USA > New Hampshire > Rockingham County > Portsmouth > Early Portsmouth history > Part 3
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One historian has placed Beauport as on the New Hampshire coast, close to Portsmouth Harbor.15 The map of Beauport, however, which accompanies Cham- plain's written report, is almost identical with the coast charts of Gloucester Harbor. Champlain's description of Ipswich Bay is accurate. There is today water of about sixteen and more fathoms right off the shore of Cape Ann. In his account, Champlain describes sailing from off Island Cape a league to the
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point at which he anchored, off the harbor which he called Beauport. It is six nautical miles from the eastern end of Thatcher's Island at the end of Cape Ann to Gloucester Harbor. Gloucester Harbor has an island well in from the present entrance. A map out- lining Champlain's voyages along the New England coast, dated 1629, shows Beauport west of Cape Ann, where Gloucester is today. This map shows the Island Cape, that is, Cape Ann, in its correct position, and also Portsmouth Harbor and Rye Harbor approxi- mately where they should be properly placed. Rye Harbor, which is just 43º north latitude, is only a little inlet from the sea, and does not qualify under Cham- plain's description, nor does Little Harbor, very near Portsmouth Harbor, at 43° 3}', nor does Hampton Harbor, nor Newburyport, nor Annisquam. The edi- tor of Champlain's voyages seems clearly to identify Beauport as Gloucester. Probably Champlain's little barque of eighteen tons went in behind the island on the inner side of Gloucester Harbor.
In 1604 England made peace with Spain.3 In 1605 Capt. Thomas George Waymouth, or Weymouth,3 reached Plymouth, England, with the news of his dis- covery of Monhegan and of a cruise along the Maine shore from Penobscot Bay to Seguin. The relation of his voyage, written by James Rosier, who sailed with him, contains a delightful and glowing account of the beautiful St. Georges River.8 Waymouth had been sent out with twenty-nine stout seamen, by the Right Honorable Sir Thomas Arundel 7 as a result of Gos- nold's voyage,7 to find whatever of value he could south of 39º north latitude. By reason of cross winds, however, Waymouth made land at 41° 20',7 from which landfall he cruised northward along the coast to
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44° north latitude, "finding many convenient places on the mainland, and islands and rivers as he went." Another report states that Waymouth turned at 41º 21' because he had not made land,3 and that he did not reach land until, sailing on his new course north- ward, he made the Maine coast near Monhegan. The discovery of Monhegan and of the Kennebec River resulted from this expedition. It was on this voyage that Waymouth took back with him several savages, three of whom he turned over to Sir Ferdi- nando Gorges. 32
England, by 1606, felt that she had title to the greater part of the North American coast line. Such title was under, however, vaguely defined rights, and with these rights vigorously debated by other nations. In 1606 certain knights, gentlemen, merchants and others of the city of London, England, and elsewhere, and certain knights, gentlemen, merchants and others of the cities of Bristol and Exeter and of the town of Plymouth and other places in the west of England, applied to James I for his license "to deduct a colony into Virginia." 18 The King eagerly entered into the design. As "Navagantium atque Itinerantium Biblio- theca, or a Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels," Vol. II, by John Harris, puts it: "His Maj- esty, in order to promote so noble a work, which might tend to the Glory of God in propagating the Christian religion among infidels and savages and bring them to humanity and civility, did graciously accept their petition." The King divided the almost limitless territory of the New World, for the purposes of colo- nization and hoped-for profit, equally between the two rival groups of London and of the western part of England. The London Company was to lead forth
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" the first colony" of Virginia to lands which James I granted to them, between the 34th and the 38th parallels of north latitude. The other group, from the west of England, formed what was known as the Plymouth Company. James I granted them the lands north of 41º north latitude as far as 45°. 18 This group was to plant what the King called "the second colony" of Virginia.3
In 1607 certain of the patentees of the north colony planned a great colony near the mouth of the Sagada- hock,5 now the Kennebec River. Sir John Popham was the principal promoter of the design. At least contingently interested with him was Sir John Gilbert. All the necessary titles were supplied the expedition and great hopes must have burned in the hearts of those interested. The men who sailed on the expedi- tion were George Popham, president, brother of Sir John, Rawleigh Gilbert, admiral and brother of Sir John Gilbert, Edward Harlow, master of ordnance, Robert Davies, sergeant major, Ellis Best, marshall, James Davies, commander of the fort, and about one hundred "commonalty." 4
The expedition reached Monhegan, and had not been at anchor there two hours before a number of Indians in a Spanish shallop 5 came out to them from the shore, and the next day returned in a Biscay boat, thus showing that fishermen of Spain and of France had been in this region before the Popham expedition.
This unfortunate colony 22 landed on August 19, 1607, near the mouth of the Kennebec. They built a stockade, protected by a ditch, and they mounted twelve pieces of artillery. They worked hard and built a small boat which they called "The Virginia."
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Their own ships, the "Mary and John" and the "Gift. of God " sailed back to England. 19,22
The first winter was extremely severe. The colo- nists suffered greatly. During that year, too, Sir John Popham and Sir John Gilbert died in England. 4 George Popham, president of the expedition, died in this country, and in 1608, on the return of the "Mary and John," as it is reported, those of this unfortunate colony who were then living returned to England, probably in the "Mary and John."19
At the same time that England was putting forth her effort in the north parts of Virginia, France was: claiming the same territory as far south as the 40th parallel of north latitude, 19 below which France placed Florida, which belonged to Spain. The whole of North America was claimed by rival powers through right of various discoveries. Argal's expedition against the French on Mount Desert proved the dislodgment of France from what was soon to be New England. The claims of these several nations were further complicated in 1609, when Hudson dis- covered the Hudson River.8 Hudson had sailed to the north in 1607.13 "The next yeere, 1608, he set forth on a discovery to the northeast, at which time: they met, as both himself and Iuet have testified, a mermaid in the sea, seen by Thomas Hils and Robert Rainer. Another voyage he made in 1609 to the coast of Newfoundland and thence to Cape Cod." 13.
In 1608 Capt. Edward Harlow is reported to have voyaged to Cape Cod.23 In 1609 Richard Vines was on the Maine coast. 22
The English claim to New England territory was augmented materially in 1614 by Capt. John Smith. Smith had been an adventurer of note, much in the
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public eye in England. He had been in Virginia in 1607,18 and after efficient service there, and his life saved by Pocahontas, he had returned to England, where he steadily maintained that it was the duty of England to colonize the New World.18 He claimed that there was great financial opportunity in so doing. 18
His adventurous disposition led Capt. John Smith, then about thirty-five years old,27 in 1614, to accept employment by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, "to take whales and to make trials of a mine of copper and gold, and if these failed to take furs etc." 24 Smith says: "We found this whale fishing a costly conclu- sion. We saw many and spent much time in chasing them, but could not kill any." 24 Disappointed as to mines also, Smith left his vessel, and with his head- quarters at what is now Monhegan, Maine, to which he had come in the summer of 1614, Captain Smith, with a crew of eight men in a small boat, explored the coast from Penobscot Bay to Cape Cod, entering the harbors along the shore.24 On this voyage, during which Capt. John Smith sailed along the New Eng- land coast, he named the country which he saw "New England." 24 On his return to England, Capt. John Smith dedicated a map of the New England coast line and an account of the country "to the after- wards famous Prince Charles, of blessed memory, humbly entreating him to adopt it for his own, and make a confirmation thereof."7 Prince Charles ac- cepted the compliment, and confirmed the name of New England on the country.7 At, or at about the same time, Smith besought Prince Charles, later Charles I, to change the "Barbarous names" reported on his map, "for such English, as Posterity may say, Prince Charles was their Godfather." 27 It was at
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this time that the Charles River, at Boston, received its name. Smith called it first "Massachusetts River," this name later, under the direction of Prince Charles, being changed to "the River Charles." Smith placed it correctly on his map, finally, under this name. 27
Capt. John Smith, on this voyage in 1614, studied and reported on what is now the Maine, New Hamp- shire and Massachusetts shore in greater detail than had any previous explorer. His map is fairly accu- rate. On this voyage, Capt. John Smith saw what are now the Isles of Shoals, and named them "Smyths Iles." They appear on his map correctly placed, as do also what is now Portsmouth Harbor and Little Harbor. On his return to England, Capt. John Smith published his map and treatise under the title of "A Description of New England." This treatise gave detailed information regarding the New Hamp- shire coast. In this volume Smith described "Smyths Iles" as "a heape together, none neere them, against Accominticus." 25 Smith, in this treatise, described the mainland by its Indian di- visions, one of which he referred to as "Accominti- cus;" another "Passataquack." 25 He described what is now Portsmouth Harbor and York Harbor as "two convenient harbors for small barkes, and a good countrie within their craggie cliffs." 25 It is especially to be noted that Capt. John Smith referred to Ports- mouth Harbor and to the coast in the vicinity of what is now Portsmouth, New Hampshire, as being known under the Indian name of "Passataquack." Smith wrote of the country in detail, and also the lobsters, fish, beavers, foxes, deer, eagles, grapes, crows, geese, ducks, whales, etc., and intimated mineral wealth. 25
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He gave considerable information on each section of the New England shore and the territory abutting it, this by its Indian-named divisions.
Smith's map shows clearly what is now Cape Ann. Smith writes: "From thence doth stretch into the sea the faire headland now called Cape An, fronted with three Iles wee called the three Turkes heads." 23, 25 Capt. John Smith first called Cape Ann Cape Traga- bigzanda,27 in memory of the "beauteous," 27 well born, young Turkish girl to whom in his earlier and equally adventurous days he had been given as a slave when a prisoner among the Turks, and who showed him great favor. 20,27
To those who sail a little south of Whale's Back light, at the entrance of Portsmouth Harbor, the adven- tures of Capt. John Smith which led to his naming "the three Turks Heads," and Cape (Ann) "Tragabig- zanda," may be of interest. Smith, born in 1579, an orphan when about thirteen years old, and appren- ticed at fifteen, early broke away from the routine life of a young Englishman of his station, and sought adventure in war, - first in France, then in the Low Countries of the Netherlands, and then with the Christians in Southern Europe who were fighting the Turks. Smith became captain of a company with the Christian forces. He early distinguished himself; but his greatest success was at the siege of Caniza. At this siege progress on both sides was slow, and the Turks let it be known that they were bored at the lack of progress of the siege. One day the Turks sent out a flag of truce with a letter from one of the Turkish leaders. This Turk said that the ladies with the Turks, of whom there seem to have been a considerable number, longed to see some courtly
The Upper Harbor
Published through the courtesy of The Society for the Preservation of New England Antiquities
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pastime. This Turk thereupon challenged any com- pany commander among the Christians to mortal combat in tournament, the looser to forfeit his head. The Christian company commanders drew lots to see who should fight the Turk, and the lot fell to Smith. A truce was called, and the tournament was held. Smith killed the Turk, and cut off his head. The dead Turk's best friend thereupon challenged Smith. Smith fought him, killed him, and cut off his head. Smith then sent a broadcast challenge to the Turks for a third opponent. A third appeared, and Smith cut off his head. For this deed Smith was given a quartering on his coat of arms of three Turks' heads. Later Smith was wounded and taken prisoner. The Turks sold him as a slave, and he was marched as one of "twenty and twenty" with a collar around their necks to Constantinople. Then he was given as a present to the young Charatza Tragabigzanda. She liked him and helped him, and, as Smith later said, "did all she could to secure me." Smith spoke in warm praise of her, as also of Pocahontas, who saved his life in Virginia. In friendly memory of Tragabig- zanda, Smith gave her name to what is now Cape Ann, the first Englishman's recorded name for this cape. Smith called it "the faire headland Tragabig- zanda" in his description of New England. 25, 27 It was in further memory of his Turkish adventures that Smith called the little islands off the end of Cape Ann "the three Turks Heads." Later, when Smith asked Prince Charles, later Charles I, to give English names to the country he described as New England, under the direction of Charles he renamed the cape Cape Anna, Charles changing the name as he did in honor of his, Charles' mother, who was Anne of Denmark. 20
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Prince Charles gave English names to various promi- nent sections of the New England shore reported by Smith. 25 Among other names which Charles bestowed he called the territory near Portsmouth Harbor, on Smith's map, "Hull." Smith called Agamenticus Sassanowes Mount. Prince Charles called it "Snadoun Hill." The Rye shore was also designated "Hull."
Smith stated that on the mainland there was plenty of wood of all sorts. Capt. John Smith especially enthused over Newburyport. His report reads: "Heere there are many rising hills and on their tops and de- scents many corne fields and delightful groves. On the east is an isle of two or three leagues in length; the one-half, plaine moorish grass fit for pasture, with many fair, high groves of mulberrie trees, and there is also okes, pines and other woods to make this place an excellent habitation, being a good and safe harbor." 25 "But there are many sands at the entrance of the Harbour, and the worst is it is imbayed too furre from the deepe sea." 25
Capt. John Smith, after his return from the voyage of 1614, was filled with enthusiasm for further effort in New England. He worked hard in this cause. He shortly sailed again, from Plymouth, England, to found a plantation and to attempt the fishing; but he was forced back by a tempest minus his masts, 27 "his
ship wonderfully distressed." 12
He was furnished
with another ship, which on the voyage over was halted by the French. Smith was deserted by his men while momentarily on one of the French ships. As a result, the French held him prisoner and forced him " to suffer many extremities before he was free of his troubles."27 He reached England in 1616.
Though Capt. John Smith does not appear again as
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an important character in New England history, he continued his adventurous efforts in behalf of the New World. He wrote considerably of New England, and also published a general history of Virginia, pub- lished in London in 1627. In this volume he showed that in 1619 negro slavery had occurred in the colonies. 27
On his voyage to New England in 1614 Capt. John Smith had intended to stay in New England and to hold possession of "those large territories," as he puts it, with ten men. Not capturing any whales and securing no profit from the initial program, he changed his plans. He ultimately secured, as a result of this voyage, Smith says, eleven hundred beaver skins, besides martins, otters and fish, of a total gross value, as he has stated, of nearly £1,500. Smith seemed contented with the money return on his venture. 12
From 1614 to 1623 there is no record of visitations to the Piscataqua by Europeans, yet almost surely mariners explored this region in further detail during this interval. As Hubbard said: "Of the period 1602-1620, probably every year's experience might adde something to the fuller knowledge of the havens, rivers," etc.7 Smith's map and his published reports of New England, written while he was a prisoner of the French, just after his voyage to New England in 1614, and published on his return to England, aroused enormous interest in England, and probably within two or three years drew more fishing expeditions to the New England coast than had gone there in all the previous time. Capt. John Smith advertised New England in glowing colors, and to a degree which it might have taken others years to equal. In 1615, four good ships, Smith says in later writings by him
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regarding New England, sailed from London for the New England deep-sea fishing.27 In 1616, four more went from London and four from Plymouth. 27 Smith was poor, and he was not only interested but needed employment. After Capt. John Smith's return, in 1616, from his capture by the French, he reports spending a long time that year, 1616, in the west of England, talking to the gentry there and trying to arouse their enthusiasm to send fishing expeditions to his New England. These men promised him twenty sail the next year, 1617, and though promises were more easily made than fulfilled, probably some ships did go as planned. Two went in 1618. In 1619-1620 one ship sailed from Plymouth for New England. 27
Probably the French were active on the New Eng- land coast at this same time. In his description of New England Smith says that in 1614, when in New England, two French ships were known by him to be fairly near him, to the westward. He also speaks of French activity prior to his going there in 1614, in Massachusetts Bay. 25
In 1616 Sir Ferdinando Gorges sent out Richard Vines, with a party hired to remain the following winter at what is now Winter Harbor. Vines stayed in Indian huts, at the mouth of the Saco River. 22 Vines had been on the Maine coast earlier, in 1609.22 In 1618, Edward Rowcroft, employed by Gorges, left a few men to stay on or near the Kennebec.17 Capt. John Smith refers to Master Thomas Dirmire as spending a considerable time in New England in 1619. Dirmire found among the Indians two Frenchmen, who had been wrecked on Cape Cod.27 David Thomson, who led the first settlement at the mouth of the Piscataqua River, in 1623, was reported to have been on the
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American coast before,28 and it is possible that he had actually previously seen the Piscataqua shore, which he occupied under his grant. From the business ar- rangements made by Thomson before he came over, he seems to have had a fairly clear understanding of the territory to which he came. Thomson's expedition was largely interested in the fishing off the mouth of the Piscataqua. In 1620 six or seven sail went from the west of England.27 In the spring of 1622, thirty- five ships were reported as sailing from the west of England to fish off the coast of New England. 29 Dur- ing the season of 1623 the Isles of Shoals were a fishing center for a number of vessels.8 Printed reproductions of Smith's map of the New England coast showed the Isles of Shoals and also Portsmouth Harbor, the most interesting looking indent in the coast appearing on this map between Cape Cod and Portland.27 The map, in Vol. IV of "Purchas His Pilgrimes," pub- lished in London in 1625, showed the coast from Cape Cod to Newfoundland, and clearly indicated Ports- mouth Harbor and the Isles of Shoals.12 The deed between David Thomson and his merchant backers, dated December, 1622, referred to the sending of three men to join Thomson, presumably meaning joining him near the Piscataqua, on the next expedition going to New England. This indicated fishing expeditions which were acquainted with the Piscataqua and likely to go there. In 1578 there were one hundred and fifty French vessels at Newfoundland. 18 "One French
mariner, before 1609, had made more than forty voy- ages to the American coast."18 It is highly likely that the Piscataqua was known by Europeans before Martin Pring saw it, and, although we do not actually know it, the chances are that one or more, and probably several,
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of the many known expeditions sailing to the New England coast between 1614 and 1623 entered the Piscataqua and reported on its surrounding territory.
Who hath desired the sea? - the sight of salt water unbounded - The heave and the halt and the hurl and the crash of the comber wind-hounded?
The sleek-barrelled swell before storm, grey, foamless, enormous, and growing -
Stark calm on the lap of the line or the crazy-eyed hurricane blowing -
Who hath desired the sea? - the immense and contemptuous surges?
The shudder, the stumble, the swerve, as the star-stabbing bow- sprit emerges?
The orderly clouds of the trades, and the ridged, roaring sapphire thereunder -
Unheralded cliff-haunting flaws and the headsail's low-volleying thunder -
Who hath desired the sea? Her menaces swift as her mercies, The in-rolling walls of the fog and the silver-winged breeze that disperses?
The unstable mined berg going south and the calvings and groans that declare it -
White water half-guessed overside and the moon breaking timely to bare it;
Who hath desired the sea? Her excellent loneliness rather Than forecourts of kings, and her outermost pits than the streets where men gather!
- RUDYARD KIPLING.
CHAPTER III
SETTLEMENT
I N 1620 the Pilgrim Fathers landed at Plymouth, Massachusetts. "Persecution had driven one Mr. Robinson and his church from England to Hol- land, about the year 1608. They stayed about a year at Amsterdam, and then removed to Leyden. In 1617 they began to think of moving to America. The man- ners of the Dutch were too licentious for them." They were at a loss whether to go to Guiana or to Virginia, but the majority were in favor of Virginia.1
The Dutch endeavored at first to have them go to Hudson's River in America; "but they had not lost their affection for the English," 1 and so they applied "to the Virginia Company for a patent of land" 1 to the south of New England. The Virginia Company at first welcomed this application, but later the request for a patent met with political obstruction.5 The affairs of the Virginia Company, moreover, were in great confusion,1 and it was the last part of the year before the Pilgrims' patent was granted. One Mr. Thomas Weston, who was working in their behalf in England, and other merchants of London, agreed to help them with money, or to go over to the New World with them,1 and urged them to go to New England.5 In August, 1620, they sailed for America, but they were obliged repeatedly to put back. They had intended to make Hudson's River, or near that, but the Dutch are reported to have bribed their pilot, and he carried them farther
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to the northward, so that they made land at Cape Cod, arriving in Provincetown Harbor, November 11, 1620.1,5 Provincetown Harbor was not to their liking, and they coasted along shore in their vessel until they found a place "more agreeable for a plantation, though not so good a harbor."1 They gave their new abode the name of "New Plymouth." 1 Cap- tain Smith had given the name of "Plimouth" to the same place on his map in 1614.1 The Pilgrim Fathers arrived without any definite grant covering the terri- tory which they occupied. Great care was exercised to prevent any identification of the Pilgrims in Eng- land.2 For more than a year the Plymouth, Massa- chusetts, colony was mentioned in the minutes of the Council for New England as "Mr. Peirce's Planta- tion." 2 Plymouth did not secure a royal charter, and for its legal existence was solely dependent upon the acts of the Council for New England.2
As the seventeenth century progressed, members of the so-called Plymouth Company, that is, those of the west of England, interested in planting the north- ern colony of Virginia, found that their patent "did not secure them from intrusions of others." 3 They consequently petitioned "for an enlargement and con- firmation of their privileges." 3 Sometime later, No- vember 3, 1620,4 the King, by his sole authority, "constituted a Council, consisting of forty noblemen, knights and gentlemen," by the name of "The Council Established at Plymouth, in the County of Devon, for the Planting, Ruling and Governing of New England in America." This Council became at once a corpora- tion with perpetual succession through election by the majority.3 Its rights over territory extended from the 40th degree north latitude to the 48th.1 Belknap
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