History of Fillmore County, Including the Explorers and Pioneers of Minnesota, Part 32

Author: Edward D. Neill
Publication date: 1882
Publisher:
Number of Pages:

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From Spirit Lake the murderers proceeded to Springfield, at the outlet of Shetek, or Pelican lake, near the head waters of the Des Moines river; where they remained encamped for some days, trading with Mr. William Wood from Man- kato, and his brothers. Here they succeeded in killing seventeen, including the Woods, making, in all, forty-seven persons, when the men rallied, and firing upon them, they retreated and deserted that part of the country. Of the four women taken captives by Inkpaduta, Mrs. Stevens and Mrs. Noble were killed by the Indians, and Mrs. Marble and Miss Gardner were rescued by the Wapaton Sioux, under a promise of reward from the Government, and for which the three Indians who brought in these captives received each one thousand dollars.

The Government had required of the Sioux the delivery of Inkpaduta and his band as the condi- tion for the payment of their annuities. This was regarded by certain of the bands as a great wrong visited upon the innocent for the crimes of the guilty. One of their speakers (Mazakuti Mani), in a council held with the Sissetons and Wapatons, August 10, 1857, at Yellow Medicine, said:

"The soldiers have appointed me to speak for them. The men who killed the white people did not belong to us, and we did not expect to be called upon to account for the deeds of another band. We have always tried to do as our Great Father tells us. One of our young men brought in a captive woman. I went out and brought in the other. The soldiers came up here and our men assisted to kill one of Inkpaduta's sons at this place. The lower Indians did not get up the war- party for you; it was our Indians, the Wapatons and Sissetons. The soldiers here say that they

were told by you that a thousand dollars would be paid for killing each of the murderers. We with the men who went out, want to be paid for what we have done. Three men were killed, as we know. * * * * * All of us want our money very much. A man of another band has done wrong, and we are to suffer for it. Our old women and children are hungry for this. I have seen $10,000 sent here to pay for our going out. I wish our soldiers were paid for it. I suppose our Great Father has more money than this."

Major Pritchette, the special government agent, thought it necessary to answer some points made by Mazakuti Mani, and spoke, in council, as fol- lows:

"Your Great Father has sent me to see Super- intendent Cullen, and to say to him he was well satisfied with his conduct, because he had acted ac- cording to his instructions. Your Great Father had heard that some of his white children had been cruelly and brutally murdered by some of the Sioux nation. The news was sent on the wings of the lightning. from the extreme north to the land of eternal summer, throughout which his children dwell. His young men wished to make war on the whole Sioux nation, and revenge the deaths of their brethren. But your Great Father is a just father and wishes to treat all his children alike with justice. He wants no innocent man punished for the guilty. He punishes the guilty alone. He expects that those missionaries who have been here teaching you the laws of the Great Spirit had tanght you this. Whenever a Sioux is injured by a white man your Great Father will punish him, and expects from the chiefs and warriors of the great Sioux nation that they will punish those In- dians who injure the whites. He considers the Sioux as a part of his family; and as friends and brothers he expects them to do as the whites do to them. He knows that the Sioux nation is divided into bands; but he knows also how they can all band together for common protection. He expects the nation to punish these murderers, or to deliver them up. He expects this because they are his friends. As long as these murderers remain un- punished or not delivered up, they are not acting as friends of their Great Father. It is for this reason that he has witheld the annuity. Your Great Father will have his white children pro- tected; and all who have told you that your Great Father is not able to punish those who injure them will find themselves bitterly mistaken. Your

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REPORT OF SPECIAL AGENT.

Great Father desires to do good to all his children and will do all in his power to accomplish it; but he is firmly resolved to punish all who do wrong."

After this, another similar council, September 1, 1857, was held with the Sisseton and Wapaton band of Upper Sioux at Yellow Medicine. Agent Flandrau, in the meantime, had succeeded in or- ganizing a band of warriors, made up of all the "annuity" bands, under Little Crow. This expe- dition numbered altogether one hundred and six, besides four half-breeds. This party went out af- ter Inkpaduta on the 22d of July, 1857, starting from Yellow Medicine.

On the 5th of August Major Pritchette reported to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, "That the party of Indians, representing the entire Sioux na- tion, under the nominal head of Little Crow, re- turned yesterday from the expedition in search of Inkpaduta and his band," after an absence of thir- teen days.

As this outlaw, Inkpaduta, has achieved an im- mortality of infamy, it may be allowable in the historian to record the names of his followers. In- kpaduta (Scarlet Point) heads the list, and the names of the eleven men are given by the wife of Tateyahe, who was killed by the party of Sioux under Little Crow, thus: Tateyahe (Shifting Wind); Makpeahoteman (Roaring Cloud), son of Inkpaduta, killed at Yellow Medicine; Makpiope- ta (Fire Cloud), twin brother of Makpeohotoman; Tawachshawakan (His Mysterious Feather), killed in the late expedition; Bahata (Old Man); Kech- omon (Putting on as He Walks); Huhsan (One Leg); Kahadai (Rattling), son-in-law of Inkpa- duta; Fetoa-tanka (Big Face); Tatelidashinksha- mani (One who Makes Crooked Wind as He Walks); Tachanchegahota (His Great Gun), and the two boys, children of Inkpaduta, not named.

After the band had been pursued by Little Crow into Lake Chouptijatanka (Big Dry Wood), distant twenty miles in a northwestern direction from Skunk Lake, and three of them killed out- right, wounding one, taking two women and a little child prisoners, the Indians argued that they had done sufficient to merit the payment of their annuities; and on the 18th of August, 1854, Maj. Cullen telegraphed the following to the Hon. J. W. Denver, commissioner of Indian affairs:

"If the department concurs, I am of the opinion that the Sioux of the Mississippi, having done all in their power to punish or surrender Inkpaduta and his band, their annuities may with propriety

be paid, as a signal to the military movements from Forts Ridgely and Randall. The special agent from the department waits an answer to this dispatch at Dunleith, and for instructions in the premises."

In this opinion Major Pritchette, in a letter of the same date, concurred, for reasons therein stated, and transmitted to the department. In this letter, among other things, the writer says:

"No encouragement was given to them that such a request would be granted. It is the opinion, however, of Superintendent Cullen, the late agent, Judge Flandrau, Governor Medary, and the general intelligent sentiment, that the an- nuities may now with propriety, be paid, without a violation of the spirit of the expressed deter- mination of the department to withhold them until the murderers of Spirit Lake should be surren- dered or punished. It is argued that the present friendly disposition of the Indians is manifest, and should not be endangered by subjecting them to the wants incident to their condition during the coming winter, and the consequent temptation to depredation, to which the withholding their money would leave them exposed."

The major yielded this point for the reasons stated, yet he continued:

"If not improper for me to express an opinion, I am satisfied that, without chastising the whole Sioux nation, it is impossible to enforce the sur- render of Inkpaduta and the remainder of his band." * * "Nothing less than the entire extirpation of Inkpaduta's murderous outlaws will satisfy the justice and dignity of the government, and vindicate outraged humanity."

We here leave the Inkpaduta massacre, remark- ing only that the government paid the Indians their annuities, and made no further effort to bring to condign punishment the remnant who had escaped alive from the pursuit of Little Crow and his soldiers. This was a great error on the part of our government. The Indians construed it either as an evidence of weakness, or that the whites were afraid to pursue the matter further, lest it might terminate in still more disastrous re- sults to the infant settlement of the state border- ing upon the Indian country. The result was, the Indians became more insolent than ever be- fore. Little Crow and his adherents had found capital out of which to foment future difficulties in which the two races should become involved. And it is now believed, and subsequent circum-

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HISTORY OF THE SIOUX MASSACRE.

stances have greatly strengthened that belief, that Little Crow, from the time the government ceased its efforts to punish Inkpaduta, began to agitate his great scheme of driving the whites from the state of Minnesota; a scheme which finally cul- minated in the ever-to-be-remembered massacre of August, A. D. 1862.

The antecedent exciting causes of this massacre are numerous. The displaced agents and traders find the cause in the erroneous action of the Gov- ernment, resulting in their removal from office. The statesman and the philosopher may unite in tracing the cause to improper theories as to the mode of acquiring the right to Indian lands. The former may locate the evil in our system of treaties, and the latter in our theories of govern- ment. The philanthropist may find the cause in the absence of justice which we exhibit in all our intercourse with the Indian races. The poet and the lovers of romance in human character find the true cause, as they believe, in the total absence of all appreciation of the noble, generous, confiding traits peculiar to the native Indian. The Chris- tian teacher finds apologies for acts of Indian atrocities in the deficient systems of mental and moral culture. Each of these different classes are satisfied that the great massacre of August, 1862, had its origin in some way intimately con- nected with his favorite theory.

Let us, for a moment, look at the facts, in rela- tion to the two races who had come into close con- tact with each other, and in the light of these facts, judge of the probable cause of this fearful collision. The white race, some two hundred years ago, had entered upon the material conquest of the American continent, armed with all the ap- pliances for its complete subjugation. On the shores of this prolific continent these new ele- ments came in contact with a race of savages with many of the traits peculiar to a common human- ity, yet, with these, exhibiting all, or nearly all, the vices of the most barbarous of savage races. The period of occupancy of this broad, fertile land was lost in the depths of a remote antiquity. The culture of the soil, if ever understood, had .been long neglected by this race, and the chase was theit principal mode of gaining a scanty sub- sistence. It had lost all that ennobled man, and was alive only to all his degradations. The white man was at once acknowledged, the Indian being judge, superior to the savage race with which he had come in contact.

Here, then, is the first cause, in accordance with a universal principle, in which the conflict of the two races had its origin. It was a conflict of knowledge with ignorance, of right with wrong. If this conflict were only mental, and the weapons of death had never been resorted to in a single instance, the result would have been the same. The inferior race must either recede before the su- perior, or sink into the common mass, and, like the raindrops falling upon the bosom of the ocean, lose all traces of distinction. This warfare takes place the world over, on the principle of mental and material progress. The presence of the supe- rior light eclipses the inferior, and causes it to retire. Mind makes aggression upon mind, and the superior, sooner or later, overwhelms the infe- rior. This process may go on, with or without the conflict of physical organisms. The final result will be the same.

Again, we come to the great law of right. The white race stood upon this undeveloped continent ready and willing to execute the Divine injunc- tion, to replenish the earth and subdue it. On the one side stood the white race armed with his law; on the other the savage, resisting the execution of that law. The result could not be evaded by any human device. In the case before us, the Indian races were in the wrongful possession of a conti- nent required by the superior right of the white man. This right, founded in the wisdom of God, eliminated by the ever-operative laws of progress, will continue to assert its dominion, with varying success, contingent on the use of means employed, until all opposition is hushed in the perfect reign of the superior aggressive principle.

With these seemingly necessary reflections, we introduce the remarks of the Sioux agent touching the antecedents of the great massacre, unparalleled in the history of the conflict of the races. The agent gives his peculiar views, and they are worthy of careful consideration.

Major Thomas Galbraith, Sioux Agent, says:

"The radical, moving cause of the outbreak is, I am satisfied, the ingrained and fixed hostility of the savage barbarian to reform and civilization. As in all barbarous communities, in the history of the world, the same people have, for the most part, resisted the encroachments of civilization upon their ancient customs; so it is in the case before us. Nor does it matter materially in what shape civilization makes its attack. Hostile, opposing forces meet in conflict, and a war of social elements

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VIEWS OF MAJOR GALBRAITH.

is the result civilization is aggressive, and bar- barism stubbornly resistant. Sometimes, indeed, civilization has achieved a bloodless victory, but generally it has been otherwise. Christianity, it- self, the true basis of civilization, has, in most in- stances, waded to success through seas of blood. * * * Having stated thus much, I state as a settled fact in my mind, that the encroachments of Christianity, and its handmaid, civilization, upon the habits and customs of the Sioux Indians, is the cause of the late terrible Sioux outbreak. There were, it is true, many immediate inciting causes, which will be alluded to and stated hereafter, but they are subsidiary to, and developments of, or incident to, the great cause set forth. * * * But that the recent Sioux outbreak would have happened at any rate, as a result, a fair conse- quence of the cause here stated, I have no more doubt than I doubt that the great rebellion to overthrow our Government would have occurred had Mr. Lincoln never been elected President of the United States.

"Now as to the existing or immediate causes of the outbreak: By my predecessor a new and radical system was inaugurated, practically, and, in its inauguration, he was aided by the Christian missionaries and by the Government. The treaties of 1858 were ostensibly made to carry this new system into effect. The theory, in substance, was to break up the community-system which prevailed among the Sioux; weaken and destroy their tribal relations, and individualize them, By giving them each a separate home. *

* On the * 1st day of June, A. D. 1861, when I entered upon the duties of my office, I found that the system had just been inaugurated. Some hundred fami- lies of the Annuity Sioux had become novitiates, and their relatives and friends seemed to be favor- ably disposed to the new order of things. But I also found that, against these, were arrayed over five thousand "Annuity Sioux," besides at least three thousand Yanktonais, all inflamed by the most bitter, relentless, and devilish hostility.

"I saw, to some extent, the difficulty of the situation, but I determined to continue, if in my power, the civilization system. To favor it, to aid and build it up by every fair means, I advised, encouraged, and assisted the farmer novitiates; in short, I sustained the policy inaugurated by my predecessor, and sustained and recommended by the Government. I soon discovered that the system could not be successful without a sufficient force

to protect the "farmer" from the hostility of the "blanket Indians."

"During my term, and up to the time of the out- break, about one hundred and seventy-five had their hair cut and had adopted the habits and cus- toms of white men.

"For a time, indeed, my hopes were strong that civilization would soon be in the ascendant. But the increase of the civilization party and their evi- dent prosperity, only tended to exasperate the In- dians of the 'ancient customs,' and to widen the breach. But while these are to be enumerated, it may be permitted me to hope that the radical cause will not be forgotten or overlooked; and I am bold to express this desire, because, ever since the outbreak, the public journals of the country, religious and secular, have teemed with editorials by and communications from 'reliable individuals,' politicians, philanthropists, philosophers and hired 'penny-a-liners,' mostly mistaken and sometimes willfully and grossly false, giving the cause of the Indian raid."

Major Galbraith enumerates a variety of other exciting causes of the massacre, which our limit will not allow us to insert in this volume. Among other causes, * * that the United States was itself at war, and that Washington was taken by the negroes. * * But none of these were, in his opinion, the cause of the outbreak, . The Major then adds:

"Grievances such as have been related, and numberless others akin to them, were spoken of, recited, and chanted at their councils, dances, and feasts, to such an extent that, in their excitement, in June, 1862, a secret organization known as the 'Soldier's Lodge,' was founded by the young men and soldiers of the Lower Sioux, with the object, as far as I was able to learn through spies and informers, of preventing the 'traders' from going to the pay-tables, as had been their custom. Since the outbreak I have become satisfied that the real object of this 'Lodge' was to adopt measures to 'clean out' all the white people at the end of the payment."

Whatever may have been the cause of the fear- ful and bloody tragedy, it is certain that the man- ner of the execution of the infernal deed was a deep-laid conspiracy, long cherished by Little Crow, taking form under the guise of the "Sol- diers' Lodge," and matured in secret Indian coun- cils. In all these secret movements Little Crow was the moving spirit.

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HISTORY OF THE SIOUX MASSACRE.

Now the opportune moment seemed to have come. Only thirty soldiers were stationed at Fort Ridgely. Some thirty were all that Fort Ripley could muster, and at Fort Abercrombie one com- pany, under Captain Van Der Hork, was all the whites could depend upon to repel any attack in that quarter. The whole effective force for the defense of the entire frontier, from Pembina to the Iowa line, did not exceed two hundred men. The annuity money was daily expected, and no troops except about one hundred men at Yellow Medi- cine, had been detailed, as usual, to attend the an- ticipated payment. Here was a glittering prize to be paraded before the minds of the excited sav- ages. The whites were weak; they were engaged in a terrible war among themselves; their atten- tion was now directed toward the great struggle in the South. At such a time, offering so many chances for rapine and plunder, it would be easy to unite, at least, all the annuity Indians in one common movement. Little Crow knew full well that the Indians could easily be made to believe that now was a favorable time to make a grand attack upon the border settlements. In view of all the favorable auspices now concurring, a famous Indian council was called, which was fully attended by the "Soldiers' Lodge." Rev. S. R. Riggs, in his late work, 1880, ("Mary and I"), referring to the outbreak, says:

"On August 17th, the outbreak was commenced in the border white settlements at Acton, Minne- sota. That night the news was carried to the Lower Sioux Agency, and a council of war was called." * * * "Something of the kind had been meditated and talked of, and prepared for undoubtedly. Some time before this, they had formed the Tee-yo-tee-pee, or Soldiers' Lodge."

A memorable council, convened at Little Crow's village, near the Lower Agency, on Sunday night previous to the attack on Fort Ridgely, and pre- cisely two weeks before the first massacres at Ac- ton. Little Crow was at this council, and he was not wanting in ability to meet the greatness of the occasion. The proceedings of this council, of course, were secret. Some of the results arrived at, however, have since come to the writer of these pages. The council matured the details of a con- spiracy, which for atrocity has hitherto never found a place in recorded history, not excepting that of Cawnpore.

The evidence of that conspiracy comes to us, in part, from the relation of one who was present at

the infamous council. Comparing the statement of the narrative with the known occurrences of the times, that council preceded the attack on the Government stores at the Upper Agency, and was convened on Sunday night; the attack on the Upper Agency took place the next day, Monday, the 4th of August; and on the same day, an at- tempt was made to take Fort Ridgely by strategy. Not the slightest danger was anticipated. Only thirty soldiers occupied the post at Fort Ridgely and this was deemed amply sufficient in times of peace. But we will not longer detain the reader from the denouement of this horrible plot.

Our informant states the evidences of the de- crees of the council of the 3d of August, thus:

"I was looking toward the Agency and saw a large body of men coming toward the fort, and supposed them soldiers returning from the pay- ment at Yellow Medicine. On a second look, I observed they were mounted, and knowing, at this time, that they must be Indians, was surprised at seeing so large a body, as they were not expected. I resolved to go into the garrison to see what it meant, having, at the time, not the least suspicion that the Indians intended any hostile demonstr.s- tion. When I arrived at the garrison, I found Sergeant Jones at the entrance with a mounted howitzer, charged with shell and canister-shot, pointed towards the Indians, who were removed but a short distance from the guard- house. I inquired of the sergeant what it meant? whether any danger was apprehended ? He replied indif- ferently, "No, but that he thought it a good rule to observe that a soldier should always be ready for any emergency."

These Indians had requested the privilege to dance in the inclosure surrounding the fort. On this occasion that request was refused them. But I saw that, about sixty yards west of the guard house, the Indians were making the necessary preparations for a dance. I thought nothing of it as they had frequently done the same thing, but a little further removed from the fort, under some- what different circumstances. I considered it a singular exhibition of Indian foolishness, and, at the solicitation of a few ladies, went out and was myself a spectator of the dance.

"When the dance was concluded, the Indians sought and obtained permission to encamp on some rising ground about a quarter of a mile west of the garrison. To this ground they soon re- paired, and encamped for the night. The next

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EVIDENCE OF CONSPIRACY.

. moning, by 10 o'clock, all had left the vicinity of the garrison, departing in the direction of the Lower Agency. This whole matter of the dance was so conducted as to lead most, if not all, the residents of the garrison to believe that the In- dians had paid them that visit for the purpose of dancing and obtaining provisions for a feast.

"Some things were observable that were unu- sual. The visitors were all warriors, ninety-six in number, all in undress, except a very few who wore calico shirts; and, in addition to this, they all car- ried arms, guns and tomahawks, with ammunition pouches suspended around their shoulders. Pre- vious to the dance, the war implements were de- posited some two hundred yards distant, where they had left their ponies. But even this circum- stance, so far as it was then known, excited no suspicion of danger or hostilities in the minds of the residents of the garrison. These residents were thirty-five men; thirty soldiers and five citi- zens, with a few women and children. The guard that day consisted of three soldiers; one was walk- ing leisurely to and fro in front of the guard- house; the other two were off duty, passing about an.1 taking their rest; and all entirely without ap- prehension of danger from Indians or any other foe. As the Indians left the garrison without do- ing any mischief, most of us supposed that no evil was meditated by them. But there was one man who acted on the supposition that there was al- ways danger surrounding a garrison when visited by savages; that man was Sergeant Jones. From the time he took his position at the gun he never left it, but acted as he said he believed it best to do, that was to be always ready. He not only re- mained at the gun himself, but retained two other men, whom he had previously trained as assistants to work the piece.

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History of Fillmore County, Including the Explorers and Pioneers of Minnesota, Part 32

Author: Edward D. Neill Publication date: 1882 Publisher: Number of Pages:

Author: Edward D. Neill
Publication date: 1882
Publisher:
Number of Pages: