USA > Mississippi > Mississippi : comprising sketches of towns, events, institutions, and persons, arranged in cyclopedic form Vol. II > Part 14
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In 1776, Don Bernardo de Galvez, son of the viceroy of Mexico, was made colonel of the regiment of Louisiana, a favored organiza- tion of French creoles. It was the year of the American declara- tion of independence, and a number of merchants trading at New Orleans from Boston, New York and Philadelphia, among them Oliver Pollock, procured a good supply of arms and ammunition for the inhabitants of western Pennsylvania, which they delivered to Col. Gibson, who had come down the river from Pittsburg .. (Gayarre.) This served as a check to the West Florida campaign projected by John Stuart. The Spanish authorities connived at this breach of neutrality, having confidential relations with the commercial agents.
Early in 1776 Gov. Unzage, at New Orleans, was asked to report his war resources. He said he would be practically helpless if attacked, and must retreat to the Mexican frontier. But he sent Bartholomew Beauregard to Philadelphia to get at the truth of the situation. Upon the transfer of Unzaga to Carracas, Col. Gal- vez became provisional governor Feb. 1, 1777, and within a few days two French commissioners arrived, to carry out an agreement of the home governments that Louisiana should be permitted to trade with the French West Indies. Consequently, under Galvez, the English trade supremacy was dethroned, and the French be- came the commercial masters. In April, 1777, the commissioners reported that Galvez had seized 11 English vessels, richly laden, which were trading with the planters on the river. To help the situation, the king of Spain offered to take all the tobacco the col- onists could raise, at a liberal price, and all restrictions were re- moved from the importation of negroes.
Galvez received several orders to give the American colonies secret assistance, and this was communicated to the revolutionary government. Boats came down in 1777 from Pittsburg to New
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Orleans for loads of army munitions, Pollock acting as agent in charge of this business.
Col. George Morgan, in command at Fort Pitt (Pittsburg, Pa.) writing to Galvez in April, 1777, proposed that if his excellency approved, an expedition might be organized of a thousand men, to capture Mobile and Pensacola. This was not, however, agree- able to Galvez, and he set about the building of gunboats to close the river against such a torrent of revolution. He might have feared the effect upon the French, who were not indisposed to fol- low the American example, as their friends at home did, a few years later. Galvez also reported that he had secured the pledges of the Choctaws, Chickasaws and Creeks to remain neutral be- tween the English and Americans and prevent the Americans- from crossing their territory to invade the Florida posts. What- ever he did served to defeat the plan of Stuart. Some negotiations relative to Natchez district are to be suspected from the Madrid advice to Galvez that if the Americans seized any British settle- ments on the Mississippi, and were disposed to deliver them up to Spain, in trust, Galvez should receive and hold them, with due regard to British interests.
It was in this condition of affairs that James Willing made his second expedition, and by the depredations of his troops caused acts of hostility, and drove a good many planters across the Mis- sissippi to seek Spanish protection, thereby giving some encour- agement to the plan of using the troubles of the revolution as a pretext to regain eastern Louisiana and all Florida. "The Span- iards here see with regret these conquests," the French commis- sioners wrote, "because it cuts off their hope of executing them on their account, and of thereby securing for themselves the exclu- sive possession of the gulf of Mexico." They added, revealing the hope of France, "It is the interest of Spain that France should recover the possession of Louisiana." The idea was to restore the old condition, before 1763. Spain would willingly relinquish Louis- iana to France. Her desire was Pensacola and East Florida, assur- ing command of the gulf, to protect Cuba and Mexico.
In July, 1778, the British flag had not been seen on the Missis- sippi river for three months, except at the masthead of the frigate on guard at Manchac.
Early in this year France had recognized American independ- ence, and thereupon sought the aid of Spain. Great Britain used her influence to prevent such a combination, and Madrid became the seat of a great diplomatic contest. There was actually no doubt of the disposition of Spain, but the eminent minister of Charles II, Florida Blanca, kept the situation open as long as pos- sible. It followed that in 1778-79 the position of Spain was of commanding importance. France was in a perilous situation, overwhelmed by debt and suffering from the destruction of her commerce. "Spain offered herself as mediator between the allies and their common enemy, and through her the terms of pacifica- tion were discussed. In the negotiations, protracted and on both
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sides largely insincere, between Spain and Great Britain relative to the proposed pacification, the winter of 1778-79 was consumed." -(Wharton.)
The propositions of Florida Blanca were rejected by England, probably as was expected when they were framed. Meanwhile the great Spaniard had negotiated all round the world in support of a war on England. Holland and Denmark were conciliated by trade concessions and their anger at English aggression fomented, Catherine of Russia was encouraged in the policy of armed neu- trality, a peace was promoted between Austria and Prussia in order to relieve France, an understanding was reached in India with Hyder Ali, Portugal and the Barbary powers were bound with treaties. Then, in June, 1779, with the earnest expression of indignation at the scornful treatment of her plans for peace, and protestations against English encroachments on Spanish com- merce and territory, Spain declared war on England, hoping to regain Gibraltar and Florida, the keys of the two great inland seas.
The Spanish Conquest followed, and this region again came under the sway of Louisiana.
Louisiana Relations, 1798-1803. In the early part of 1798 Win- throp Sargent, secretary and acting governor of the Northwest Territory, was engaged in suppressing an uprising of disaffected spirits under the French flag in the Illinois country, so impairing his health that he was really unfit to assume the government of the Mississippi territory. He was embarrassed after coming to Natchez by the presence of some of the Northwestern French sympathizers, while he was organizing militia under rumors of a French hostile fleet off the Balize. Mississippi territory was ex- pected to be the theatre of war, as Louisiana would undoubtedly be involved. Congress called for troops, on account of the relations with France. Gov. Sargent wrote to Andrew Ellicott, September 10, 1798: "I cannot close without congratulating you that the old and illustrious commander of our armies has again resumed the sword, and his example has been followed by a whole train of worthies-Knox, Pinckney and Hand, major-generals; Hamilton, inspector, and a whole host of brigadiers. Military ardour beats high, and the whole American world are in arms. The president is authorized to banish aliens, as he shall think proper, and I have seen the skeleton of a pretty comfortable sedition bill, which has since passed the house."
At the same time the governor informed the secretary of state that the opinion was prevalent at Natchez that Louisiana would be acquired by the French, and that the Creoles, who would fight for such a government, could raise an army of 2,500. "The In- dians (now I fear wavering), would be induced to join them, and in the aggregate constitute an enemy by no means contemptible to the United States." He advised the organizing of volunteers in the west to prevent the possession of Louisiana by the French, with provision for "early arrangement and sudden execution."
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Early in 1799 an address was sent to the government pledging the loyalty of Natchez district in the expected war with France. But the relations with Louisiana were peaceful. There were com- munications between the governors regarding the passage of fugitives from justice and deserters across the line, and the chronic war of the Choctaws and Chickasaws with the Osage Indians west of the Mississippi gave some annoyance, but the only serious apprehension of a revival of old troubles was when the Spanish governor, Marquis de Casa Calvo, began negotiations with the Choctaws in 1799. It appeared that the Spanish were sending out presents lavishly, were sour about the loss of trade, and were inviting the Choctaws to a council without regard to the terri- torial limits. The object seemed to be peaceful, however, and was - doubtless connected with the business of William Panton, the main spring of a great part of Spanish policy. William Augustus Bowles was loose again on the Florida coast, in the bay of Apa- lachee, and the military preparation that alarmed Gov. Sargent was for a naval expedition to capture again that perennial thorn in the flesh of Panton and the Spanish government. On reaching Pensacola later the expedition was blockaded by privateers, but Bowles was finally captured and lodged in Moro castle. Sargent feared that the Choctaws would be armed by the Spanish and enabled to express by hostilities their dissatisfaction at the slow- ness of the United States in fulfilling promises, but there was no disturbance of the peace. The Spanish government seems to have acted in good faith in regard to the threatened obstruction by the Choctaws of the Ellicott survey.
In the treaty of San Lorenzo it was agreed that the United States should have a place at New Orleans for depositing goods for export, from which they could be loaded on ocean going ships. The right of deposit at New Orleans was to run three years, from the ratification of the treaty (1796), when the king had the option to extend it or designate some other place. (See Treaty of San Lorenzo.) The language was somewhat ambiguous. Spain did not recognize the treaty as in force until 1798, and in the fol- lowing year the intendant of Louisiana, Juan Morales, considering the three years as expired, issued an order prohibiting the use of a depot at New Orleans, and naming no other place. This aroused great indignation throughout the west, to which the gen- eral government responded. War with France then seemed in- evitable, and the raising of an army was authorized by Congress, to be commanded by Gen. Washington, Daniel Clark, Jr., of New Orleans, was at Natchez in October, 1799, on his way to the cap- ital to give the government information regarding the Morales order. Gen. Wilkinson, a little while before this order was made, took boat at New Orleans, after visiting Gov. Gayoso and Intend- ant Morales. The latter reported to his government that in "moments of effusion," "moments when the individuals of that nation are in the habit of opening their hearts," (to arrive at which moments, it appears, Gayoso sacrificed his life .- Gayarre, III, 403,
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405), the General said he would see the president and return with full authority to help the Spanish against England, provided Spain did not declare war against the United States. Monette (Vol. I, 543) says that under the appearance of war with France, the United States was at this time preparing to "redress the wrongs upon American rights and commerce on the Mississippi, which In were more pressing than those from France on the ocean."
the Wilkinson papers, says Edward Everett Hale, who looked over them before they were burned, was a full account of "the proposal of John Adams, when he was president, to move an army from Cincinnati down the river and take New Orleans. The army was to be under the care of General Hamilton." (M. H. S., IV, 284.) If Adams had done this, he would have had a second term, Sar- gent also, perhaps. Intendant Lopez y Angullo, who took office January 1, 1800, made concessions, and commerce was revived. In the fall of the same year Spain secretly ceded Louisiana to Napo- leon, by the Treaty of San Ildephonso. The secret treaty was con- firmed by the treaty of Madrid, March 21, 1801, which, though its terms were kept secret, was known in Paris and London and com- municated by Rufus King to the United States government within a few weeks. It soon became known also, as a rumor, on the Mississippi, for Judge Lewis wrote to Gov. Claiborne, then at Nashville, September 3: "It seems to be confirmed that Spain has actually agreed to give up Louisiana to France." Claiborne commented, "I know not what grounds there are for this report, but it has prevailed in this State (Tennessee) for several months and obtained general belief."
It was a saying of Montesquieu that "it is happy for trading powers that God has permitted Turks and Spaniards to be in the world, since of all nations they are the most proper to possess a great empire with insignificance." That the French should again come into possession of the western empire the United States could not permit. Consequently the rumors of cession were a presage of war, and this occupied the mind of Gov. Claiborne dur- ing his administration, explaining in part his activity in regard to the militia. The diplomatic negotiations in regard to the cession were begun by the United States before Gov. Claiborne arrived at Natchez, along the line of policy of preventing the transfer or obtaining New Orleans and the Floridas as the price of agreement to it. But the Spanish government continued at New Orleans, and there was no disturbance in relations with Mississippi until by proclamation of October 16, 1802, Morales again suspended the right of deposit. The government was at this time, and probably had been for some time, worse than that of Turkey, as the French commissioner observed. Bribes were necessary to do business with all departments. Morales claimed that suspension of the right of deposit was necessary because the Americans could de- posit their goods "without paying anything else than storage." Morales also maintained, when the Spanish minister implored him to rescind his order, that he alone was responsible, and the gov-
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ernor had opposed his measure. The proclamation was very injurious to New Orleans, almost producing a famine by stopping the shipment of flour and other western produce, and aroused a storm of protest in the west, including another revival of threats by the restless to secede from the Union.
The Spanish governor also refused permission for the shipment of government stores from Natchez or Fort Adams for Fort Stod- dert, on the Tombigbee, and this being reported by William E. Hulings, vice consul at New Orleans, Gov. Claiborne addressed a remonstrance to the Spanish governor. The proclamation ap- peared to be "that the port of New Orleans is shut against for- eign commerce and the American deposit." Claiborne reported to Madison: "The late act of the Spanish government at New Orleans has excited considerable agitation in Natchez and its vicinity. It has inflicted a severe wound upon the agricultural and commercial interest of this territory, and must prove no less injurious to all the western country." There was not absolute prohibition of trade. Americans were allowed to land their prod- uce on payment of a duty of six per cent.
This famous suspension of the right of deposit figures as a mystery in history, but it may find a partial explanation in the fact that the United States proposed to ship goods for its new Choctaw trading post on the Tombigbee through New Orleans. This promised a serious disturbance of the trade enjoyed by Pan- ton, Leslie & Co., who were at the same time humbly beseeching the United States to permit the Choctaws to cede them a large area of land in payments of debts for merchandise.
The reply of Gov. Salcedo to Gov. Claiborne was that the sus- pension was the order of the intendant, who was independent of the general government of the province; but that it was in con- formity with the king's commands, under the treaty of peace in Europe, suspending the commerce of neutrals, the king having also determined upon the propriety of suspending the deposit, which had been permitted tacitly to continue. It was also alleged that it gave rise to an infinity of abuses and frauds upon the Span- ish government. Salcedo said the matter had been submitted to the home government, the orders of which would be obeyed. Meanwhile, the order was rigorously enforced, so much so, the governor of Mississippi reported, that when a cotton boat was up- set by the wind opposite New Orleans, there was some difficulty in obtaining permission to place the cotton taken from the river on the levee.
Gov. Claiborne wrote to Madison January 3, 1803 :
"The violation of the treaty, so far as related to the deposit at Orleans, gave rise to much agitation in this territory, and the recent attack upon every principle of friendly intercourse and of those acts of civility which ought to take place between two na- tions in a state of peace, has rendered the ferment still greater. We have in this part of the Territory, about two thousand militia, pretty well organized, and with a portion of this force (say six
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hundred men) my opinion is that New Orleans might be taken possession of, provided there should be only Spanish troops to defend the place. I deem it my duty to inform you that there are in Orleans and on the coast a number of inhabitants devoted to the American interest, and in the event of hostilities would most certainly join the American standard."
(This is the letter as recorded in the governor's journal. J. F. H. Claiborne's Mississippi gives two versions of it (pp. 239, 243), neither of which is correct, and one is a curious distortion.)
In acknowledging Gov. Claiborne's communication that the Morales order was without the direct command of either the gov- ernment of Spain or Louisiana, the governor was informed that James Monroe had been appointed (in January) minister pleni- potentiary and extraordinary, immediately to France and eventu- ally, if expedient, to Spain, for the purpose of more effectually securing and if practical enlarging the rights of the United States on the Mississippi and the territories eastward thereof. A letter was also sent to the government at New Orleans through Gov. Claiborne, from the Spanish minister, asking that the order of suspension be revoked. Claiborne forwarded this letter to Hul- ings in February, 1803.
Claiborne wrote in March, 1803, that Mr. Monroe's mission was highly satisfactory to most of the reflecting citizens of the Terri- tory, "but there are some few characters among us (from whose standing in society a contrary conduct was expected), who either from sinister views or sanguine temperaments reprobate the pol- icy pursued, and have not been wanting in exertions to inflame the public and excite among them a spirit of discontent."
January 5, 1803, according to the historian Claiborne, the gen- eral assembly adopted resolutions of protest against the suspen- sion of the right of deposit.
Morales persisted in his policy, yielding enough, however, to propose to admit flour and provisions subject to a duty of six per cent, if for the Louisiana market, or if for export subject to addi- tional duty, and no export permitted except in Spanish bottoms. General Wilkinson claimed that he secured this concession by negotiation from Fort Adams. It seems that actually, there was no great inconvenience from the order. Gov. Claiborne wrote in March, 1803: "The western boats are arriving daily at Natchez ; our markets are low, but there is no difficulty in exporting prod- uce from hence to the Atlantic states or to Europe. There are many vessels yet lying opposite to New Orleans waiting for return cargoes, and there are several more on their passage to Natchez in quest of freight which I understand is not high." In the absence of permission to land goods, the river boats trans- ferred their cargoes to the ocean vessels as they lay at anchor in the river.
The prospect of French occupation revived the talk of separat- ing the Mississippi valley from the United States. Daniel Clark wrote of the French prefect that had been sent to New Orleans :
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"He has already talked of mountains as natural boundaries and the advantages to be gained by the western people by the occupa- tion of this country by the French." Encouraged by a letter from the Mingo Pooskoos, of the Chickasawhay towns, the Chevalier Villiers was sent among the Choctaws to engage their friendship against the United States. So Power reported to Wilkinson. Power himself proposed to be a Frenchman if necessary, but un- der all conditions, he would be loyal to the great project he had in common with Wilkinson.
But Napoleon was compelled to abandon his "darling project" of a partition of North America with the English speaking peo- ples. He gave peace to the world in the treaty of Amiens. But regarding the subject of Louisiana England was ominously silent during those negotiations. She chose to misconstrue the purpose of the navy Napoleon was fitting out in the Dutch ports for New Orleans. The house of Hanover could not submit to French pre- dominance in Germany, nor English merchants endure French control of the gulf of Mexico. The British made counter demon- strations that forced from Napoleon the protest "I must have Malta or war." It became evident that to persist in his plan of paying his soldiers with grants of land in America, meant an alliance of England and the United States. Denied his dream of peace with supremacy on two continents he sold Louisiana to the United States and gave the signal for war on England.
Gov. Claiborne was notified November 9, 1803, of his appoint- ment as commissioner, with Gen. Wilkinson, to take possession of New Orleans and the province of Louisiana, also as successor of the Spanish governor-general until a form of government should be devised. Wilkinson had been busy lately retracing the boun- dary of Mobile district, north of the 31st parallel, and acting in connection with Indian affairs in Georgia, and his absence caused the governor much anxiety. Spain had remonstrated against the sale of the province by Napoleon, and it was prudent to be pre- pared for hostilities. The governor consulted with Captain Tur- ner, the commandant at Fort Adams, regarding the military escort, made his best efforts, with discouraging results, to get out the militia, and corresponded with Daniel Clark, consul at New Or- leans, regarding the situation there. Though the responses from Clark and the French prefect, Laussat, were promising of peace, the governor believed a show of military strength would have a good effect.
Prefect Laussat was visited at New Orleans November 23 by Gen. Wilkinson, on his way from Pensacola to meet Gov. Claiborne at Fort Adams, and just as the general was being ushered out, an officer delivered the instructions of Napoleon for taking posses- sion of Louisiana and delivering it to the United States. Laussat took possession for France November 30. The Spanish garrison having departed, Daniel Clark organized a battalion of Ameri- cans and French creoles, about 300 in all, to maintain order in the interim. Among these were Col. Reuben Kemper, George Mar-
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tin, George King, George Newman, Benjamin Morgan, Dr. Will- iam Flood and Woodson Wren, the latter afterward a postmaster and court clerk at Natchez.
At Natchez, December 1, Claiborne was able to embark for Fort Adams a company of the Natchez artillery, another of riflemen, and a company of militia infantry, in all about a hundred men, upon the schooner Bilboa, which he found on the opposite side of the river and impressed as a transport. He followed by land next day. Then followed a long delay at the fort. The boats for the expedition were not yet completed. On December 8 he wrote: "An embarkation is talked of on tomorrow, but so many prepara- tory arrangements yet remain to be performed, that I fear much longer delay. Our militia were mustered this morning and amount to about two hundred." The regular troops numbered about 250.
"On the 17th of December, the two American commissioners encamped within two miles of New Orleans." After communi- cating with Laussat, they visited his house, "with an escort of thirty of the Mississippi horse volunteers, and, on their approach, were saluted with nineteen guns." Laussat, with an escort, re- turned the call. Dec. 20, the American troops marched into the walled city, through the gate, greeted by a salute of 21 guns, and formed upon the plaza (now Jackson square) facing the Louisiana militia. At the city hall there was the formal reading and ex- change of documents, after which Laussat proclaimed the transfer of the province and handed the keys of the city to the governor of Mississippi, who then arose and spoke, welcoming the inhabi- tants upon their future participation in the rights of American citizens. The French tricolor dropped, the stars and stripes went up, the signal gun boomed, and the roar of cannon sounded from the batteries and boats, in which joyous tumult the Natchez artil- lery and their brass field piece had due participation.
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