USA > Missouri > A history of Missouri from the earliest explorations and settlements until the admission of the state into the union, Volume I > Part 17
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47 "Sketches of New Mexico," p. 141.
48 Catlin's "New American Indians," vol. ii, p. 23.
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HISTORY OF MISSOURI
lived on a great river, may refer to the Osages. According to Peni- caut, these Osages were known as "Wahas," afterward more partic- ularly spelled by Sibley "Washawhas," the name of this tribe being variously pronounced and written.
It may be that at that time the Osages resided on or near the Missouri, perhaps near the mouth of the Osage river, and the Kan- sas Indians at the mouth of the Kansas river or east of the mouth of this river. It is possible that even at that time the Osages had some of their villages on the upper Osage, where they were subsequently visited by the French explorers. The Indian tribe referred to by Castaneda as the "Guas" undoubtedly refers to the "Kaws" or "Quans," afterward known as the "Kanza," "Canze," "Kansaw," and Kansas. At any rate, a distinct resemblance can be recognized in the sound, if not the spelling, of these names. These "Guas," says Castaneda, were at war with the "Teyas," the Indians of the plains. These "Teyas" and the "Cayas" metioned by Garcilasso de la Vega seem also to be the same people. So, also, "Cano" and "Tanico" apparently are the same name. When we take into account the unknown and barbaric sound which these Indian names must have had for the Spaniards when they first heard them, it is surprising that the difference in spelling is not greater. Coronado observes that the Indians found in Quivira had the advantage over the Indians of the plains in the houses they built and in planting corn; thus referring to the Osages, who, as far as known, always planted corn and pumpkins. The "Kaws" or " Quans" also raised corn. This was made possible by their situation. The Indians of the plains could not protect their corn from the buffalo, and corn, even now, is an uncertain crop in central and western Kansas and Nebraska. A barbarian will not engage in uncertain agriculture. If there is absolute certainty of a crop he may be induced to plant, otherwise not. The bottoms of the Missouri and its tributaries yield a certain return for every planting. In addition, the hilly character of the country enabled the Indian to protect and guard his crops.
Finally, the country graphically pictured by Jaramillo certainly describes western Missouri. He says: "This country presents a very fine appearance, than which I have not seen a better in all our Spain, nor Italy, nor any part of France, nor indeed, in the other countries where I have traveled in his majesty's service; for it is
I35
COUNTRY WELL SETTLED
not a very rough country, but it is made up of hillocks and plains, and very fine appearing rivers and streams which certainly suit me and made me sure that it will be very fruitful in all sorts of products." The narratives all say that the country abounded in fruit, "a variety of Castilian prunes which are not all red, but some of them black and green," and that there were "grapes along some of the streams of fair flavor not to be improved upon." If this description could possibly identify the locality, Coronado certainly found Quivira in Missouri.49 But Castaneda further says that the great river of Espiritu Santo, either meaning the Missouri or Mississippi, "flows through this country" and passes through a province called "Ara- che," perhaps the country of the Arkansas Indians, or, as spelled by the early travelers, 'Akensea,' about which he said he obtained "reliable information when at Quivira." It should be noted that the Arkansas Indians dwelt near the mouth of the Ohio river nearly four hundred years ago. Quivira, it is said in the narratives, "is well settled." 50 The only well settled Indian country east of the Pecos, measured by the Indian standard, was on the Mississippi river, and to some extent on the lower Missouri and its tributaries. Coronado was looking for a settled country where people lived in houses, raised corn and vegetables, not for roving bands of Indians, or Querechos, as he called them. It is certain that at that time the territory of Kansas and Nebraska was not a well-settled Indian country, although it is possible some Indian villages may have existed on the banks of the Missouri, where they may have raised some corn.
Our conclusion is, that in what is now central Missouri, or possi- bly on the Mississippi below the mouth of the Missouri, Coronado finally thought he found Quivira. Here, after so many hardships and labors, and no doubt sore disappointments, he erected a cross, says valiant Captain Jaramillo, at the foot of which these words were chiseled: "Francesco Vasquez de Coronado, General of the Army, arrived here."
49 From this description of the fauna and flora, it has been attempted to prove that Coronado's expedition reached Nebraska .- Nebraska Historical Society, vol. i, p. 198.
50 14 Report, Bureau of Ethnology, part i, p. 528.
CHAPTER V
Exploration a Spanish Trait of Character-Spanish Adventurers Attracted by Fabled Riches and Inaccessibility of Quivira-Illegal Expedition of Bonilla and Humana in 1594-They Quarrel, Bonilla Killed-Humana Reaches the Great Settlements and Crosses a Broad River-He and His Followers, Except Alonzo Sanchez, Massacred-Expedition of Don Juan de Onate to Quivira-Battle with Escanjaques or Arkansas Indians- Expedition of Alonzo Vaca in 1634-Expedition of Don Diego Dionisios de Penalosa y Briceno-Narrative of Padre Freytas Discredited-Inter- esting Career and Vicissitudes of Penalosa-Conflict with the Spanish Inquisition -Wanderer and an Exile-French Naval Expedition of La Salle Attributed to Penalosa-Account of Penalosa's Expedition to Quivira.
The Spaniards were indefatigable explorers. Failure and disap- pointments seem only to have stimulated them to greater endeavors. Boldly and courageously they pushed into the wilderness interior of the continent, fascinated and beguiled by the hope of discovering new and unknown realms of marvelous wealth and splendor. The failure of Pamphilo de Narvaez did not dampen their enthusiasm. The fruitless march of Coronado in search of Quivira did not destroy their glowing expectations, and the tragic fate of De Soto did not restrain their boundless enterprise. Many of these adventurers perished in their wanderings. Doubtless many tales of hardships and endurance among savage Indians have passed unknown and unsung into the abyss of oblivion, because unchronicled by any sur- vivor. Only here and there we find a scanty record of larger and more important enterprises.
Quivira, especially on account of its great distance from the sea, its inaccessibility and supposed riches, filled the minds of the Spanish adventurers for over a century with visions of wealth. Thus we learn that Francisco Leiva Bonilla and Juan de Humana, in 1594, moved by the current reports, started from Nuevo Viscaya on an expedition to Quivira. This enterprise was denounced as illegal and traitorous, but this did not stop the adventurers. Out on the plains Bonilla and Humana quarreled. Bonilla was killed, and Humana then assumed the command of the filibusteros. Not long afterward he came to great settlements, and passing through these he reached a broad river which he crossed on rafts, and then on his return, so the
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BONILLA AND HUMANA
story goes, while encamped on the plains, "gold laden" it was sup- posed with spoils from that fabled land, the Indians set fire to the plains, rushed upon him, and he and his followers were massacred, except one, Alonzo Sanchez, who afterward bcame a great chief among the Indians. Three Mexican Indians who were with him deserted him in time to escape the disaster, and one of these, Jose, afterward related the story of the incidents of this contra bando enter- prise. There is scarcely any doubt that Humana penetrated as far east as Coronado, perhaps farther. The statement that he found large settlements, that he traveled through these and then crossed a broad river on a raft, would seem to indicate that he reached the Indian villages on the Mississippi or Missouri.1
The illegal enterprise of Humana seems to have stimulated Don Juan de Onate2, at that time governor and captain-general of New Mexico, who had been ordered to arrest the illegal entrada of Bonilla and Humana, to undertake an expedition to discover the mythical Quivira. He found the Indian deserter, Jose, and from him no doubt learned many particulars as to the route Humana followed, and the countries he discovered. In June, 1602, accompanied by two priests and eighty soldiers, he began his march from San Juan de los Caballeros, then, and for several years afterward, the capital of New Mexico. It was situated at the junction of the Rio Chama and the Rio Grande, and was the center of political and military operations.3 Onate is supposed to have followed Coronado's route for two hundred leagues, but Posadas, a good authority in the opinion of Bancroft, says that Onate marched three hundred leagues in search of Quivira, but again the course in which he marched is uncertain. If Onate moved in a direction slightly northeast three hundred leagues (nine hundred miles), such a march would bring him
1 H. H. Bancroft's "Arizona and New Mexico," p. 108.
2 Don Juan de Onate was a rich citizen of Zacatecas, son of the conquistador, Don Cristobal de Onate. His wife was a granddaughter of Montezuma. In 1595 he made a contract with the viceroy of Mexico to conquer and colonize New Mexico, and was authorized to raise an army at his own expense for the purpose. In case he carried out his agreement it was agreed that he should receive a large donation of land, title of nobility and liberal encomiendas and many other rewards for himself and followers. He was a man of great energy, enterprise, and indomitable will, and conducted many expeditions. He was governor and captain-general of New Mexico until about 1608. Nothing defi- nite is known as to his subsequent career, or.where he died .-- Vide Prince's "His- torical Sketches of New Mexico," p. 110 et seq.
- 3 H. H. Bancroft's " Arizona and New Mexico," p. 131.
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HISTORY OF MISSOURI
near the Mississippi. Among other events, it is recorded that Onate engaged in a battle with the "Escanjaques," perhaps the same Indians afterward known as the "Akansea" or Arkansas, at that time dwell- ing near the mouth of the Ohio. In this expedition large villages were seen by some of those marching in advance, who claimed that they found utensils of gold.4 Undoubtedly the most noteworthy cir- cumstance of Onate's march, bearing on the history of Missouri, is the fact that he met in battle the "Escanjaques." For, if we are cor- rect in assuming that these Indians can be none other than the Arkansas, or, as the name was spelled by the early French travelers and explorers, "Akansea," it would almost conclusively show that Onate traversed territory now within the limits of Missouri in the summer of 1601, three hundred years ago. The "Escanjaques" were then at war with the "Quivirans." The Indians were always engaged in war with each other The Spaniards were always looking for gold, and they measured the value of a country solely by the gold they found in it; hence they always at least heard of gold. So the chronicler reports that not far away in the country of the "Aijados" gold is said to be plentiful. For us the name and word "Aijados" is also interesting. May not these be the Ayovois 5 Ayoois,6 Pa-ho- jas,7 who had their lodges on the Missouri river? After several months Onate returned, reporting that he had found no gold, no silver, but that he had heard rumors that the precious metals were plentiful in the interior of the country farther away. Subsequently, in 1606, it is said that eight hundred Quivira Indians visited Onate at his capital in New Mexico with an "Axtaos" prisoner, and asked for aid in their war with these "Axtaos." Is not this name another form of the name "Escanjaques" we already know? It is left for us to imagine whether these tribes bearing names having a resem- blance, at least in sound, to the names of Indian tribes subsequently found to have their habitat in the region traversed by other early explorers, are indeed the same tribes.
It is recorded that in 1634 another expedition from New Mexico, under Captain Alonzo Vaca, marched east three hundred leagues to the great river across which was Quivira, but no particulars are
4 H. H. Bancroft's "Arizona and New Mexico," p. 151.
5 Margry, " Les Couriers des Bois," vol. vi., p. 396.
6 Ibid. p. 423.
7 "Long's Expedition," vol. i, p. 339.
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PENALOSA
accessible. The fact, however, that this explorer marched three hundred leagues east of Sante Fe would lead to the conclusion that he must have entered the limits of the present state of Missouri.
In addition, we have a history of an expedition of Don Diego Dionisio de Penalosa y Briceno,8 who was governor and captain- general of New Mexico in 1661-4, which deserves some notice here, but the narrative of Padre Freytas, one of the friars who claims that he accompanied this expedition, is much discredited. In fact, the whole story of this expedition is pronounced a fiction by Bancroft,9 and to sustain his conclusion he relies upon the fact that Padre Posa- das, who was custodio during Penalosa's term of office, makes no mention whatever of it.1º Duro, a Spanish historian, several years prior to the publication of Bancroft's history, expressed a similar opinion. So Penalosa is pronounced summarily "an adventurer and embustero," i. e., impostor. Yet Penalosa was a member of a distin- guished family. He had filled many important positions under the Spanish government in Peru and Mexico.
Before examining the probable causes why discredit has been thrown on the narrative of his expedition, and accepting the judg- ment so arbitrarily pronounced upon his career and character, it will not be uninteresting to learn something more of his descent and positions he held. In Margry 11 is found a short biography of Pena- losa, perhaps written by himself. From this, it appears that he was born at Lima, the capital of Peru, in the year 1624. Pedro Arias de Avila, governor of the Indies when De Soto came across the sea, was one of his ancestors. Diego de Ocampo, admiral of the South Seas, and Pedro de Valdivia, who at his own cost conquered the kingdom of Chili, were his great-grandfathers. His grandfather, Diego de Penalosa, held many important offices in Peru, and his father, Don Alonzo, held the position of governor of Arequipa and Arixcas and other positions, and was a knight of Calatrava. Don Diego himself, when he was a very young man, held the office of governor of Oma- suyos, was alcalde of Cuzco and finally provincial alcalde of the city of La Paz and five dependent provinces, in which office he lost fifty thousand crowns. On account of a quarrel with his brother, the
8 In Margry spelled "Penalossa," vol. iii., p. 39.
9 H. H. Bancroft's "Arizona and New Mexico," p. 169.
10 See note 66, H. H. Bancroft's "Arizona and New Mexico," p. 170.
11 Margry, "Recherche des Bouches du Mississippi," vol. iii., p. 39.
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HISTORY OF MISSOURI
Count de Salvatierra, viceroy of Peru, he abandoned the country, embarking at Calloa in the year 1652. The vessel in which he sailed foundered, and by this shipwreck he lost forty thousand crowns, sav- ing only ten or twelve thousand crowns in pearls and jewelry. After arriving at Panama he concluded to visit his uncle, Alonzo Bricenoy Cordova, bishop of Nicaragua, but on his voyage he suffered a second shipwreck, and reached his uncle in an impoverished condition. His uncle equipped him with everything necessary. He went from Nicaragua to Mexico, where he was received with great favor by the viceroy, the duke of Albuquerque. Shortly after his arrival the duke gave him command of a company of infantry, and in 1655 made him commandant of all the infantry sent to Vera Cruz to succor the fleet assembled there under the command of the Marques de Mont- Alegre, who had taken refuge in that port to avoid Cromwell's squad- ron of sixty-eight vessels, that had seized the island of Jamaica. While at Vera Cruz the viceroy ordered Penalosa to Havana with his troops to guard that important place, and there he remained for eleven months. When he returned he was made alcalde-major or governor of the province of Xiquilpa and Chilchota, and lieutenant- general of Mechoacan, and during the vice-royalty of the duke of Albuquerque filled other important positions. When the Marques de Banos succeeded in the vice-royalty, owing to the many com- plaints made against Don Lopez de Mendizaval, the governor of New Mexico, who had become embroiled in disputes with the offi- cers of the Inquisition and its partisans in 1660, he was appointed governor and captain-general of that province to adjust the troubles there. In 1661 he started for his government, then no inconsiderable journey, remaining two months in Zacatecas, waiting for his baggage, and one month at Parral, in New Biscay, to obtain the necessary supplies. After he arrived in New Mexico he quickly adjusted all differences existing there, made war upon the Apaches, who had annoyed the settlers, and forced them to sue for peace; established two new towns, erected many new public buildings, and explored new territories. But, like most of his predecessors, he had the misfor- tune to become embroiled with the officers of the Inquisition, who claimed unlimited powers and assumed to act independently in all matters. To arrest, so he claimed, their tyrannical and extravagant pretensions, he was compelled to imprison the principal commissioner in the rooms of his palace for eight days, in the hope that this lesson
14I
FINED BY THE INQUISITION
would moderate his pretensions. But when, in 1664, Penalosa returned to Mexico in order to lay before the viceroy further plans of discovery and conquest, on his arrival he was promptly arrested by the officers of the Inquisition and imprisoned for thirty-two months. All his actions and everything he said had been reported. His prop- erty, valued at three hundred thousand crowns, was sold for eighty- six thousand crowns to pay a fine of fifty-one thousand crowns, and the remaining thirty thousand crowns were never paid to him. He was marched bare-headed through the streets of Mexico, carrying a green candle, for having talked against the Santo Officio, and said things bordering on blasphemy.12 He was deprived of his govern- ment and declared incapable of holding any other position in New Spain. In order to secure relief from what he claimed to be perse- cutions, Penalosa determined to go to Spain. Leaving Mexico, he went to Vera Cruz in 1668 to sail to Havana, expecting to receive money there from Peru, but his misfortune followed him, and the terror of the Inquisition was so great that he never received any relief from Peru. In 1669, after waiting a long time in Havana, he embarked for Spain. On arriving at the Canary Islands he was detained, but finally in an English vessel reached London where he was presented to the king and the duke of York. However, here he was treated as a suspect by the Spanish ambassador, and from England went to France. In France he also received no encouragement from the Spanish government, and it is said in Margry that, owing to all these misfortunes and persecutions, he resolved to live under the protection "du plus grand Roy du monde, en attendant quelque rencontre favorable pur le retablissement de ses affaires." 13 From this, the conclusion seems fair, at any rate, that Penalosa belonged to a distinguished Spanish-American family, and that he cannot in any proper acceptation of the term be considered an adventurer and embustero. According to Freytas, his wife was a granddaughter of Hernando Cortez.
Very little is known about his administration of New Mexico while he was governor and captain-general of that province. Only one order, dated Santa Fe 1664, bears his autograph, an order which provided that Indians shall not be employed in spinning and weaving without the governor's license; that friendly Indians shall be well
12 H. H. Bancroft's "Arizona and New Mexico," p. 169.
13 Margry, "Recherche des Bouches du Mississippi," vol. iii., p. 44.
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HISTORY OF MISSOURI
treated, but that hostile Indians coming to trade must not be admitted into the towns, but lodge outside. The fact, however, that, like his predecessor, he became involved in conflict with the Santo Officio, stands out prominently. Naturally enough, therefore, Padre Posa- das,14 the custodio, would say very little, if anything, about Penalosa. His conviction ended his career in Spanish-America and Spain. In France, until his death in Paris in 1687, he was engaged in interesting the French government in organizing an enterprise for the conquest of New Biscay and New Mexico. No doubt his endeavors were very distasteful to the Spanish government, and aroused toward him great hostility. That these efforts alarmed the Spanish government is shown inferentially by two Spanish royal orders for the conquest of Quivira, one made in 1675 and another in 1678.15 His efforts and intrigues in some way were closely connected with the naval expedition of La Salle in 1682-7, ostensibly intended for the mouth of the Mississippi, but which landed on the coast of Texas, apparently bent on an invasion of New Mexico.16 It also should not be over- looked that generally it was the policy of the Spanish government to suppress the details and results of exploring expeditions, and thus may have emanated the statement that Penalosa "made no such entrada " and that Padre Freytas had invented the report he pub- lished afterward.
Without, however, attempting to decide as to the truthfulness of Padre Freytas' narrative of this expedition of Penalosa, we cannot well omit to give its details as recorded by him, leaving the reader to judge of the intrinsic probability of at least some of the main features of this narrative. Taking, then, the story of Padre Freytas as our guide, Don Diego Dionisio de Penalosa, in the early spring of 1662, moved with an expedition eastward to find Quivira. He was accom- panied by eighty Spanish soldiers, all well armed, and one thousand Indian allies with bows and arrows, six three-pounders, eight hun- dred horses, and three hundred mules. Thirty-six carts carried his provisions and ammunition; and for himself, not unmindful of his
14 How long Posadas was custodio is not quite clear. He says that Onate marched 300 leagues (900 miles) east from Santa Fe, in 1606, in search of Quivira, reaching the country of the Aigados (Iowas?). (See note 4, H. H. Bancroft's "Arizona and New Mexico," p. 149). Custodio in 1662 and when Penalosa marched to Quivira. Bancroft says that Padre Posadas is erroneously called Paredes.
15 See note 65, H. H. Bancroft's "Arizona and New Mexico," p. 169.
16 Margry, "Rapports de l'Abbé Bernou," vol. iii., p. 73 et seq.
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THE EXCANXAQUES
own comfort, he had provided a coach and litter, and two portable chairs. Father Freytas says that Penalosa marched eastward for two hundred leagues. Then he describes the country through which they passed, thus: "all through pleasing, peaceful, and most fertile fields, and so level that in all of them no mountains, or range, or any hill was seen, which finally ended at a very high and insuperable ridge which is near the sea, eight leagues beyond the great city of Quivira, called Taracari; and so agreeable and fertile are they that in all the Indies and Peru and New Spain, nor in Europe have any other such been seen, so pleasant and delightful, and covered with buffaloes or cows of Cibola, which caused notable admiration." The explorers, starting from Mexico, going east, always looked for the sea, and imagined that it was to be found just beyond the Ozarks that fringed the eastern horizon of the plains, and hence the statement that the sea was only eight leagues beyond Quivira is not surprising. They had no conception of the magnitude of the Mississippi valley, and likely considered the Ozark hills merely the outrunners of the Appala- chian range, which they knew faced the Atlantic.
Penalosa, as he progressed farther, found more and greater herds of buffaloes "and many very beautiful rivers, marshes, and springs, studded with luxuriant forest and fruit trees of various kinds, which produce palatable plums, large and fine grapes in great clusters, and of extremely good flavor, like those of Spain, and even better . abundance of roses, strawberries without end, small but savory; many Castilian partridges, quails, turkeys, sandpipers, pheasants, deer, stags, elk in very great number, and even one kind as large and developed as our horse." And so he marched on, as his chronicler says, "through these pleasant and most fertile fields, during the months of March, April, May, and the kalends of June, and arrived at a large river which they call the Mischipi, where we saw the first Indians of the Excanxaques (Arkansas) nation, who might be to the number of three thousand, most warlike, well armed and equipped in their manner, who were going to attack the first city of the Quiviras, who are their enemies, and are destroying themselves by continual wars."
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