USA > North Carolina > History of North Carolina: The Colonial and Revolutionary Periods 1584 1783, Volume I > Part 2
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Lane's first work was to build a fort and "sundry neces- sary and decent dwelling houses." From this "new Fort in Virginia," September 3, 1585, he wrote to his friend Rich- ard Hackluyt of London, the first letter, of which we have record, written in the English language from the New World. Lane fairly bubbled over with enthusiasm for the new coun- try, which, he declared, was "the goodliest soyle under the cope of heaven." In fact, he thought "if Virginia had but horses and kine in some reasonable proportion, being inhabited with English, no realme in Christendom were com- parable to it." To his exaggerated estimate of the riches of the country, we may trace the failure of Lane's colony. Three things only, he declared, were indispensable to make Virginia desirable for colonization by the English, viz., the finding of a better harbor than that at Roanoke; the discovery of a passage to the South Sea; and gold. Accordingly those energies which he ought to have devoted to the clearing of the forest, the erection of houses, and the tilling of the soil, he exhausted in premature explorations and a vain search for precious metals. In the prosecution of these undertakings the colonists consumed all of their pro- visions and before the close of their first winter in "Virginia" found themselves reduced to dependence upon the liberality of the savages for food. This, of course, soon proved a pre- carious and treacherous source of supplies.
During the winter Lane's relations with the Indians seemed to be all that could be desired. Two of the most powerful chiefs sent in their submission and the Indians on Roanoke Island built weirs for the white men and planted enough corn to feed them a year. But appearances were deceiving. Familiarity bred contempt, and the awe with which the red men at first regarded the whites rapidly disappeared
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INDIAN WARRIORS OF ROANOKE From the De Bry Engravings of the John White Paintings
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when familiarity proved them to be but common men. No longer to be welcomed as gods, they must be expelled as intruders, and around their council fires painted warriors con- sidered how this object might be most easily accomplished. Their leaders in these plots were Wingina and Wanchese. It was the former's brother Granganimeo, it will be recalled, who had welcomed Amadas and Barlow to the New World; the latter with Manteo had accompanied them on their return to Europe. Granganimeo and Manteo became the fast friends, Wingina and Wanchese the steadfast enemies of the English. Soon after Lane's arrival Granganimeo died, whereupon Win- gina, in accordance with some savage custom, changed his name to Pemisapan and began to plot the destruction of the invaders. His plot, which came to a head in the spring of 1586, was shrewdly laid. It embraced all the tribes north of Albemarle Sound, numbering about 1,500 warriors. They agreed to supply no food to the English, and to destroy their weirs, thus compelling them to scatter in search of food. After setting a day for the general attack, Pemisapan, in order to avoid Lane's daily demand for food, withdrew to Dasamonguepeuk on the mainland.
Pemisapan had planned well. Famine soon threatened. . the colony and Lane was about to walk into his enemy's cun- ning trap, when the whole plot was revealed to him. In this emergency he acted with enterprise and courage. Sending word to Pemisapan at Dasamonguepeuk that his fleet had arrived at Croatan from England-"though I in truth," he confesses, "neither heard nor hoped for so good adventure" -he said that on his way to meet it he would stop by Dasa- monguepeuk for supplies. Pemisapan was completely deceived. Lane marched upon his camp where he found the savage chief with several of his warriors awaiting him. At the signal agreed upon-the slogan "Christ our victory"- the Englishmen fell upon the savages "and immediately," as Lane reports, "those his chiefe men and himselfe had by the mercy of God for our deliverance, that which they had pur- posed for us." Pemisapan and several of his warriors were killed, the rest scattered, and the conspiracy fell to pieces. The Englishman adopted the strategy of the savage and beat him at his own game.
A few days after this victory, Sir Francis Drake in com- mand of a fleet of twenty-three sail arrived off the coast. He was a welcome visitor for, says Lane, he made "a most bountiful and honorable offer for the supply of our neces- sities to the performance of the action wee were entered into;
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and that not only of victuals, munitions, and clothing, but also of barks, pinnesses, and boats; they also by him to be victualled, manned and furnished to my contentation." But while preparations were being made to carry these generous measures into execution, "there arose such an unwonted storme, and continued foure dayes that had like to have driven all on shore, if the Lord had not held his holy hand over them." The vessels of Drake's fleet were "in great dan- ger to be driven from their ankoring upon the coast. For we brake many cables and lost many ankors. And some of our fleet which had lost all, (of which number was the ship appointed for Master Lane and his company) was driven to put to sea in great danger, in avoyding the coast, and could never see us againe untill we met in England. Many also of our small pinnaces and boates were lost in this storm." As a result of this experience, Lane, after consultation with Drake, decided to embarke his colony for England. Then Drake, says Lane, "in the name of the Almighty, weying his ankers (having bestowed us among his fleet) for the reliefe of whom hee had in that storme sustained more perill of wrake then [than] in all his former most honourable actions against the Spanyards, with praises unto God for all, set saile the nineteenth of June, 1586, and arrived in Portsmouth the seven and twentieth of July the same yeere."
Lane and his colonists found no precious metals in "Vir- ginia," but they introduced to the English people three arti- cles that have brought more gold and silver into the coffers of English-speaking peoples than the Spaniards took from the mines of Mexico and Peru. These were "uppowoc," "pagatour," and "openauk," articles first described for the English people by Hariot. Though now masquerading under other names we have no difficulty in recognizing in "uppo- wac" our tobacco, in "pagatour" our Indian corn, and in "openauk" our Irish potato. Everybody knows that the first man of rank to introduce the use of tobacco to the English people was Sir Walter Raleigh. He also introduced the cul- tivation of the potato into England and Ireland. No greater service was ever rendered the Irish people. So important to their welfare has the potato become that, though not native to the Emerald Isle, it is best known as the Irish potato.
Shortly before Lane's embarkation for England a ship fitted out by Raleigh "at his owne charge" and "fraighted with all maner of things in a most plentifull manner, for the supply and reliefe of his colony then remaining in Virginia," sailed from England for Roanoke Island. This vessel
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reached Hatteras immediately after the departure of the English colony, "out of this paradise of the world," but find- ing no settlers, returned to England. Two weeks later Sir Richard Grenville arrived with three ships. After diligent search for Lane's people he too turned his prow homeward; but "unwilling to loose the possession of the countrey which Englishmen had so long held, after good deliberation, he determined to leave some men behinde to reteine possession of the Countrey, whereupon he landed fifteene men in the Isle of Roanoke, furnished plentifully with all maner of provi- sions for two yeeres, and so departed for England."
Raleigh was not to be deterred from his great work by a single failure. The next year, 1587, "intending to persevere in the planting of his Countrey of Virginia," he sent out a new colony "under the charge of John White, whom hee appointed Governor, and also appointed unto him twelve assistants, unto whom he gave a Charter, and incorporated them by the name of Governor and Assistants of the Citie of Raleigh in Virginia." This colony contained seventeen wom- en and nine children. Ten of the men, it may be inferred from their names, were accompanied by their wives and chil- dren. They were, therefore, going to "Virginia" to seek per- manent homes. Three vessels, the Admiral, 120 tons, a fly- boat, and a pinnace, sailed from Portsmouth April 26, 1587, bearing this little colony to its mysterious fate. Following advice he had received from Lane, Raleigh ordered the fleet only to touch at Roanoke in order to bring off the men left by Grenville, and then to proceed to the Chesapeake Bay where he intended the settlement to be made. This order was not obeyed because the commander of the fleet, Simon Ferdi- nando, turned out to be a treacherous villain. Upon reaching Hatteras, the governor with forty men embarked in the pin- nace for Roanoke Island, and as they left the ship Ferdinando sent an order to the sailors in the pinnace "charging them not to bring any of the planters backe againe," but to leave them in the Island, "except the Governour, & two or three such as he approved, saying that the Summer was farre spent, wherefore hee would land the planters in no other place." From this decision there was no appeal this side of England and White, was forced against his will to land his colony on Roanoke Island. This landing occurred "in the place where our fifteene men were left, but we found none of them, nor any signe that they had bene there, saving onely wee found the bones of one of those fifteene, which the Savages had slaine long before." Passing to the north end of the island
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they found the houses and the ruins of the fort built by Lane. The houses were in good condition but the outer rooms "were overgrown with Melons of divers sorts, and Deere within them, feeding on those Melons." The work of repairing these houses and the building of new ones was undertaken without delay, and thus was begun the second attempt to found an English colony in America.
Two incidents in the life of this colony will always have a romantic interest. One was the baptism of Manteo who, in accordance with Raleigh's instructions, was christened Lord of Roanoke and Dasamonguepeuk "in reward of his faithful service." This ceremony occurred on August 13, 1587, and is the first instance on record of a Christian service by Eng- lish Protestants within the boundaries of the United States. A few days later occurred the second such service in connec- tion with the most interesting incident in the life of the little colony. On the 18th of August, Eleanor Dare, daughter of Governor White and wife of Ananias Dare, gave birth to a daughter, who was baptised on the following Sunday, "and because this child was the first Christian borne in Virginia, shee was named Virginia." More people perhaps know the story of Virginia Dare than of any other baby that ever lived in America, though the last ever heard of her was when she was but nine days old. The State of North Carolina has com- memorated her birth by embracing the very spot whereon she was born into a county called Dare.
Virginia Dare was but a few days old when occurred the last recorded event in the life of the settlement. It was neces- sary for somebody to return to England for supplies. Two of the governor's assistants were expected to go, but when the time came they refused to make the trip. Then "the whole company both of the Assistants and planters came to the Governour, and with one voice requested him to returne himselfe into England, for the better and sooner obtaining of supplies, and other necessaries for them." At first he would not listen to their entreaties, alleging that many of the colonists had been induced to come by his persuasion, and that if he left them he would be accused of deserting the col- ony. Besides they "intended to remove 50 miles further up into the maine presently," and he must remain to superin- tend this removal. But the next day "not onely the Assist- ants but divers others, as well women as men," renewed their request and offered to sign a statement "under their hands and seals" that his return was made at their earnest entreat- ies. This statement was duly executed and White "being at
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the last through their extreme intreating constrayned to returne into England," set sail from Roanoke August 27th. From that day to this the fate of Virginia Dare and the Roan- oke settlers has been a mystery.
Upon his arrival in England, White found the whole coun- try astir over the approach of the Spanish Armada called "Invincible." Every English vessel and every English sailor was in demand for the defence of the kingdom. There was no busier man in all England than Sir Walter Raleigh, yet he found time to listen to White's story and to prepare a small expedition for the relief of his colony; but at the very last moment orders came forbidding it to sail. Raleigh's influence, however, was deservedly great, and in April, 1588, he secured permission for two small vessels to go to Roanoke. They set sail but were driven back by Spanish war vessels. It was then too late to give any further attention to the hand- ful of settlers across the Atlantic; the great "Invincible Armada" was bearing down on England's coast and every man's first duty was at his post to defend his home and fire- side. Finally the great battle was fought and the Spaniards were driven crushed and shattered from the English Chan- nel. "God blew with his winds and they were scattered."
It was March, 1590, before White finally sailed for Roan- oke. Unfortunately he did not command the vessel in which he sailed but embarked as a passenger in a ship engaged in the West Indian trade. He arrived at Hatteras in the after- noon of August 15th. "At our first coming to anker on this shore," he wrote, "we saw a great smoke rise in the Ile Roan- oke neere the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1587, which smoake put us in good hope that some of the Colony were there expecting my returne out of England." The sea was rough and the crew experienced great difficulty in reach- ing Roanoke Island. On one of the attempts seven men were drowned. The last attempt was made with two boats manned by nineteen men. The experience of this party can best be given in White's own language. Says he: "before we could get to the place, where our planters were left, it was so exceeding darke, that we overshot the place a quarter of a mile; there we espied towards the North end of the Iland ye light of a great fire thorow the woods, to which we presently rowed : when wee came right over against it, we let fall our Grapnel neere the shore, & sounded with a trumpet Call, & afterwards many familiar English tunes of Songs, and called to them friendly; but we had no answer, we therefore landed at day breake, and coming to the fire, we found the grasse &
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sundry rotten trees burning about the place. From hence we went thorow the woods to that part of the Island directly over against Dasamonguepeuk, & thence we returned by the water side, round about the North point of the Island, untill we came to the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1586 [1587]. In all this way we saw in the sand the print of the Savages feet of 2 or 3 sorts troaden ye night, and as we entered up the sandy banke upon a tree, in the very browe thereof were curiously carved three faire Romane letters CRO: which letters presently we knew to signifie the place, where I should find the planters seated, according to a secret token agreed upon between them & me at my last departure from them, which was, that in any wayes they should not fail to write or carve on the trees or posts of the dores the name of the place where they should be seated; for at my coming away they were prepared to remove from Roanoke 50 miles into the maine. Therefore at my departure from them in An. 1587 I willed them, that if they should happen to be distressed in any of those places, that then they should carve over the letters or name, a Crosse X in this forme, but we found no such sign of distresse. And having well considered of this, we passed toward the place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found the houses taken down, and the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisado of great trees, with cortynes and flankers very Fortlike, and one of the chiefe trees or postes at the right side of the entrance had the barke taken off, and 5 foot from the ground in fayre Capitall letters was graven CROATOAN without any crosse or signe of dis- tress; this done, we entered into the palisado, where we found many bares of Iron, two piggies of lead, foure yron fowlers, Iron sacker-shotte, and such like heavie things, throwen here and there, almost over-grown with grasse and weedes. * * Presently Captaine Cooke and I went to the place, which was in the ende of an olde trench, made two yeeres past by Cap- tain Amadas: where wee found five Chests, that had bene carefully hidden of the Planters, and of the same chests three were my owne, and about the place many of my things spoyled and broken, and my books torne from the covers, the frames of some of my pictures and Mappes rotten and spoyled with rayne, and my armour almost eaten through with rust ; *
# but although it much grieved me to see such spoyle of my goods, yet on the other hand I greatly joyed that I had safely found a certaine token of their safe being at Croatoan, which is the place where Manteo was borne, and the Savages of the Iland our friends."
Vol. 1-2
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Preparations were made to proceed to Croatan "with as much speede" as possible, for the sky was threatening and promised a "foule and stormie night." The sailors embarked "with much danger and labour." During the night a fierce storm swept the sound and the next day "the weather grew to be fouler and fouler." The winds lashed the sea into a fury, cables snapt as though made of twine, three anchors were cast away and the vessels escaped wreck on the sand bars by a hair's breadth. Food ran low and fresh water gave out. Captain Cooke now refused to continue the search and determined to go to St. Johns, or some other island to the southward for fresh water and to continue in the West Indies during that winter "with hope to make 2 rich voyages of one." Governor White, much against his wishes, was com- pelled to acquiesce in this arrangement, but at his "earnest petitions" Captain Cooke agreed to return in the spring and renew the search for the colonists. It is well known that this was not done, for the voyage to the West Indies was unfortunate, the plans of the adventurers went awry, and they were compelled to return to England without going by way of Croatan. Thus was lost the last chance of learning definitely the fate of the "Lost Colony.'' 5
5 A discussion of the fate of the "Lost Colony" would be foreign to the purpose of this book. Those who wish to pursue this phase of the subject will find exhaustive treatments of it in "Sir Walter Ra- leigh's Lost Colony," by Hamilton McMillan, A. M., Advance Presses, Wilson, N. C., 1888; in "The Lost Colony of Roanoke," by Stephen B. Weeks, Ph. D., The Knickerbocker Press, New York, 1891; and in "Virginia Dare," by S. A. Ashe, in the "Biographical History of North Carolina," Vol. IV, pp. 8-18, Charles L. Van Noppen, Pub- lisher, Greensboro, N. C., 1906.
The theory advanced in these interesting discussions is that the colonists despairing of the return of White, moved to Croatan, inter- married with the Croatan Indians, and became the ancestors of the present tribe of Croatans in North Carolina. In support of this theory, appeal is made to White's narrative, above quoted; to John Smith's narrative; to a pamphlet entitled "A True and Sincere Dis- course of the Purpose and Ende of the Plantation begun in Virginia," published in 1610; to Strachey's "History of Travaile in Virginia Britannia," written sometime between 1612 and 1616, but not pub- lished until 1849; to John Lawson's "History of Carolina," pub- lished in 1709; and finally to the traditions, character, disposition, language and family names of the North Carolina Croatans of the present day.
Doctor Weeks thus summarizes the arguments in support of this theory : "Smith and Strachey heard that the colonists of 1587 were still alive about 1607. They were then living on the peninsula of Dasa- monguepeuk, whence they travelled toward the region of the Chowan and Roanoke rivers. From this point they travelled toward the south- west, and settled on the upper waters of the Neuse. John Lederer
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The departure of White did not end the search for the colonists. Other expeditions were sent out without success. As late as 1602 such an expedition sailed under the command of Samuel Mace. By the time Mace returned with his repe- tition of the sad story of failure, Raleigh had been attainted and his proprietorship to "Virginia" had escheated to the Crown. His efforts had cost him a large fortune amounting, it is estimated, to not less than a million dollars of our money. But, though his financial resources were exhausted, his spirit was as determined as ever, and he never despaired of seeing an English colony planted in "Virginia." "I shall . yet live to see it an English nation," he wrote just before his fall. To the realization of this prophecy no man contributed more than he. Among those who subscribed funds for the founding of the Jamestown colony were ten of those who con- stituted the incorporators of the "Citie of Raleigh in Vir- ginia" in 1587. In these men we have the connecting link between the Roanoke settlements and Jamestown. Therefore, although he himself never set foot on "Virginia soil," Raleigh will always be esteemed the true parent of North American colonization. An idea like his has life in it, though the plant may not spring up at once. When it rises above the surface the sower can claim it. Had the particular region of the New World not eventually become a permanent English settle- ment, he would still have earned the merit of authorship of the English colonizing movement. As Humbolt has said, "with- out him, and without Cabot, North America might never have grown into a home of the English tongue."6 This was
heard of them in this direction in 1670 and remarked on their beards, which were never worn by full-blooded Indians. Rev. John Blair heard of them in 1704. John Lawson met some of the Croatan In- dians about 1709, and was told that their ancestors were white men. White settlers came into the middle section of North Carolina as early as 1715, and found the ancestors of the present tribe of Croatan Indians tilling the soil, holding slaves, and speaking English. The Croatans of today claim descent from the Lost Colony. Their habits, disposition, and mental characteristics show traces both of savage and civilized ancestry. Their language is the English of three hundred years ago, and their names are in many cases the same as those borne by the original colonists. No other theory of their origin has been advanced. and it is confidently believed that the one here proposed is logically and historically the best, supported as it is, both by ex- ternal and internal evidence. If this theory is rejected, then the critic must explain in some other way the origin of a people which, after the lapse of three hundred years, show the characteristics, speak the language, and possess the family names of the second Eng- lish colony planted in the western world."-"The Lost Colony of Roanoke," pp. 38-39.
6 Stebbing: Sir Walter Ralegh, p. 48.
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Raleigh's greatest service to England and to the world. "Baffled in his efforts to plant the English race upon this con- tinent, he yet called into existence a spirit of enterprise which first gave Virginia, and then North America, to that race, and which led Great Britain, from this beginning, to dot the map of the world with her colonies." Such are the results that have sprung from the efforts of Raleigh, Lane, and White to plant an English colony on the shores of North Carolina. That judgment, therefore, is correct which declares that, looking back upon the events of the last three centuries, "We can hail the Roanoke settlement as the beginning of English colonization in America." 7
7 Henry : "Sir Walter Raleigh," in Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. III, p. 105.
CHAPTER II
EXPLORATIONS AND SETTLEMENT
Raleigh's efforts to plant a colony on Roanoke Island had failed, but they were not in vain. His work had stimulated the interest of the people of England in America, while his idea of another England beyond the Atlantic aroused in them that spirit of conquest and colonization to which the English race in Europe, in Asia, in Africa, in Australia, in the islands of the sea, and in America owes the world-wide predominance which it today enjoys among the races of mankind. In spite of their losses and disappointments, neither Raleigh nor those associated with him thought for a moment of abandon- ing their great purpose. They were quick, however, to take advantage of the lessons which their experience had taught them. Their failure had made it clear that the work of colon- ization was too costly to be successfully borne by any private individual; only the purse of the sovereign, or the combined purses of private persons associated in joint-stock companies were long enough to bear the enormous expenses incident to the settlement of the American wilderness. Out of Raleigh's bitter experience at Roanoke, therefore, came the organization of the great joint-stock company, known as the London Com- pany, which at Jamestown in Virginia planted the first per- manent English settlement in America. There is a vital connection between Roanoke and Jamestown. Among the subscribers to the stock of the London Company were ten of the men who had been associated with Raleigh in his efforts to plant a colony at Roanoke; while from the colony into which Jamestown subsequently developed came the first permanent settlers in the region which had been the scene of Raleigh's work.
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