USA > New Hampshire > Rockingham County > Portsmouth > Early Portsmouth history > Part 12
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Mr. Everett S. Stackpole, in his "History of New Hampshire," Volume I, says: "The settlers of New Hampshire lived at peace with the Indians, traded with them and bought land of them for over half a century before any trouble arose. There were acts of injustice here and there. Wars result from the crimes and ambitions of the few rather than of the
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masses. The Indians were cheated in trades and in purchase of lands, as the ignorant are generally cheated by those who have superior knowledge. They sold whole townships and counties for a few trifles that might well have been given them in token of friend- ship. They parted with tons of beaver skins and other valuable peltry for a blanket, a gun, a string of beads and some fire water." 2 "Old Passaconaway, Chief of the Penacook [Pennacook] tribe saw that the white men must become the conquerors, and cautioned his people to let them alone and live peaceably with them. His son, Wonalancet, followed his advice." 2,4 "It is un- fortunate," says Mr. Stackpole, "that no history of the early Indian wars was written by an Indian." Mr. Stackpole pictures an Indian Hubbard's point of view. "In 1677 a document was signed by nine Abe- naki Indians. They said, 'because there was war at Narragansett, you came here when we were quiet and took away our guns and made prisoners of our chief sagamores; and that winter for want of our guns there were several starved. Is it your fashion to come and make peace and then kill us? Major Waldin do lie; we were not minded to kill anybody. He give us drink and when we were drunk killed us.'" 2 "We have seen how from Maine to Cuba, the explorer was the aggressor." 1
In 1675, regardless of the rights in the matter, "all the plantations at Pascataqua, with the whole eastern country, were now filled with fear and confusion. Business was suspended and every man was obliged to provide for his own and his family's welfare. The 7th of October was observed as a day of fasting and prayer." 4 The first blow in New Hampshire, in the northern warfare, had been struck, in September, 1675, at Oyster River, which runs into Great Bay
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above Portsmouth and near Dover.2 The Indians burned two houses and killed two men, one of whom lived on the south side of the river.2 Soon after, William Beard, "a very good old man," was slain on the north side without his garrison.2 About September, 1675, a man was killed near Exeter, and Charles Rand- let, or Rundlet, of Exeter was captured, though he soon escaped.2 Tozier's garrison on the upper Ne- wichawannock was then attacked.2 The story goes that a maiden held the front door while fifteen persons escaped by the rear. The maid was then knocked on the head with a tomahawk and left for dead, but she revived and lived for many years. 2, 4
In July, 1676, Maj. Richard Waldron concluded a peace with the Piscataqua and Casco Indians.1 This did not stop Indian ravages to the eastward, but it was hoped that it would conclude the war in the territory immediately bordering the Piscataqua. It might not have in any case, but it never had a fair trial. After King Philip's War, certain of his followers had been taken prisoners and put in Dover jail.1 They escaped and incited the Maine Indians to further depreda- tions.1 Squando was one of the worst of the Indian offenders. 10 Because of Indian ravages to the east- ward, two companies of soldiers from Massachusetts, under Capts. William Hawthorne of Salem and Joseph Syll of Cambridge, reached Cocheco, or Dover, Sep- tember 6, 1676.4 This force was joined by Captain Frost of Kittery with his company. The military found at Dover four hundred Indians,1 about two hun- dred of them Pennacooks, the rest southern Indians, camped around Maj. Richard Waldron's house. This body of Indians apparently had no hostile intent, as they had their women and children with them,1 but
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Waldron, with the other military leaders, decided to take them all prisoners.1 Waldron proposed a strat- egy. Inviting the Indians to a sham fight the next day, and having got them to fire their pieces so that their fire was drawn, the English surrounded and dis- armed them. The Pennacooks were set free, the rest, about two hundred, were sent to Boston as prisoners, among them "one-eyed John and Sagamore Sam." 10 Six or seven were tried and hanged for past offences, many others sold into slavery.1,2
The Pennacooks looked on Waldron's act as the grossest treachery and never forgave him.1 Much has been written in defence of, and against, Waldron. It is said that he was ordered by the General Court 2 to act as he did in treacherously taking the four hun- dred Indians prisoners.4 Robert Mason accused Wal- dron of high misdemeanor, charging that he enter- tained these Indians for about fourteen days "with victuals and strong drink," 2 and then seized them all. Mr. Everett S. Stackpole, in his "History of New Hampshire," says that Waldron's act "is perfectly in harmony with Major Walderne's character." 2 Waldron was an able military leader, one of the strong men of his day, but he was cold and hard. His ability is expressed by the fact that he was five times elected speaker of the General Court.2 In support of Waldron, Hubbard says that if Waldron's attack on the four hundred Indians had not occurred, these Indians would very likely have joined with the eastern Indians and destroyed the English plantations beyond the Piscataqua.10 It is said that Waldron was opposed to the seizure. 1
After the attack at Cocheco and the capture of the Indians referred to had occurred, the military forces
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went to the eastward. On November 6, 1676, the Peace of Casco was effected through representatives of Massachusetts and an Indian leader named Mogg, of questionable character.4 Mogg later disappeared, and the peace had little effect. 4
In 1677 there was more trouble with the Indians.9 At that time it was ordered that all Indians about the Piscataqua should be settled at Quochecho.6 No In- dian had the right to travel in the woods this side of the Merrimac without a permit from Major Waldron.6 "It was hoped in the beginning of 1677 that the war- fare of New England had been accomplished, but it appeared by the sequel that the storm was not yet over."10 On April 6, 1677, three persons were killed by the Indians at Wells, Maine.9 On April 7, six or seven men were killed near York.10 On April 12 two more were killed near Wells.9 On April 16, 1677, the house of John Kenniston, at Greenland, was burned, and Kenniston himself was slain.2 On June 13 the enemy appeared at Hampton, killing four men.2 All inhabitants in the four New Hampshire towns flocked to their garrisons.2 Three men were slain in the woods near Portsmouth, "whereof one was riding to give notice of the danger to others in the outparts of the town. Two of the men slain were very much lamented, being sober, active young men." 10 Waldron was sent to the eastward, but was not immediately successful in stopping the Indian ravages. 2 The Indian, Mogg, had been killed at Wells, but the Indians were still most troublesome. Efforts for peace were made, and in the spring of 1678 Maj. Nicholas Shapleigh, Capt. Francis Champernowne and Mr. Nathaniel Fryer were appointed to make peace with Squando, the sagamore at Saco, and other chiefs.
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This was effected at Saco, tribute in corn being prom- ised the Indians, and for the time being the war was over. 2, 9
It seems well to consider the various Indian wars together. The flight of James II from England to France brought on an Indian invasion of New Hamp- shire by Canadian Indians, incited by Jesuit priests. 16 There were also local difficulties which remained un- settled.3,4 The war that resulted was known as King William's War.4 Wells, Berwick, Kittery and York were attacked. Especially did the Indians aim to revenge themselves on Maj. Richard Waldron. On June 27, 1689,1, 2 thirteen years after Waldron's cap- ture of the four hundred Indians gathered around his house, he met his death as a result of that action. The night before, the suspicions of the settlers were aroused, but Waldron said, "Go plant your pump- kins."1 An Indian chief named Mesandowit supped at Waldron's house and said, "Suppose strange Indians come now, Brother Waldron." 1 Waldron replied, "I have but to raise my finger and one hundred soldiers will be at my command."1 That evening, later, two squaws begged leave at each of the three garrison houses in that vicinity to sleep on the hearth by the kitchen fire.1 At two of these houses leave was granted, these being Waldron's and Hurd's. 1 As Waldron was barring doors for the night, one of the squaws said, "White father, big wampum, much Indian come." 1 Just before dawn they came. The squaws rose and opened the doors. At Hurd's a dog barked, waking Elder Wentworth. He hurried down, meeting the savages who were just entering. He was seventy-three years old, but threw his weight against the doors and held the Indians back until help came,
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thus saving the garrison.1 At Waldron's the Indians swarmed into Waldron's room. He sprang from his bed, and although over eighty years of age held them back with his sword, but was at last felled, killed and butchered.1 His house was burned, his daughter and grandchild taken captive, his son-in-law killed. The houses of Coffin and his son were also destroyed.1
Meantime, the widow Hurd and her sons with her daughter and son-in-law, were returning from a day in Portsmouth, where they had been trading. They were coming up the river in the late night in a row boat or a canoe. They heard the alarm and at Wal- dron's saw the Indians before they were seen.1 The son-in-law and daughter rowed back to Portsmouth to spread the alarm.1 Mrs. Hurd tried to hide, but was discovered by a young Indian. To her surprise he left her unmolested. She then realized that this was an Indian who, at Waldron's capture of the four hundred, so long before, she had protected. This was his payment of his gratitude. Mrs. Hurd finally escaped across the river.1 On the morning after the night on which the attack had occurred at Cocheco, a pursuit party followed the Indians, who, as usual, divided their forces. The pursuers, however, did catch up with one party of the Indians and recovered some of their prisoners, among them three of Otis's daughters.1 A few days after the massacre at Cocheco, the Indians were active on Oyster River, burning houses there and killing about twenty. 4
The massacre at Waldron's was one of the most spectacular outrages among all the Indian attacks along the Piscataqua. In 1689 the four New Hamp- shire towns - that is, Portsmouth, Dover, Exeter and Hampton - were without any definite govern-
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ment. They finally agreed, in 1690, among them- selves, to choose commissioners to meet in joint con- vention and to devise in this convention some method of protecting themselves against the common enemy, the Indians. Hampton was at first reluctant to join in this convention, but later did join, though she never accepted the resolutions of the convention.6 Perhaps encouraged by their successes on the upper river, the Indians continued their depredations in the vicinity during the following years. Portsmouth and Hampton were in more protected areas than were Dover, Exeter, Berwick, Wells and Kittery. These outlying districts bore the brunt of the Indian attacks, but all communities suffered.
On May 18, 1690, two hundred and fifty Indians and French attacked Salmon Falls and Berwick.2 In 1690 three or four hundred refugees from Maine, mostly from near Saco, came to Portsmouth. It is reported that several houses were burned at this time at Fox Point, near Great Bay,7 and that four- teen people were killed there.7 There was a short truce in 1690. About 1691 Portsmouth sent out scouts to cover the surrounding territory, but they availed little.2 There is a tradition that the Indians ravaged the Isles of Shoals and that one woman, Betty Moody, saved herself by hiding in what after- wards was known as Betty Moody's cavern. 14
On September 29, 1691, at Rye, then part of Ports- mouth, the sons of Francis Rand went afishing. The sons of Goodman Brackett were in the salt marsh, and with no suspicion of danger, the settlers went about their usual avocations. Early in the afternoon a number of Indians came from the eastward in canoes, and landing at Sandy Beach left the garri-
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son unmolested, but attacked the houses which were defenceless, killing and capturing twenty-one persons.8 Among the killed was Francis Rand, one of the first settlers, sent over by John Mason. His wife was also killed by Indians. It is stated that Thomas Walford, another of the first settlers who came over in 1631, was killed by the Indians on the hill,8 a sad ending after years of frontier effort and hardship! The sons of Anthony Brackett, who had the guns with them in the marsh, ran first to the garrison house, but two children of the family were captured, a boy and a girl. The boy was recovered, but the
girl was carried captive to Canada, there married a Frenchman, and afterwards came back to claim her share in her father's estate. Anthony Brackett was killed and his house set on fire. "One child, stolen from its cradle in the absence of its mother, was returned to the father in exchange for a keg of rum." 8 The Indians used a tall tree at Locke's Neck as a lookout station.& The garrison house was at Sandy Beach.8
In February, 1692, that part of the town of York on the north side of the York River was entirely destroyed.15 Fifty of the people were killed and one hundred carried into captivity.5 One man was shot dead just as he was taking his horse.1 His wife was captured and carried off by the Indians.1 Another woman, Mary Plaisted, with her three weeks old son and two older daughters, was carried into captivity.1 Mary Plaisted later returned, and later still, 1696, was admonished "for not attending ye public wor- ship upon ye Lord's Day," 1 and for this offence she was fined four shillings six pence.1 In 1692 the town of Wells was also attacked.1 New Hampshire was
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much reduced in circumstances by this Indian War.1 The lumber trade and husbandry were injured, and the four towns, including Portsmouth, passed through one more difficult phase of their existence.4 It was once said in the Council minutes that the people of New Hampshire were even ready to quit the prov- ince. 4 "There was almost no money, and every sort of commodity for food, clothing or enjoyment was scarce and dear." "' 17 In 1692 Portsmouth, Dover and Exeter were jointly assessed two hundred and nine and one-half bushels of Indian meal, equal to £26 3s. 3d., as a contribution towards the war against the Indians and the French.
A peace with the eastern Indians was made in 1693 at Pemaquid,2 but it does not seem to have been observed for any length of time.4 In 1694 the Oyster River settlement, which seemed a particular field for the activities of the Indians, was once more at- tacked,4 with killings and captures. The garrison of Charles Adams at Oyster River Point was burned and, apparently, all its inmates perished. Fourteen persons were killed.4 "A boy of nine years old was made to run through a lane of indians as a mark for them to throw their hatchets at." 4 That same year John Locke was killed while reaping grain in his field.13 In 1694, also, the widow of President Cutts (Cutt), Ursula Cutts (Cutt), who had refused to come into a more settled community, was scalped, about two miles above Portsmouth, as she was hay making.7 In 1695 two men were killed at Exeter.7 In 1696 John Church was killed and scalped at Cocheco.7
Though Portsmouth was less exposed than Dover, on June 26, 1696, the Portsmouth Plains were at- tacked.7 The Indians came from York Nubble to
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Sandy Beach in canoes. They hid there in the woods for the moment. Cattle ran out of the woods, giving some intimation that the enemy were near at hand, but the alarm was not spread.8 Early in the morning the Indians went to the Plains settlement, presum- ably using an old Indian trail which ran from Con- cord Point to Breakfast Hill.& Simultaneously they attacked the five houses at the Plains.4 They burned four houses and nine barns, killed fourteen persons,2 wounded six and took four prisoners.2 One woman, Mrs. Mary Brewster, was scalped and left for dead, but she revived 2 and became later the mother of four sons, living until 1744.8 One of those killed was Dinah, the slave of John Brewster.2
News of the massacre at the Plains reached Ports- mouth at once. Captain Shackford and Lieutenant Libbey, with a military force, pursued the enemy and caught up with them just beyond the Great Swamp as they were cooking their breakfast on the farther side of a hill. This hill, on the Lafayette Road run- ning into Portsmouth, has ever since been known as Breakfast Hill.2 The Indians had placed their cap- tives between them and the top of the hill so that if they were attacked the captives would first receive the bullets. Captain Shackford and his men rushed upon the Indians from the top of the hill, retaking the captives and the plunder. The Indians, however, escaped and reached the shore. Although another party of settlers had put to sea in order to cut off the Indians' retreat, through error the Indians became aware of them, and, making outside the Shoals, got away. 2
On July 4, 1697, Major Frost was killed by Indians at Kittery.7 Another peace was made with the In-
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dians in 1698,4 this due to the Peace of Ryswick between England and France; but again peace lasted but a short time. More trouble occurred with the Indians along the Piscataqua in 1702.12 In 1703 France was attempting to extend the Province of Arcadia to the Kennebec, and her agents incited the Indians to aid her.3 On June 20, 1703, the In- dians attacked Wells, Saco and Hampton.1 At Wells, August 10, 1703, thirty-nine inhabitants were killed or captured, some or all being taken prisoners to Canada.1 One of these, Esther Wheelwright, was discovered by a French priest, and taken by him from the Indians. She later became Mother Superior of the Ursulines in Quebec.1 In 1704 the Indians at- tacked North Hampton.12 On April 27, 1706, there were further depredations by them near Oyster River. 12 It is interesting to see the following schedule of pay- ments for Indian scalps at about this time. Bounty to the regular forces under pay was £10 per scalp; to volunteer forces in service, £20 per scalp; to vol- unteer forces serving without pay, £50 per scalp; and to any troop or company that went to the relief of any garrison, £30 per scalp.12
In 1707 and 1709 settlers were killed by Indians at Dover and at Exeter.4 In 1708 the Indians again made trouble at Exeter, Dover, Wells and Kittery.12 In 1712 there were Indian ravages at Spruce Creek and at Exeter,12 as well as further depredations by them.12 Another peace was signed July 13, 1713; 12 but in spite of the good names appearing as signatures on this treaty, - namely, John Wentworth, Mark Hunking, William Vaughan and Samuel Penhallow, 12 - it had no great effect.12 Samuel Penhallow was an Englishman who married a daughter of President
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Cutt and established himself in trade in Portsmouth. 12: In 1718 there were further difficulties with the In- dians.7 The Portsmouth records of about this date complain bitterly of the poverty of the town, the result of the throes through which it had been pass- ing, caused chiefly by the Indian warfare. The sky was about to clear, however. From now on the sit- uation turned for the better. Perhaps by force of numbers, perhaps because they had worn out the Indians, the settlers gradually pushed their frontier forward to the point where the Piscataqua settle- ments were practically free from the Indian scourge. On May 24, 1724, George Chesley was killed and scalped at Oyster River.4 This was a last flare. In 1725 occurred Lovewell's battle with the Indians near Winnipiseogee, and the death of the Jesuit Rasle in Maine. 4,12 In December, 1725, peace was made with the Indians, 4 a peace which seems to have brought the Indian struggles around Portsmouth to a close. 4 A further Indian treaty at Deerfield, August 27, 1735, made still another milestone in the closing of Indian. warfare along the New England coast.11
CHAPTER X
EARLY INDEPENDENCE
W HEN Randolph inaugurated the first New Hampshire Assembly, which occurred at Portsmouth, Rev. Mr. Moodey opened the Assembly with a prayer and a sermon.1 It was fitting, historically, that Mr. Moodey should have done so, in view of the conspicuous part which he was so soon to play in connection with the govern- ment of the province.
As we have seen, after President Cutt died, Richard Waldron, the Deputy President, held the reins of government in his hands.1 Waldron was the man, who, when John Cutt was first appointed President, said, in bitter opposition to the new government, and referring to the commission which Randolph had just brought to Portsmouth, "He would be hanged at his door before he would act by authority of that com- mission." 7 Just before President Cutt died, Robert Mason, who had come to Portsmouth in late 1680, returned to England. Mason had taken his place in the Council as Lord Proprietor, and had made every effort to obtain rents from the inhabitants, even to the point of threatening to sell their lands if they refused to pay him. He met with the greatest op- position, and at the time of his return to England, March, 1681, he had accomplished nothing of moment in connection with his object.1 "Experience having now convinced Mason that the government he had
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procured was not likely to be administered in a manner favorable to his views, he solicited a change" 1 (from the King). Mason arranged to give up to the King one-fifth part of the quit rents which had, or might, become due, and at about the same time he mortgaged the whole Province of New Hamp- shire to one Edward Cranfield for twenty-one years, for the payment of £150 per year, for seven years.1 Cranfield was thereupon commissioned Lieutenant Governor and Commander-in-Chief in New Hamp- shire.1 He gave up a profitable office in England on the gamble of what he might gain in New England, and with the aforesaid commission, dated May 9, 1682, he arrived at Portsmouth in October, 1682.1 "Cranfield made no secret of his intention to enrich himself." 1
Mr. Edward S. Stackpole says that Cranfield seems at first to have adopted a moderate policy, and Mr. Stackpole makes the point that the state of mind of the settlers and their economic condition was such that no one could have succeeded among them who voiced Mason's claims.6 Dr. Thayer says that Cranfield "appeared to be fair-minded and desirous of getting on with the situation." 5 Belknap draws rather a different picture. At all events, Cranfield was soon at loggerheads with the inhabitants of the four towns of New Hampshire, - Portsmouth, Dover, Exeter and Hampton. He promptly suspended Wal- dron, Deputy President, who was acting as President at the time of his arrival, and dissolved the Assembly, in 1683.1 He packed the Council with his own partisans and he and the Council made laws to suit themselves.1 Cranfield tried to prevail on the in- habitants to take out leases from Mason. From
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every angle he enjoyed almost immediate unpopu- larity, and met with universal friction.1
Lieutenant Governor Edward Cranfield found himself shortly in so weak a position, and the inhabitants so hostile, that when the frigate "Lark" was in Portsmouth Harbor he asked to have her remain there for a con- siderable period.7 Cranfield wrote, December 1, 1683, "The sight of the Lark frigate in their harbor put an awe upon them, but so long as their preachers exercise a countermanding power to his Majesty's authority and oppose all persons and things which receive not a sanction from one of them, I am in much doubt where to find honest and fit persons enough in this small colony to administer justice, serve on juries and execute the several parts of government." 5,7
The Rev. Mr. Moodey was particularly obnoxious to Cranfield.5 Moodey was a Puritan, Cranfield of the established Church of England. Moodey voiced many of the sentiments of the colonists in opposition to Mason. Cranfield voiced the interests of Mason, transferred by mortgage to himself. On December 1, 1682, Cranfield wrote from Portsmouth: "Intro- ducing the way of the Church of England will not be practical here." Again he said: "The perverse tem- per of many of them who are influenced by Waldron and Moodey, who at my first coming I was so char- itable to believe they were better men than I now found them." 5 Still again, December 30, 1682, he wrote: "I found Mr. Moodey and his party so troublesome that I believed myself unsafe to con- tinue longer amongst them until I had the convenience of a frigate and full instructions to reduce them to a better understanding." 5
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