficient volume for the wants of trade. It de- nounced the national bank currency, opposed the resumption of specie payments and would make the greenbacks legal tender for all purposes, including customs duties and interest on the public debt; "What is good enough for the people is good enough for the bondholder" was one of its slogans.
As a separate party it held its first national convention at Indianapolis, In- diana, May 18, 1876, and nominated Peter Cooper for president. Its platform declared in favor of the immediate repeal of the resumption act, and the issue of notes by the government "direct to the people" and convertible on demand into bonds, bearing a rate of interest not exceeding 3.65 percent, the notes to be legal tender for all debts "except such as by existing contracts are payable in coin." Upon this platform the party polled 9,060 votes in the whole of Michi- gan, and this at a Presidential election. Seventeen months later at purely local spring elections it gave its candidates for supervisor and other local offices over 70,000 votes and put the republican leaders in a panic.
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AN AGGRESSIVE AND SUCCESSFUL CAMPAIGN
A solemn conclave, called by the republican state central committee, was held at the Russell House to consider the situation. A few of those in attendance advised concessions in the hope of bringing back the greenback vote. Gov. Charles M. Crosswell, who, in accordance with custom, was a candidate for re- election, urged that the party should not waver in its declaration for a sound currency. For himself he preferred defeat on such a platform to a victory won by a surrender to unsound theories. His view was accepted with but little dissent, and an aggressive campaign was planned. Ex-Senator Chandler, who had been the most consistent advocate of a sound currency of any senator from the West, was naturally called upon for leadership, and it was determined to offer him the chairmanship of the convention and of the state central committee. He had at that time completed plans for a European trip and one of his timid friends suggested that his chairmanship of the national committee and his con- templated trip would furnish a valid reason for declining to assume these new duties. They would, it was urged, make him responsible for a doubtful cam- paign and might seriously impair his political prestige. His characteristic reply was "- - you are a d-d coward in politics. I am going to be chair- man of the convention and chairman of the state central committee and if the Michigan republican party goes down on a sound money issue, I shall go down with it."
It was under these circumstances that the national greenback party met in state convention at Grand Rapids, June 5, 1878, and nominated Henry S. Smith for governor. The financial part of its platform had five planks, demanding the unconditional repeal of the resumption act; the issue of all paper money by the General Government, the same to be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private; that no more interest bearing bonds of the Government of any kind or class be issued, and that the bonds then outstanding be paid as speedily as pos- sible; that the coinage of silver be placed on the same footing as that of gold, and that the national banking law be repealed.
The republican convention was held in Detroit, June 13, 187S. It was prob- ably the strongest in its personnel of any delegate political convention ever held in the state, and included in its membership many of the veterans who had helped form the party at Jackson twenty-two years earlier. The financial plank of its platform was long enough to constitute an essay on debt and currency. Some of its most meaty sentences were the following:
"We denounce repudiation in every form. We regard the plighted faith of a community as binding upon all its members, and failure to fulfill a public obli- gation as a stain upon both public and private honor. We insist that the debts of the nation shall be paid with the same fairness and integrity with which the honest man seeks to pay his individual debts. We assert that the value of paper currency, whether issued by the government or the banks is derived from its promise to pay and the credit that promise is worth; that the full benefit of such currency cannot be realized unless it is convertible on demand into gold and silver; that this country is too great to submit to a subordinate place among com- mercial nations and its people too honest to be content with unredeemed and irre- deemable promises; and in the name of all the producing classes, and every honest working man, we demand a currency that is not only worth its face value all over the Union, but will command respect, recognition and its full value in every market of the world."
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The ringing utterances of the platform attracted country-wide attention. Among others the New York Times said of it: "The Michigan republicans have done well. Their platform has about it the clear ring of honest convictions, un- dulled by any half-hearted and halting compromise. So bold and courageous an enunciation of the financial creed of the republican party has certainly not been made this year, nor has the irreconcilable hostility of the party to all forms of tampering with public credit and national honor become as resolutely and judi- ciously stated as in the Detroit convention."
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