USA > Nebraska > Buffalo County > Buffalo County, Nebraska, and its people : a record of settlement, organization, progress and achievement, Volume I > Part 41
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46
It is recalled that at an early day a republican rally was held at Shelton, and the county chairman, who was also pass distributer in the county for the Union Pacific, took a delegation of republicans from the county seat town to Shelton to attend the rally, and, as the saying is, "enthuse the boys." When the rally was over, hotel accommodations at Shelton not being ample, the county chairman and his party boarded an east-bound passenger train, rode to Grand Island, there took the west-bound passenger to Kearney, the passenger cars of the Union Pacific serving as a warm and comfortable lobby in which to lounge for a few hours, all free-to those of influence in affairs political.
For years in the history of the county rebates were granted by the railroads
343
HISTORY OF BUFFALO COUNTY
to large shippers of grain and live stock as compared with the individual who shipped only an occasional car of each.
This rebate was of such advantage that grain elevators, for instance, had a virtual monopoly of the buying and shipping of grain and were enabled to take undue profits in the business.
Business men of influence, to whom free transportation was issued, had a dis- tinct advantage over competitors not thus favored.
For instance, a man engaged in the milling business and selling his product over the state and having free transportation with which to seek customers, had a great advantage over a competitor not thus favored.
The railroad corporations made no discrimination as between political parties in the distribution of free transportation. It mattered not to the corporation whether the officer elected to office or the citizen of the county active and influ- ential in political affairs was a member of the republican, democratic, populist, farmers' alliance or independent party.
A representative or senator-elect of the Legislature received in his mail a free pass over the railroads of the state good for a year. A judge in our District Court was tendered free transportation over lines of railroad in the state. The county sheriff, county treasurer, all state officers, officers of the State Board of Agriculture, of the State Horticultural Society, speakers at farmers' institutes, and with scarce an exception such free transportation was accepted and made use of.
In the year 1884 Joseph Scott, who had served as clerk and treasurer of Buffalo County, was a candidate for state commissioner of public lands and buildings at the republican state convention held at Omaha.
The delegates to the convention from Buffalo County, some fifteen in number, Mr. Scott and the Midway Band of Kearney were accorded free transportation by the railroads to attend the convention.
And as an illustration pertaining to methods and customs in politics in those days, as showing how political conventions were run, nominations made, Mr. Scott related that officials of the republican state committee informed him he could have the nomination as state land commissioner on condition that he would contribute $500 to the campaign fund of the committee. Mr. Scott agreed, and as soon as nominated he gave the treasurer of the state committee his personal check for that amount.
Under the caucus and convention plan of making nominations of candidates, the Republican County Central Committee of Buffalo County expended from five hundred to fifteen hundred dollars in a campaign to elect the nominees of the party. This money was contributed not only by candidates for office, but by active and enthusiastic members of the party who took great pleasure and delight in the success of the party.
This money was expended in what was recognized to be a legitimate manner, expenses of campaign speakers, holding of campaign rallies, rent of halls, adver- tising in newspapers, means and methods to enthuse the voters and the hiring of teams on election day to haul voters to the polls. Like expenditures were made by the opposition or independent or democratic party, but as a rule in much less amounts.
344
HISTORY OF BUFFALO COUNTY
The interference of corporations in the political affairs of the people, as the years came and went, became a great and growing evil, and in Buffalo County, as in other counties of the state, there grew up a party pledged to oppose such abuse of power and influence.
At the first the party was known as the anti-monopoly or populist party. In a county history it is not possible to go into the merits of the controversy which involved other questions, such as the free coinage of silver on the ratio of sixteen ounces of silver to one of gold as a basis of money value ; the question of the general Government loaning money on grain warehouse certificates. This party was largely made up of farmers, but the democratic party, being a minority party, fused with the populist party in the election of county officers and it might be added, state officers as well. In Buffalo County the leaders of the anti- monopoly party movement were (as recalled from memory) J. E. Miller, C. A. Borders ( familiarly known as "The Tall Cottonwood of the Divide"), Emory Wyman, A. Steadwell, David Nichols, George N. Smith, A. J. Scott, W. L. Hand, Phelix Hayes, John A. Hogg, Dea Wenzell, Fred A. Nye, John Stebbins, F. Gaylord, L. L. Hile, Lyman Carey, A. H. Boltin and W. L. Green, and the movement gained such headway as to result in the election of H. H. Seely county clerk in 1891, John Nutter sheriff, Lyman Carey treasurer, and in 1892 George N. Smith state senator and John Stebbins and David Nichols representatives in the Legislature.
The power and influence of the anti-monopoly, farmers' alliance, populist party in the county was not of long duration, but later much of the strength of these parties fought their political battles in the county under the leadership of the democratic party, giving to that party strength and prestige.
In the history of partisan political parties in Buffalo County, in a general way, it can be said that in all the years the republican party has been the domi- nant party, maintaining year by year a county organization; that the demo- cratic party, while in the minority, has at all times had the courage of its con- victions, maintained a county organization, striven to elect of its members to county and state offices, ever willing to fuse with other organizations in the effort to defeat, for office, the nominees of its traditional enemy in politics, the republican party.
The records seem to disclose that since the year 1871 there have been elected to office in Buffalo County, of members of the State Legislature, board of county commissioners (not of the board of county supervisors) and of county officers, approximately one hundred and sixty-eight officers. Of this number the records seem to disclose that 70 per cent were elected as republicans on a republican ticket. Of the remaining 30 per cent (which might be classed as nominated and elected on an independent ticket) the records seem to disclose that approximately eight per cent were nominated and elected as democrats on a county democratic ticket.
The following is a copy of a letter written in the year 1899 by Hon. J. E. Miller, a state senator representing Buffalo County. It is of great value as a matter of political history both in Buffalo County and the State of Nebraska. The suggestion as to the abolition of the free pass evil thus made in 1899 became the law of the land in Nebraska in the year 1907 :
345
HISTORY OF BUFFALO COUNTY
"Senate Chamber, Lincoln, Neb., January 28, 1899. "Mr. Geo. F. Bidwell,
"General Manager F., E. & M. V. R. R., "Omaha, Neb.
"Dear Sir-Enclosed please find complimentary ticket which has been pre- sented to me by a representative of your road and which I herewith return unsigned and unused, and I would most respectfully request that you make a record to such effect on your books.
"While I take this action I do not wish to infer that I am ungrateful for this distinguished favor. In explanation of my action I have to say, first, there is a constitutional provision for defraying the traveling expenses of the members of the Legislature equal to the cost of three trips to the capital.
"I am led to believe that the quite general custom, prevalent for many years, of public servants accepting free passes on the railroads, has not to any appre- ciable extent saved to the state the cost of transportation. On the other hand, it has no doubt been a source of revenue to the members of the Legislature not contemplated in the constitution.
"Second-It has been affirmed, and generally believed, that the acceptance of free passes by public officers and legislators is intended to have, and does have, a soothing influence on those who make or enforce the laws regulating freight and passenger rates in the state.
"Whether public opinion is right or wrong, I shall not attempt to say. But you will readily see that the practice leads to a great public scandal, involving the managers of our great railways as well as the government of our fair state.
"It is further alleged that a great host, commonly called 'visiting statesmen,' importune the railroads for free transportation that they may congregate at the capital, where, 'tis said, they confuse the minds of the legislators, and cause them to do things they should not do, and leave undone the things they should have done. The custom of honoring public officials and prominent men with compli- mentary tickets, while probably small in the beginning, has grown to such propor- tions that I verily believe the railway managers would welcome a law that would relieve them of that which is surely a great source of loss to them, and which would compel each individual to bear his just share of the operating expenses of these public highways.
"I would not prevent you from making reduced rates to excursionists (other than visiting statesmen), or from transporting free the employes of the roads, or those in destitute circumstances.
"I would respectfully suggest that you petition the Legislature, now in ses- sion, to enact such a law with suitable penalties attached.
"Should this suggestion meet with your approval, I am at your service, and shall be glad to be honored as your spokesman in presenting the same to the Senate, of which body I have the honor to be a member.
"Very respectfully yours,
(Signed) "J. E. MILLER."
CHAPTER LI
TIIE ANTI-MONOPOLY MOVEMENT IN NEBRASKA AND IN BUFFALO COUNTY
Hon. James E. Miller
In order to properly understand the conditions that gave rise to this move- ment it can best be described as a protest against railroad domination. It began in the early '70s and soon swept over this and other western states.
In order to induce ralroad building through a sparsely settled country, the United States Government donated to the Union Pacific and the Chicago, Bur- lington & Quincy Railroad companies each alternate section of land for twenty miles on each side of their right of way. At that time Nebraska had few set- tlers, and these were mostly near the Missouri River.
When these roads were pushed west, settlers took homesteads and timber claims on the remaining sections. A junction of the roads on the north side of the Platte, a few miles west of old Fort Kearney, was effected, at the present site of the City of Kearney. This caused a rush of settlers to Buffalo County in the early '70s. They were generally people of limited means. Very few eastern men with good homes could be induced to sell out and invest in the great American desert. Those of us who still remain can compare our present prosperous condition with that of the earlier years of drouth, grasshoppers, hail and chinch bugs and gold bugs, and can tell our children and grandchildren some great tales of those early days.
At this date there were no laws regulating freight and passenger rates, and the roads were determined that there should not be so long as they could pre- vent it. In order to accomplish their purpose it behooved them to take charge of the political machinery of the state, which was done after the fashion which worked so well with the United States Congress in the Credit-Mobilier scandal. They dictated who should fill the state offices, the court judges, members of the Legislature, and especially who should represent us (them) in the United States Congress. To accomplish this required concessions to a number of easy- going politicians who would be useful in controlling the nominating conventions of the dominant party. These "concessions" were granted according to the ability of the men to use them. The most common was the free annual pass on all roads in the state. This made it an easy matter for them to attend conven- tions. The elevator companies had to be protected from the competition of private shippers. If any shipper should complain as to the rates, he could be easily put out of business. The elevators were permitted to trade unsight and unseen for a private shipper's grain in course of transit and substitute a lower grade and quality, and generally of less weight.
346
347
HISTORY OF BUFFALO COUNTY
The writer shipped the first car of wheat from Poole. It was of his own raising. It was very good wheat, clean and dry. When it reached Chicago it was in another car, had been exchanged, probably at Omaha. It was smutty, damp and dirty. Sold as rejected. This was no isolated case, as I found by inquiry of other private shippers, who said that any car of good grain that they shipped was sure to be exchanged and often fell short in weight.
The farmers were familiar with these conditions, and vigorous protests were made to the Legislatures, and laws to prevent discrimination and for lower freight rates were demanded. These protests brought relief only in platform promises. Legislators, with annual passes in their pockets, had very dull teeth. It was soon discovered that protests and demands had but little effect; that it would be necessary to take political action.
The earliest concerted action that I can discover was a secret gathering of alliance delegates from this and surrounding counties at Kearney to consider what action to take. The Knights of Labor were called in. A rather stormy session was held, one part favoring the securing of control of the dominant party (then republican), pointing to the fact that the grangers of Iowa, led by Governor Larrabee, had succeeded in passing drastic laws and overthrowing railroad domination. The other faction said that that could not be done in this state, and they won out by a small majority. All of the alliances in the state were notified of this action, and all but one endorsed the plan and organization was pushed all over the state. The movement was called, in derision, "moon- shiners." It soon took the name of anti-monopolist, and was afterwards offi- cially named "The People's Independent Party." As indicated above, it was a fight to loosen the grip the railroads had on the business and politics of the state; to lower freight and passenger rates and secure better service. In order to build up a strong party, conventions were held and tickets nominated. Lit- erature was distributed. A general campaign was started. Public meetings were held and good speakers secured. The farmers flocked to the school- houses and groves to hear what the party proposed to do. All realized that conditions were very bad, yet many were attached to their party ties, and had all confidence that these wrongs could and would be righted by their party. The first campaign was a defeat. But, like the suffragists, they were not discouraged and kept up the agitation, and finally became a power to be reckoned with. How- ever, the enemy was strongly entrenched. Free passes were distributed to the legislators, state officers and in some cases even to the district judges. It was a notorious fact that when a United States senator was to be elected, a large com- pany of trained lobbyists were quartered at the capital to work for the railroad candidate. What was accomplished? Very much locally, in the state and in the nation. We secured control in the county, senatorial district, elected the dis- trict judge, and by 1897 swept the state, electing the state officers. Had a major- ity in both branches of the Legislature. We also elected the congressman from this (Sixth) district five times in succession. Also elected William V. Allen to the United States Senate. At one time there were six members of Congress from this and other states. We were responsible for the reduction in freight and passenger rates. Passed laws preventing discriminations, and cut off pass bribes.
348
HISTORY OF BUFFALO COUNTY
It required years to accomplish this. It has added to the good name of the state. Increased its prosperity. The two railroads are not in the hands of receivers. They, too, are prosperous. Perhaps they found it good policy to deal fairly with their patrons. We are now friends, and are proud that we have two of the finest and best equipped railroads on the continent.
Nationally, we led the fight against the giant monopolies controlling the large industries of the country. We forced both old parties to gradually adopt our principles and almost duplicate our most radical platforms. We accom- plished the reforms that we desired. We are proud of our record. We have now virtually dissolved. Like the once despised abolition party, which was responsible for the overthrow of slavery, our work of agitation brought results.
CHAPTER LII
CAPITAL RELOCATION-COUNTY OPTION THE CAMPAIGN ISSUE-CAPITAL REMOVAL- ISTS DRAFT A BILL-THE CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR, ON THE PART OF LIQUOR INTERESTS, INDORSES SUCH A MEASURE-LIQUOR INTERESTS USE CAPITAL RELO- CATION BILL AS A CLUB TO DEFEAT COUNTY OPTION-BUFFALO COUNTY CITIZENS A THOUSAND STRONG PETITION IN FAVOR OF THE PASSAGE OF THE BILL- ANALYSIS OF THE VOTE ON CAPITAL RELOCATION AND COUNTY OPTION-LETTER OF E. P. COURTRIGHT-LETTER OF W. L. HAND-OFFICIAL ACTION OF BUFFALO COUNTY BOARD OF SUPERVISORS.
CAPITAL REMOVAL
In the political history of the county, no incident, for a brief period of time. created more intense interest than the vote on that so-called capital removal bill, known as House Roll No. 246, in the 1911 session of the Legislature.
The leading issue in the political campaign in the state in 1910 was county option. S. C. Bassett as candidate for representative in the Legislature from Buffalo County had publicly pledged to do all possible to secure the passage of county option legislation.
A bill looking to the relocation of the state capital had been drawn and published during the campaign and James Dahlman, a citizen of Omaha, candidate for governor and supported by the liquor interests, had publicly announced himself in favor of such a measure and in the light of subsequent events there is little doubt that capital relocation was instigated and encouraged by the liquor interests. to be used in the legislative session, should occasion offer, to assist in the defeat of county option legislation.
It is not questioned that the people of Buffalo County, who advocated the relocation of the state capital, who assisted in the drawing of and introduction in the Legislature of such a measure, were honest in their intentions, which were. to secure a relocation of the capital and if possible at Kearney. It is not believed they were advised of or in any manner a party to the plan of the liquor interests to use the measure to help defeat temperance legislation-county option.
The City of Lincoln had abolished the open saloon which greatly angered the liquor interests of the state. The County of Lancaster had sent to the Legislature a county option delegation with one exception. Both branches of the Legislature were about equally divided on the question of county option. To help insure the defeat of county option legislation, the liquor interests conceived the plan of using the capital relocation bill as a club to punish the people of Lincoln for driving out the open saloon and to compel the Lancaster delegation to defeat county option.
349
350
HISTORY OF BUFFALO COUNTY
If by any possible means the capital relocation bill could be passed in the house, the people of Lincoln would be offered the choice of defeat of county option or relocation of the state capital.
In the campaign preceding the legislative session and during the session, there was no pronounced public sentiment in the state in favor of capital relocation. When the liquor interests, as represented in the house began to advocate the passage of House Roll No. 246, the people of Buffalo County became greatly excited, being led to believe that the relocation of the state capital at Kearney was practically assured in case the bill passed the House.
Delegations of citizens living in Kearney, in autos, canvassed the county to secure signatures to a so-called petition urging Representative Bassett to support the capital relocation bill. And just as the roll was being called in the house on the final passage of House Roll No. 246, one C. E. Oehler, a transient resident of the county, handed to Representative Bassett, so-called petitions containing, as he stated, the signatures of more than one thousand citizens of Buffalo County.
The official records of the 1911 session of the Legislature, as disclosed in the house journal, make plain the full intent and purpose of the liquor interests in supporting this measure. The county option members in the house realized that a vote for House Roll No. 246 was, in effect, a vote to defeat county option legislation.
Herewith is an analysis of the vote on this measure as well as on county option :
CAPITAL REMOVAL AND COUNTY OPTION
In this analysis of the vote on the capital removal bill and on the county option bill, those members who voted for county option are listed "dry" and those opposed to county option are listed "wet."
Legislative Record of the Capital Removal Bill, House Roll No. 246 .- The capital removal bill was introduced in the House of Representatives on January 26, the sixteenth day of the legislative session.
On the twenty-seventh day of the session it was placed on its passage; third reading, a period of eleven days from its introduction.
The house records seem to disclose that of 703 bills introduced in the house no one of these bills required so brief a length of time from introduction to a vote on third reading as did the capital removal bill with the exception of bills introduced by standing committees and a very few bills to which there was no objection or opposition. On page 236, house journal, can be found the record vote on the capital removal bill. On page 458 of the house journal can be found the record vote on the county option bill.
The record discloses that in the vote on the capital removal bill, thirty-eight votes were in the affirmative, fifty-eight in the negative, excused and not voting four, a total of 100.
The records disclose that of the thirty-eight members who voted for the capital removal bill, thirty-one were listed "wet" and seven "dry."
The records disclose that over eighty-one (81.6 per cent) of the vote in favor of the capital removal bill was a "wet" vote.
351
HISTORY OF BUFFALO COUNTY
The records disclose that So per cent of the total "dry" vote in the house was cast against the capital removal bill.
The records disclose that of the total vote cast for the capital removal bill, more than 23 per cent, all "wet," came from counties adjoining the County of Lancaster in which is located the capital city.
The records disclose that of the total vote cast in favor of the capital removal bill, 58 per cent, all "wet," came from counties having territory within fifty-five miles of the City of Lincoln.
The records disclose that twenty-seven members were introducers of the capital removal bill. Of this number fourteen were "dry" and thirteen "wet." Of the fourteen "dry" members, four voted FOR the bill; of the thirteen "wet" members, twelve voted FOR the bill.
The record discloses that in the House of Representatives fifty votes were cast in favor of the county option bill, Roll No. 392, and of this number seven voted for the capital removal bill.
The records disclose that the county option bill was introduced in the House on the twenty-seventh day of the legislative session and was placed on third reading on the forty-fourth day, a period of seventeen days from introduction to the final vote.
As ours is a representative form of government it seems pertinent, and not out of place to call attention to the somewhat divergent views entertained as to the duties of a representative in matters of legislation. There are those who believe the greater obligation of a representative in our Legislature is to the larger interests of the state even when they seemingly conflict with the com- paratively smaller interests of his district. In short, that the interests of the state are paramount as compared with the interest of any one locality.
There are those who deem the interests of their district or locality as para- mount to any or all others as a claim upon the time, efforts and vote of their representative.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.