USA > North Carolina > History of North Carolina: The Colonial and Revolutionary Periods 1584 1783, Volume I > Part 27
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frontier. They were unruly and dangerous allies, being, as Governor Dinwiddie said, "a dissatisfied set of People." The capture of Fort Duquesne, November 25, 1758, merely accentu- ated the danger, for the French driven from the Ohio imme- diately concentrated their intrigues upon the tribes on the Tennessee and the Catawba. Depredations on the back settle- ments by "French Indians" became more and more frequent, and their influence over the Cherokee became daily more ap- parent. In May, 1759, both the Carolinas were alarmed by re- ports of "many horrid murders" committed by the Lower Cherokee along the Yadkin and the Catawba. In July came another report of murders in the vicinity of Fort Dobbs by bands of Middle Cherokee. The white settlers, in great alarm, were abandoning their homes and "enforting themselves," some in Fort Dobbs, others among the Moravians at Betha- bara. Governor Dobbs hastily withdrew sixty men from Fort Granville at Ocracoke and Fort Johnston and sent them with some small cannon to the defence of the West with orders to cooperate with the militia of Orange, Anson and Rowan counties. Hugh Waddell, promoted to the rank of colonel, was again sent to Fort Dobbs to take com- mand on the frontier. He had scarcely reached his post when he received orders to hasten to the aid of Governor Lyttleton of South Carolina who was conducting an expedition against the Lower Cherokee, but while on the march with his rangers and 500 militia, he was halted by an express from Governor Lyttleton who had made peace with the enemy.
This peace, however, was of short duration. No sooner had Lyttleton withdrawn his forces from Fort Prince George than Oconostota, the young war chief, who had suffered per- sonal injuries at the hands of Governor Lyttleton, attacked the fort after treacherously murdering its commanding officer. War immediately broke out along the whole frontier. On the night of February 27, 1760, the dogs at Fort Dobbs by "an uncommon noise" warned Colonel Waddell that something unusual was going on outside. Investigation showed that the fort was surrounded by Cherokee warriors. After a hot fight Waddell beat them off with serious losses. Another band preparing for a night assault on Bethabara was frightened away by the ringing of the church bells. Still others laid waste the settlement at Walnut Cove. Across the mountains, Ocon- ostota laid seige to Fort Loudoun. In June, 1760, a relief
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expedition under Colonel Archibald Montgomery, consisting of 1,600 Scotch Highlanders and Americans, penetrated the Cherokee country as far as Echoee, near the present town of Franklin, where in a desperate engagement with the Cherokee, June 27, 1760, Montgomery was defeated and compelled to retreat to Fort Prince George. His retreat sealed the fate of Fort Loudoun. The garrison after being reduced to the necessity of eating their horses and dogs capitulated on con- dition that they be allowed to retire unmolested with their arms and sufficient ammunition for the march, leaving to the enemy their remaining warlike stores. Unfortunately the commanding officer, Captain Demeré, failed to carry out these terms in good faith and the Indians discovering his breach of the treaty fell upon the retreating soldiers, killed Demere and twenty-nine others and took the rest prisoners.
Harrowing reports of atrocities and butcheries, which con- tinued to spread throughout Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, aroused those colonies to a grim determina- tion to put an end to the power of their ruthless foes. A cam- paign was accordingly planned in which the three colonies were to have the assistance of Colonel James Grant and his regiments of Scotch Highlanders. In June, 1761, Grant assem- bled at Fort Prince George an army consisting of regulars, colonial troops, a few Chickasaw Indians and almost every re- maining warrior of the Catawba, numbering 2,600 men. Refus- ing Ata-kullakulla's request for a friendly accommodation, Grant pushed rapidly forward into the Cherokee country along the trail followed the previous year by Montgomery, until he came within two miles of Montgomery's battlefield. There on June 10th he encountered the Cherokee upon whom he inflicted a decisive defeat. He drove them into the recesses of the moun- tains, destroyed their towns, burned their granaries, laid waste their fields, and "pushed the frontier seventy miles farther to the west." The Cherokee, compelled to sue for peace, sent Ata-kullakulla to Charleston where he signed a treaty that brought the war to an end. In the meantime, Virginia troops had invaded the country of the Upper Cherokee and on Novem- ber 19th at the Great Island of the Holston, now Kingsport, Tennessee, forced them to sign a treaty independently of the middle and lower towns. These blows broke the power of the Cherokee, who were never again strong enough to stay the westward march of the white race.
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Although the fall of Quebec definitely decided the contest as between France and England, peace between the two powers was not signed until 1763. By this treaty France and Spain ceded to England all their North American possessions east of the Mississippi River. The probable effect on the Indians of the removal of their French and Spanish allies from this region was a problem which gave the British government seri- ous concern; and to allay any possible suspicion and alarm which it might occasion among the southern tribes, the king instructed the governors of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia to hold a conference with them at Augusta, Georgia, and explain to them "in the most prudent and delicate Manner," the changes about to take place. This congress met November 5, 1763. Present were Lieutenant- Governor Francis Fauquier of Virginia, Governor Arthur Dobbs of North Carolina, Governor Thomas Boone of South: Carolina, Governor James Wright of Georgia, John Stuart, Indian agent for the Southern Department, twenty-five chiefs and 700 warriors of the Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek, Catawba, and Cherokee nations. Six days of oratory and feasting re- sulted in a treaty of "Perfect and Perpetual Peace and Friend- ship" between the Indians and the English, which provided for mutual oblivion of past offenses and injuries, the establish- ment of satisfactory trade relations, the punishment by each party of offenders of its own race for crimes against members of the other race, and the fixing of the boundaries of the Indian reservations. On November 10th the four governors and the Indian agent, on part of the king, and the twenty-five chiefs, on part of their tribes, signed the treaty. The event was cele- brated by the bombing of the guns of Fort Augusta and the distribution among the Indians of £5,000 worth of presents sent them by King George.
While these events were transpiring on the frontier, French privateers were busy along the coast. Immediately after the declaration of war, using French and Spanish ports in the West Indies as bases, they began to appear off the Caro- lina coast and to reenact the scenes of the Spanish War. The defenseless state of the coast gave them ample opportunity for carrying on their work. On one occasion, "for want of a Fort to defend the entrance and Channel" of the Cape Fear, "the Privateers seeing the masts of the Ships at anchor in the road within the Harbour, over the sandy Islands, went in and
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cut out the ships and carried them to Sea." Such coast forti- fications as had been constructed were "Incapable of Defence for want of Artillery," which both governor and Assembly vainly begged the home government to supply, but some pro- tection to shipping was afforded by American privateers. A few, sailing under letters of marque and reprisal issued by Governor Dobbs, were fitted out at Wilmington and Bruns- wick. In the spring of 1757 the brigantine Hawk, armed with 16 carriage guns and 20 swivels, manned with 120 men, Thomas Wright captain, and the sloop Franklin, armed with 6 carriage guns and 10 swivels, manned with 50 men, Robert Ellis captain, sailed out of Cape Fear River. Some months later came a report that the Hawk sailing into "a French port in Hispaniola" had taken there "a pretended Danish Vessel with 135 Hogsheads of Sugar [and] 30 Barrels of Coffee." Occasionally, too, a British man-of-war cruising off the coast, would look in at Cape Fear and other North Carolina ports. But they were not as assiduous as they might have been in the performance of their duty. On March 22, 1757, Governor Dobbs declared that H. M. S. Baltimore, which was supposed to be stationed at Cape Fear, had not been at her station three weeks all told since his arrival in North Carolina; and at another time he charged that her captain spent the winter months at Charleston because there were "no balls or enter- tainment's" at Cape Fear. It is not surprising, therefore, that merchants complained that "notwithstanding our great superiority in the West Indies," French privateers had cap- tured seventy-eight English and American vessels, some of which were owned by North Carolina merchants, and carried them as prizes to Martinique. But after 1757 the navy like the army coming under the spell of Pitt's genius, began to display greater zeal and activity in running down the enemy. Captain Hutchins, H. M. S. Tartar, reported in June, 1759, that during a cruise of three days off Ocracoke he had neither seen nor head of a French privateer. Three months later, Wolfe's triumph at Quebec put an end to privateering in American waters.
News of the fall of Quebec reached Brunswick October 24th. "Our Governour upon this occasion," wrote the Bruns- wick correspondent of the South Carolina Gazette, "ordered a tripple discharge of all the cannon at this town and Fort John- ston, all the Shipping displayed their colours and fired 3
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rounds ; and yester evening was spent in an entertainment at his excellency's in illuminations, bonfires and all kinds of ac- clamations and demonstrations of joy. Today's rejoicings are repeated at Wilmington."
The war had borne heavily on North Carolina both in men and money. It is impossible to say how many soldiers the colony raised as no accurate returns exist, indeed, none were ever made. At various times, however, the Assembly author- ized the recruiting of more than 2,000 men and there is no reason to suppose that they were not enrolled; there were indeed probably more for many a settler took down his musket and went fortlı to war on the frontier whose name was never entered on any muster roll. Nor does this number include the militia who were called into active service but of whose service no records exist. More than half of the 2,000 provisionals authorized by the Assembly were sent into service in other colonies. Of North Carolina's financial contributions, more accurate information is available. On November 24, 1764, Treasurer John Starkey reported to the Assembly that since 1754 the colony had issued £72,000 of proclamation money, current as legal tender at the rate of four for three of sterl- ing. Of this amount, £68,000 were still in circulation in 1764. The Assembly also issued for war purposes treasury notes bearing interest at 6 per cent to tlie amount of £30,776, of which in 1764 £7,000 were still out. The war, therefore, had cost North Carolina £102,776, of which £27,776 had been paid, leaving a debt of £75,000. Reckoning the population at 130,- 000, the public debt contracted in support of the war amounted to upwards of 15s per capita. For the redemption of this war debt the Assembly levied a tax of 4s on the poll and a duty of 4d a gallon on spirituous liquors. During the war Parliament appropriated £200,000 to reimburse all the colonies for their expenditures, and an additional £50,000 for Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina. A quarrel between the gov- ernor and the Assembly over the control of this fund resulted in North Carolina's receiving only £7,789 from both funds which certainly was much less than her just share.
Over against the colony's losses and expenditures, how- ever, may be placed the benefits resulting from the expulsion of the French from her western territory and the removal of the Cherokee from the path of her westward expansion. To these material results must be added the even greater moral
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benefits, viz., the breaking down of many of the barriers of local prejudices due to her former isolation and the germina- tion of a sense of her common interest and common destiny with the rest of British America which, like the other colonies, she brought out of her experiences in this first continental event in American history.
CHAPTER XVI
WESTWARD EXPANSION
In 1764 Governor Dobbs, who had grown peevish with age, was given permission to surrender the cares of his office to a lieutenant-governor and return to England. While he was busily packing for his trip "his physician had no other means to prevent his fatiguing himself than by telling him that he had better prepare himself for a much longer voyage." He set sail on this "longer voyage" March 28, 1765.
Dobbs was succeeded by William Tryon who took the oath of office at Wilmington April 3, 1765. It was Tryon's mis- fortune to administer the government of North Carolina in times of domestic violence and civil strife and so to have his name associated with events which cannot even now be dis- cussed with that calmness and impartiality which alone gives value to the judgments of history. However, the load of obloquy which tradition so long heaped upon his name has been largely lifted by the publication within recent years of contemporaneous records which reveal the man and his career in a new and better light. The ablest of the colonial gov- ernors of North Carolina, he was distinguished for the energy of his character, the versatility of his talents, and the variety of his interests. His public papers, which are far superior to those of any of his predecessors, reveal him as a man of great executive ability, keen insight, and liberal views. He had the ability to see and understand the view-point of the colonists and he always strove to represent it fairly, even when he heartily disapproved of it. His critics love to dwell on his ex- travagance and love of display; but perhaps this fault-to which, indeed, he must have pleaded guilty-may be traced less to personal vanity than to his views of public policy. He entertained exaggerated ideas, common to his time, of the proper method of upholding the dignity of exalted official position, and had high notions of authority, which he enforced with a strong hand, but his public conduct was always
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inspired by a sense of official duty and never, as so many of his critics have charged, by vindictiveness. His tact was unfailing, and his genius for winning the per- sonal friendship of those who most vigorously opposed his public policies was remarkable. Long after he had left the colony, the General Assembly bore testimony to their conviction of his "good intentions to its welfare," and gave a striking expression of "the great affection this Colony bears him, and the entire confidence they repose in lim."
One of the important results of the French and Indian War was the opening of the region beyond the Alleghanies to settlement by the English. The English colonies had long been advertent to the importance of this region to their future expansion. In 1748 the Board of Trade reported "that the settlement of the country lying to the westward of the great mountains would be for His Majesty's interest and the advantages and security of Virginia and the neighboring colonies;" and in 1756 Sir Thomas Pownall wrote that "the English settlements as they are at pres- ent circumstanced, are absolutely at a standstill; they are settled up to the mountains and in the mountains there is nowhere together land sufficient for a settlement large enough to subsist by itself and to defend itself and preserve a communication with the present settlements." Both Eng- land and France claimed this vast region, but in 1763 by the terms of the Treaty of Paris, which brought the French and Indian War to a close, France was compelled to withdraw her claims leaving only the Indians to contest the inevitable advance of the English settlers.
Virginia, North Carolina, and other colonies had long asserted jurisdiction over this western region, but the British government was not disposed to recognize their claims. In 1763, immediately after the signing of the Treaty of Paris, the king issued a proclamation forbidding settlements beyond the mountains and instructing the colonial governments to issue no grants in that region. How long this proclamation would have delayed the colonization of the West had the people obeyed it cannot be said; as it was the hardy pioneers on the frontier calmly disregarded it, took the problem of settlement into their own hands, and within half a decade after the close of the French and Indian War began to cross the mountains and build their cabins along the Watauga, the Hol- ston, and the Cumberland rivers without permission of either king or royal governors.
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All of that part of the region beyond the Alleghanies which is now embraced within the State of Tennessee was included in the Carolina grant of 1665 and was therefore nominally within the jurisdiction of North Carolina. From North Caro- lina it received its first settlers. Although at the time of the Treaty of Paris no attempt had been made to plant white settlements within its limits, the region had long been familiar to English traders and hunters. In 1748, Thomas Walker of Virginia led a band of hunters far into the interior of what is now Middle Tennessee, giving names to the Cumberland Mountains and the Cumberland River. In 1756, as we have already seen, the English built Fort Loudoun on the Ten- nessee River. Most famous of all the hardy pioneers who explored this region was Daniel Boone who as early as 1760 was hunting along the Watauga River. The following year at the head of a party of hunters Boone penetrated the wilderness to the headwaters of the Holston as far as the site of the present Abingdon, Virginia. From this time for- ward he was constantly hunting in the Tennessee and Ken- tucky country. Boone and his fellow hunters brought back to the settlements in Virginia and North Carolina glowing reports of the richness and beauty of the land beyond the mountains and thus paved the way for the pioneers of more settled habits whose purpose was to carve out of the wilder- ness homes for themselves and their children.
A study of this westward movement reveals no feature that has not already appeared in the movements which re- sulted in the settlement of the older communities. Like the original settlement on the Albemarle, it was not the result of organized effort but of spontaneous, individual enterprise, a perfectly natural overflow of population from the parent colony. First a few hardy, adventurous individuals broke their way into the wilderness; soon they were followed by an occasional family, and, finally, as the movement gathered mo- mentum, by groups of families. The same motives, too, which inspired the settlers in the older communities, reappear as the inspiration of those in the new. We find in both the same rest- less spirit of adventure, the same desire for new and cheap . land, and the same discontent with political, economic and social conditions in the parent country. Such discontent was wide-spread throughout the back country of Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina. In North Carolina it cul- minated in the organization of the Regulators and their disas- trous attempts to secure reforms in the colonial administra-
Vol. 1-19
DANIEL BOONE
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tion. In contrast with the ills at home were the freedom, the unlimited opportunities, and the charms of adventure in a new land; and the choice of the new was made by hundreds who after 1768 joined in that migration across the Alleghanies which resulted in the founding of the states of Kentucky and Tennessee.
The earliest settlements beyond the Alleghanies were made in that broad and beautiful valley between the Great Smoky and Unaka ranges on the east and the Cumberland Mountains on the west, through which the Holston, the Watauga, the Nolichucky, the Clinch and the French Broad rivers flow to form the Tennessee. In 1768 a few Virginians settled at Wolf Hills on the Holston River, the present Abingdon, whence settlements gradually expanded southward until they reached the Watauga where some North Carolinians built homes in the winter of 1768-69. Most of the settlers on the Watauga came from the back counties of Virginia and North Carolina, and were of Scotch-Irish stock. Among them of course, as in all frontier communities, were to be found some of the out- casts of civilization, but they were not the dominant ele- ment in the settlement, nor did they determine its character. The great majority of the settlers "were men of sterling worth ; fit to be the pioneer fathers of a mighty and beautiful state. They possessed the courage that enabled them to defy outside foes, together with the rough, practical commonsense that allowed them to establish a simple but effective form of government, so as to preserve order among themselves." 1 Since their political and social ideals were genuinely demo- cratic, it is not strange that out of their experience should have come the first government springing from the people ever organized by native-born Americans.
The most important figure in the history of the Watauga settlement is that of James Robertson. Born in Virginia, Rob- ertson was carried to North Carolina in his eighth year and grew to manhood in what is now Wake County. Like a later and more famous native of Wake County who also moved to Tennessee, Andrew Johnson, Robertson was taught to read and write by his wife. Although never attaining more than a "rudimentary education," Robertson was, says Roosevelt, "a man of remarkable natural powers; * his somewhat sombre face had in it a look of self-contained strength that made it impressive; and his taciturn, quiet, masterful way of
1 Roosevelt : Winning of the West, Vol. I. p. 219.
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dealing with men and affairs, together with his singular mix- ture of cool caution and most adventurous daring, gave him an immediate hold even upon such lawless spirits as those of the border. He was a mighty hunter; but, unlike Boone, hunt- ing and exploration were to him secondary affairs, and he came to examine the lands with the eye of a pioneer settler." 2 Such was the man who, in 1770, discontented with the condi- tions then prevailing in the back counties of North Carolina, set out from his Wake County home to cross the Alleghanies and become the "Father of Tennessee."
Robertson was so delighted with the beauty and fertility of the valley of the Watauga, that he determined to carry his family there. Accordingly he remained just long enough to raise a crop of corn, and then returned to North Carolina for them. Conditions in the back counties had gradually grown worse; discontent was more wide-spread than ever. He had no difficulty therefore, in interesting his friends and neighbors in the new country beyond the mountains and when he set out on his return to Watauga he was accompanied by about a dozen families besides his own. This accession of sturdy set- tlers assured the permanence of the settlement, yet it was only the vanguard of the army that soon began to pour into that region, as a result of the overthrow of the Regulators at Ala- mance, May 16, 1771. Morgan Edwards, a Baptist preacher who visited the back counties of North Carolina in 1772, wrote that many of the Regulators "despaired of seeing bet- ter times and therefore quitted the province. It is said that 1,500 families departed since the battle of Alamance and to my knowledge a great many more are only waiting to dispose of their plantations in order to follow them." Although this estimate is certainly an exaggeration, yet it is indicative of the extent of the emigration from North Carolina to Watauga and the other western settlements. When Watauga asked to be annexed to North Carolina in 1776, the petition was signed by 111 settlers.
These settlers had come to Watauga believing it to be in Virginia, but in 1771 Anthony Bledsoe, a surveyor, discovered that it was really in North Carolina. His discovery was some- what disconcerting since most of the people had settled there because of their dissatisfaction with political conditions in North Carolina. They were therefore reluctant to appeal to North Carolina for protection, or to acknowledge the juris-
2 Winning of the West, Vol. I.
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