USA > Minnesota > Freeborn County > History of Freeborn County, including explorers and pioneers of Minnesota, and outline history of the state of Minnesota > Part 33
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Interpreter Quinn, now dead. told the narrator of the foregoing ineidents that Little Crow had said, repeatedly, in their councils, that the Indians could kill all the white men in the Minnesota Val- ley. In this way, he said, we can get all our lands baek; that the whites would again want these lands, and that they could get double annuities. Some of the councils at which these suggestions of Lit- tle Crow were made, dated, he said, as far back as the summer of 1857, immediately after the Ink- paduta war.
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On the 17th day of August, 1862, Little Crow, Inkpaduta, and Little Priest, the latter one of the Winnebago chiefs, attended church at the Lower Agency, and seemed to listen attentively to the services, conducted by the Rev. J. D. Hinman. On the afternoon of that day Little Crow invited these Indians to his honse, a short distance above the Agency. On the same day an Indian eonncil was held at Rice Creek, sixteen miles above the Lower Agency, attended by the Soldiers' Lodge. Inkpaduta, it is believed, and Little Priest, with some thirteen Winnebago warriors, attended this council. Why this council was held, and what was its object, ean easily be imagined. The de- crees of the one held two weeks before had not been executed. The reason why the fort was not taken has been narrated. The other part of the same scheme, the taking of the agency at the Yellow Medicine, on the same day the fort was to have fallen, will be alluded to in another chapter. It then became necessary for the conspirators to hold another council, to devise new plans for the exe- eution of their nefarious designs upon the whites.
The Aeton tragedy, forty miles distant, had taken place but a few hours before this council was eon- vened. On Monday, the 18th of August, theso
Aeton murderers were seen at the mill on Crow river, six miles from Hutchinson, with the team taken from Aeton; so that these Indians did not go to the Lower Ageney, but remained in the country abont Hntehinson. One of the number only returned to the Ageney by the next morning after the council at Riee Creek had been held. All that followed in the bloody drama, originated at this conneil of Death, over which Little Crow presided, on Sunday afternoon, the 17th day of August, 1802, on the evening of the same day of the Acton murders. The general massacre of all white men was by order of this council, to eom- mence at the Ageney, on the morning of the 18th, and at as many other points, simultaneously, as could be reached by the dawn of day, radiating from that point as a eenter. The advantage gained by the suddenness of the attack, and the known panic that would result, was to be followed up until every settlement was massacred, Fort Ridgely taken, both Agencies burned, New Ulm, Mankato, St. Peter, and all the towns on the river destroyed, the whole country plnndered and devas- tated, and as many of the inhabitants as were left alive were to be driven beyond the Mississippi river. The decree of this savage eouneil, matured on a Christian Sabbath, by Indians, who were sup- posed to be eivilized, so immediately after atten- tively listening to the gospel of peace, filled the measure of the long-cherished conspiraey matnred by Little Crow, until it was full of the most hope- ful results to his polluted and brutal nature. "Once an Indian, always an Indian," seems in this instance to have been horribly demonstrated.
CHAPTER XXXII.
CHANGE OF INDIAN OFFICIALS-PAYMENT OF 1861- REPORT OF AGENT GALBRAITH-UPPER AND LOWER BANDS-SUPPLIES-ATTACK ON THE WARE- HOUSE-RENVILLE RANGERS-RETURN TO FORT RIDGELY.
The change in the administration of the Gov- ernment in 1861, resulting, as it did, in a general ehange in the minor offiees throughont the conn- try, earried into retirement Major William J. Cul- len, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Northern Superintendeney, and Major Joseph R. Brown, Agent for the Sioux, whose places were filled respectively by Colonel Clark W. Thomp- son and Major Thomas J. Galbraith. Colonel
189
MAJOR GALBRAITIT'S REPORT.
Thompson entered upon the duties of his office in May of that year, and Major Galbraith on the first day of June. In that month the new agent and many of the new employes, with their fami- lies, took up their residence on the reservations.
These employes, save a few young men who were employed as laborers, were, with two excep- tions, men of families, it being the policy of the agent to employ among the Indians as few un- married men as possible.
During that year nothing occurred on the res- ervations of an unusual character more than the trouble with which the Agents had always to deal at every semi-annual gathering at the Agencies. We say "semi-annual," because they came in the summer to draw their annuities, and again in the autumn for their winter supply of goods.
It has been usual at the payment of annuities to have a small force of troops to guard against any untoward event which might otherwise occur. The payment to the lower bands, in 1861, was made in the latter part of June, and to the upper bands about the middle of July. These pay- ments were made by Superintendent Thompson in person.
The Sisseton bands came down to the Ageney at a very early day, as had always been their habit, long before the arrival of the money, bringing with them a large body of Yanktonais (not annuity Sioux), who always came to the payments, claiming a right to a share of the an nuities issued to the Indians.
These wild hunters of the plains were an un- failing element of trouble at the payments to the upper bands. At this last payment they were in force, and by their troublesome conduct, caused a delay of some days in the making of the payments. This was, however, no unusual oceurrence, as they always came with a budget of grievances, upon which they were wont to dilate in council. This remark is equally true of the aunuity Indians. Indeed, it would be very strange if a payment could be made without a demand, on the part of the "young men," for three or four times the amount of their annual dues.
These demands were usually accompanied by overt acts of violence; yet the payment was made; and this time, after the payment, all departed to their village at Big Stone Lake They came again in the fall, drew their supply of goods, and went quietly away.
It so turned out, however, that the new agent,
Galbraith, came into office too late to insure a large crop that year. He says:
"The autumn of 1861 closed upon us rather un- favorably. The crops were light; especially was this the case with the Upper Sioux; they had little or nothing. As heretofore communieated to the Department, the cut-worms destroyed all the Sisetons, and greatly injured the crop of the Wapatons, Medawakantons, Wapakutas. For these latter I purchased on credit, in anticipation of the Agricultural and Civilization Funds, large quantities of pork and flour, at current rates, to support them during the winter.
"Early in the autumn, in view of the necessitous situation of the Sisetons, I made a requisition on the department for the sum of $5,000, out of the special fund for the relief of 'poor and destitute Indians;' and, in anticipation of receiving this money, made arrangements to fe d the old and in- firm men, and the women and children of these people. I directed the Rev. S. R. Riggs to make the selection, and furnish me a list.
"He carefully did this, and we fed, in an econ- omical, yea, even parsimonious way, about 1,500 of these people from the middle of December until nearly the first of April. We had hoped to get them off on their spring hunt earlier, but a tre- mendous and unprecedented snow-storm during the last days of February prevented.
"In response to my requisition, I received $3,000, and expended very nearly $5,000, leaving a deficiency not properly chargable to the regular funds, of about $2,000.
"These people, it is believed, must have per- ished had it not been for this scanty assistance. In addition to this, the regular issues were made to the farmer Indians in payment for their labor.
* * * *
* * *
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"In the month of August, 1861, the supermten- dents of farms were directed to have ploughed 'in the fall,' in the old public and neglected private fields, a sufficient quantity of land to provide 'plantings' for such Indians as could not be pro- vided with oxen and implements. In pursuance of this direction, there were ploughed, at rates ranging from $1.50 to $2,00 per acre, ac- cording to the nature of the work, by teams and men hired for the purpose, for the Lower Sioux, about 500 acres, and for the Upper Sioux, abont 475 acres. There were, also, at the same time, ploughed by the farmer Indians and the depart- i ment teams, about 250 acres for the Lower, and
190
HISTORY OF THE SIOUX MASSACRE.
about 325 acres for the Upper Sionx. This fall ploughing was continued until the frost prevented its further proseention. It was done to facilitate the work of the agricultural department, and to kill the worms which had proved so injurious the previous year. *
"The earp uter-shops at both Agencies were supplied with lumber for the manufacture and re- pair of sleds, wagons, and other farming utensils. Sheds were erceted for the protection of the cattle and ntensils of the depertment, and the farmer Indians, assisted by the department carpenters, erected stables, pens, and ont-houses for the pro- tretion of their cattle, horses and utensils. * Ilay, grain, and other supplies were provided. and, in short, every thing was done which the means at command of the agent would justify.
"The work of the autumn bring thus closed, I set about making preparations for the work of the next spring and summer, and in directing the work of the winter. I made calculations to ereet, during the summer and autumn of 1862, at least fifty dwelling-houses for Indian families, at an estimated average cost of $300 each; and also to aid the farmer Indians in ereeting as many ad- ditional dwellings as possible, not to exceed thirty or forty; and to have planted for the Lower Sioux, at least 1,200 acres, and for the Upper Sioux, at least 1,300 acres of crops, and to have all the land planted, except that at Big Stone Lake, inclosed by a fence.
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"To carry out these calenlations, early in the the winter the superintendents of farms, the black- smiths, the carpenters, and the superintendents of schools were directed to furnish estimates for the amount of agricultural implements, horses, oxen, wagons, carts, buikling material, iron, steel, toels, and supplies needed to carry on successfully their several departments for one year from the open- ing of navigation in the spring of 1862.
"These estimates were prepared and furnished me about the 1st of February. In accordance with these estimates, I proceeded to purchase, in open market, the articles and supplies recommend cd.
"I made the estimates for one year, and pur- chases accordingly, in order to seenre the benefit of transportation by water in the spring, and thus avoid the delays, vexations, and extra expense of transportation by lant in the fall. The bulk of purchases were made with the distinct understand- ing that payment would be made out of the fun Is
belonging to the quarter in which the goods, im- plements, or supplies, were expended."
"Thus it will be seen that, in the spring of 1862, there was on hand supplies and material sufficient to carry us through the coming year. * *
* Flins, to all appearance. the spring season opened propitiously. * ** To carry out my original * design of having as much as possible planted for the Indians at Big Stone Lake and Lar qui Parle as early in the month of May, 1862, as the condi- tion of the swollen streams would permit, I visited Lae qui Parle and Big Stomme Lake, going as far as North Island, in Lake Traverse, having with me Antoine Freniere, United States Interpreter, Dr. J. L. Wakefield, physician of the Upper Sionx, and Nelson Givens, assistant Agent. At Lac qui Parle I found the Indians willing and anxious to plont. I inquired into their condition and wants, and made arrangements to have them supplied with seeds and implements, and directed Amos W. Huggins, the school teacher there, to aid and in- struct them in their work, and to make proper distribution of the seeds and implements furnished, and placed at his disposal an ox-team and wagon and two breaking-teams, with instructions to de- vote his whole time and attention to the superin- tendence aud instruction of the resident Indians during the planting season, and until the erops were cultivated and safely harvested.
"I also found the Indians at Big Stone Lake and Lake Traverse very anxious to plant, but without any means whatever so to do. I booked over their fields in order to see what could be done. After having inquired into the whole matter, Finstructed Mr. Givens to remain at Big Stone Lake and sul- perintend and direct the agricultural operations of the season, and to remain there until it was too late to plant any more. I placed at his disposal ten double plough teams, with men to operate them, and ordered forward at once one hundred bushels of seed corn and five hundred bushels of reed potatoes, with pumpkin, squash, turnip, and other seeds, in reasonable proportion, together with a sufficient supply of ploughs, hoes, and other implements for the Indians, and a black- smith to repair breakages; and directed him to see that every Indian, and every Indian horse or pony, did as much work as was possible. * *
. "On my way down to the agency. I visited tho plantings of Tahampih'da, (Rattling Moccasin ). .1: zasha, ( Red Iron ), Mahpiya Wicasta, (Cloud Van), and Rattling Cloud, and found that the
191
MAJOR GALBRAITIT'S REPORT.
Superintendent of Farms for the Upper Sioux had, in accordance with my instructions, been faithfully attending to the wants of these bands. IIe had supplied them with implements and seeds, and I left them at work. On my arrival at the Agency, I found that the farmer Indians residing there- abouts had, in my absenee, been industriously at work, and had not only completed their plowing, but had planted very extensively. The next day after my arrival at the Agency, I visited each farmer Indian at the Yellow Medicine, and con- gratulated him on his prospect for a good crop, and spoke to him snch words of encouragement Es oeeurred to me.
"The next day I proceeded to the Lower Agency, and then taking with me Mr. A. H. Wagner, the Superintendent of Farms for the Lower Sioux, I went around each planting, and, for the second time, visited each farmer Indian, and found that, in general, my instructions had been carried out. The plowing was generally completed in good order, and the planting nearly all done, and many. of the farmer Indians were engaged in repairing old and making new fences. I was pleased and gratified, and so told the Indians-the prospect was so encouraging.
"About the first of July I visited all the plant- ings of both the Upper and Lower Sioux, except those at Big Stone Lake, and found, in nearly every instance, the prospects for good crops very hopeful indeed. The superintendents of farms, the male school teachers, and all the employes assisting them, had done their duty. About this . time Mr. Givens returned from Big Stone Lake, and reportel to me his success there. From all I knew and all I thus learned, I was led to believe that we would have no 'starving Indians' to feed the next winter, and little did I dream of the un- fortunate and terrible outbreak which, in a short time, burst upon us, * * *
"In the fall of 1861, a good and substantial school-room and dwelling, a store-house and black- smith-shop, were completed at Lae qui Parle, and, about the first of November, Mr. Amos W. Hug- gins and his family occupied the dwelling, and, assisted by Miss Julia La Frambois, prepared the school-room, and devoted their whole time to teaching such Indian eliildren as they could in- duce to attend the school.
"The storehouse was supplied with provisions, which Mr. Huggins was instrueted to issue to the children and their parents at his diseretion. Here
it may be permitted me to remark to Mr. Hug- gins, who was born and raised among the Sioux, and Miss La Frambois, who was a Sioux mixed- blood, were two persons entirely capable and in every respect qualified for the discharge of the duties of their situation, than whom the Indians had no more devoted friends. They lived amor , the Indians of choice, because they thought they could be beneficial to them. Mr. Huggins exer- cised nothing but kindness toward them. He fed them when hungry, clothed them when naked, attended them when sick, and advised and cheered them in all their difficulties. He was intelligent, energetic, industrious, and good, and yet he was one of the first victims of the outbreak, shot down like a dog by the very Indians whom he had so long and so well served. * *
"In the month of June, 1862, being well aware of the inHnence exerted by Little Crow over the blanket Indians, and, by his plausibility. led to believe that he intended to act in good faith, I promised to build him a good brick house pro- vided that he would agree to aid me in bringing around the idle young men to habits of industry and civilization, and that he would abandon the leadership of the blanket Indians and become a 'white man.'
"This being well understood, as I thought, I directed Mr. Nairn, the carpenter of the Lower Sionx, to make out the plan and estimates for Crow's house, and to proceed at once to make the window and door frames, and to prepare the lum- ber necessary for the building, and ordered the teamsters to deliver the necessary amount of brick as soon as possible. Little Crow agreed to dig the eellar and haul the necessary lumber, both of which he had commenced. The carpenter had nearly completed his part of the work, and the brick was being promptly delivered at the time of the outbreak.
"On the 15th of Angust, only three days pre- vious to the outbreak, I had an interview with Little Crow, and he seemed to be well pleased and satisfied. Little indeed did I suspect, at that fime, that he would bo the Icader in the terrible outbreak of the 18th,"
There were planted, according to the statement of Agent Galbraith in his report, on the lower reservation, one thousand and twenty-five acres of eorn, two hundred and sixty acres of potatoes, sixty acres of turnips and ruta-bagas, and twelve acres of wheat, besides a large quantity of feld
192
HISTORY OF THE SIOUX MASSACRE.
and garden vegetables. These crops, at a low estimate, would have harvested, in the fall, 74,865 bushels. There were, on the lower reservation, less than three thousand Indians, all told. This erop, therefore, would have yielded full twenty- tive bushels to each man, woman and child, in- eluding the blanket as well as the farmer Indians
"There were, also, of growing erops, in fine con- dition, on the upper reservation, one thousand one hundred and ten aeres of eorn, three hundred acres of potatoes, ninety aeres of turnips and ruta-bagas, and twelve acres of wheat, and field and garden vegetables in due proportion. 'These, at a low estimate, would have harvested 85,740 bushels. There were, on the upper reservation, a little over four thousand annuity Sioux. This crop, therefore, would have harvested them about twenty-one bushels for each man, woman and child, ineluding, also, the blanket Indians.
Thus, under the beneficent workings of the hu- mane policy of the Government inaugurated in 1858, they were fast becoming an independent people. Let it be borne in mind, however, that these results, so beneficial to the Indian, were ac- complished only through the sleepless vigilance and untiring energy of those who had the welfare of these rude, savage beings in their care.
Major Galbraith, after giving these statistics of the erops on the reservations, and the arrange- ments made for gathering hay, by the Indians, for their winter's use, says:
" I need hardly say that onr hopes were high at the prospects before us, nor need I relate my chagrin and mortification when, in a moment, I found these high hopes blasted forever."
Such, then, was the condition, present and pros- pective, of the "Annuity Sioux Indians," in the summer of 1862. No equal number of pioncer settlers on the border eould, at that time, make a better showing than was exhibited on these reser- vations. They had in fair prospect a surplus over and above the wants of the entire tribes for the coming year. This had never before occurred in their history.
The sagacity and wise forethought of their agent, and the unusually favorable season, had amply provided against the possibility of recurring want. The coming winter would have found their granaries full to overflowing. Add to this the fact that they had a large cash annuity coming to them from the Government, as well as large amounts of goods, consisting of blankets, cloths,
groceries, flour and meats, powder, shot, lead, etc., and we confidently submit to the enlightened reader the whole question of their alleged griev- anees, confident that there can be but one verdict at their hands, and that the paternal care of the Government over them was good and just; nay, generous, and that those having the immediate su- pervision of their interests were performing their whole duty, honestly and nobly.
The hopes of the philanthropist and Christian beat high. They believed the day was not far distant when it could be said that the Sioux Indi- ans, as a ruce, not only could be civilized, but that here were whole tribes who were eivilized, and had abandoned the ehase and the war-path for the cul- tivation of the soil and the arts of peace, and that the juggleries and sorcery of the medieinc-men had been abandoned for the milder teachings of the missionaries of the Cross.
How these high hopes were dashed to the earth, extinguished in an ocean of blood, and their own bright prospects utterly destroyed, by their horri- ble and monstrous perfidy and unheard of atroci- ties, it will be our work, in these pages, to show.
We are now rapidly approaching the fatal and bloody denouement, the terrible 18th of August, the memory of which will linger in the minds of the survivors of its tragie seencs, and the succeed- ing days and weeks of horror and blood, till rea- son kindly ceases to perforin its office, and blots out the fearful record in the oblivion of the grave.
Again we quote from the able report of Major Galbraithı:
"About the 25th of June, 1862, a number of the chiefs and head men of the Sissetons and Wapa- tons visited the Agency and inquired about the payments; whether they were going to get any (as they had been told, as they alleged, that they would not be paid,) and if so, how much, and when? I answered them that they would cer- tainly be paid; exactly how much I could not say, but that it would be nearly, if not quite, a full payment; that I did not know when the pay- ment would be made, but that I felt sure it could not be made before the 20th of July. I advised them to go home, and admonished them not to come back again until I sent for them. I issued pro- visions, powder and shot and tobacco to them, and they departed.
"In a few days after I went to the Lower Agency, and spoke to the lower Indians in regard to their payments. As they all lived within a few miles of
193
ATTACK ON UPPER AGENCY.
the Agency, little was said, as, when the money came, they could be called together in a day. I remained about one week there, visiting the farms and plantings, and issued to the Indians a good supply of pork, flour, powder, shot, and tobacco, and urged upon them the necessity of cutting and securing hay for the winter, and of watching and keeping the birds from their corn.
" I left them apparently satisfied, and arrived at Yellow Medicine on the 14th of July, and found, to my surprise, that nearly all the Upper Indians had arrived, and were encamped about the Agency. I inquired of them why they had come, and they answered, that they were afraid something was wrong; they feared they would not get their money, because white men had been telling them so.
" Being in daily expectation of the arrival of the money, I determined to make the best of it, and notified the Superintendent of Indian Affairs accordingly.
"How were over 4,000 Annuity, and over 1,000 Yanktonais Sioux, with nothing to eat, and entirely dependent on me for supplies, to be provided for ? I supplied them as best I could. Our stock was nearly used up, and still, on the 1st day of Au- gust, no money had come.
" The Indians complained of starvation. I held back, in order to save the provisions to the last moment. On the 4th of August, early in the morning, the young men and soldiers, to the num- ber of not less than four hundred mounted, and one hundred and fifty on foot, surprised and de- ceived the commander of the troops on guard, and surrounded the camp, and proceeded to the warehouse in a boisterous manner, and in sight of, and within one hundred and fifty yards of one hundred armed men, with two twelve-pound mountain howitzers, cut down the door of the warehouse, shot down the American flag, and entered the building, and before they could be stopped had carried over one hundred sacks of flour from the warehouse, and were evi- dently bent on a general 'elearing out.'
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