USA > New Hampshire > Sullivan County > Charlestown > History of Charlestown, New-Hampshire, the old No. 4 > Part 4
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For three weeks from this event the utmost excitement prevailed ; for, as the garrison was small and unequal to the repelling of any considerable force, the inhabitants stood waiting in constant expecta- tion of another of their incursions. But though the Indians were still active, and made their presence felt, during this time, at Contoocook, Lower and Upper Ashuelot, Bernardston, Coleraine and Fort Massa- chusetts, they did not appear again at No. 4.
But these excitements and the gloom connected with them in the minds of the people were in a great measure alleviated if not dispelled by the arrival of Capt. Daniel Paine* on the 24th of the month, who had been sent by the assembly of Massachusetts with a troop of horse for the defense of the place. These men, on hearing the details of what had taken place, immediately manifested a strong curiosity to see the spot where Putnam had been killed ; and, some of the inhabitants being affected by a similar desire about twenty persons without being suitably armed went out to visit it. But they soon paid dearly for their gratification; for the savages having laid for them an ambush Ensign Obadiah Sartwell was taken prisoner and five of the company, Samuel Farnsworth, Elijah Allen, Peter Perin, Aaron Lyon, and Jo- seph Massey were killed ; and doubtless their temerity would have re-
* Captain Paine was of Dudley, Mass.
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sulted in a much greater disaster had not Capt. Stevens, who com- manded a few men in the fort, rushed out for their relief. With a consummate knowledge of Indian character, Stevens had counselled them against gratifying their curiosity; but with his accustomed promptness and daring intrepidity, he soon engaged the Indians and put them to flight inflicting on them the loss of a number of guns, and several blankets, and it is supposed also of several lives; but the number of killed could not be ascertained as, according to their cus- tom they took in their flight, their dead along with them. Belknap, however, states it to be five. Of the persons captured or killed, Ensign Obadiah Sartwell, and Samuel Farnsworth, belonged to the settlement, but Elijah Allen,* Perin, Lyon, and Massey were members of the Com- pany of Capt. Paine. Farnsworth was not killed by the Indians, but his death was an accident and occurred in the following manner.
The savages, as soon as they had fired on the Company that had been attracted to the spot where Putnam was killed, endeavored to cut off their retreat to the fort. One of them had overtaken Farns- worth, and was making an effort to take him prisoner, but was val- iantly resisted. Their contest was observed by a soldier who, think- ing that he would put an end to it, fired for the purpose of killing the Indian ; but unfortunately either through a false aim, or some sudden motion of the parties just at the time, Farnsworth came in the line of the ball and was killed. The circumstance was greatly regretted, though no blame was cast on the soldier whose motive was appreciat- ed notwithstanding the sad consequences of his act. Farnsworth was the eldest of the three brothers, who were the first settlers of the place and was a most energetic and trustworthy man. (See Farns- worth genealogies.) Sartwell returned Aug. 20, 1747, with Lieut. John Hawks.
A few days after the affair above described, Capt. Ephraim Brown, of Sudbury, Mass., arrived at No. 4, with an additional Company of troops. But nothing transpired either in No. 4, or in the region, till the nineteenth of June, which is worthy of being noted. But that day was made memorable by another engagement. The manner in which this was brought about was as follows. The horses of the troops, as they had no other way to provide for them, had been turned into the meadow to graze; and either for looking after them, or be- cause they wanted them for some purpose, Captains Stevens and
* Elijah Allen was son of Ephraim Allen of Northboro-aged 18.
GREAT MEADOW.
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Brown united their companies or portions of them together to go out after them. Let me give an account of the matter, in the lan- guage of an article published in Boston, July 1st, 1746.
" We hear that on Thursday, the 19th, ult., at a plantation called No. 4, Capt. Stevens, of the garrison there, and Capt. Brown, of Sudbury, with about fifty men went out into the woods to look for horses and, coming near a causeway they were obliged to pass, their dogs being on the hunt before them, and barking very much, they suspected some Indians were near ; whereupon, keeping a good look out, they discov- ered a great number of them, supposed to be a hundred and fifty, ly- ing in ambush, waiting for them on the other side ; so that if they had passed over, in all probability, most of them might have been cut off. The Indians on finding themselves discovered, suddenly started up, and a smart engagement immediately ensued, in which, it is supposed, that the English fired first and engaged them so closely and briskly that they soon drew off, and being followed by our men retreated into a large swamp; whereupon the English returned to the garrison, not caring to venture, after such numbers, into so hazardous a place."- (See Vol. 3, Farmer & Moore, page 294.)
In this engagement, as above indicated, the company of Stevens and Brown had the advantage of the first fire. This disconcerted the sav- ages in no small degree; who, being on higher ground and making no allowance for their position, almost constantly overshot the English, so as to do them comparatively little damage : who, with this advantage on their side, very soon put the enemy to rout, inflicting on them, as it was supposed, no small loss of life and means. That a number of the Indians were killed is certain, for they were seen dragging several of the bodies of their dead after them. Their loss in other respects was also considerable. Blankets, hatchets, spears, guns, &c .. were left be- hind, which were subsequently sold for forty pounds, old tenor, which was reckoned a great booty, "for such beggarly enemies."
Captains Stevens and Brown, in this engagement, lost none on the spot, but Jedediah Winchell was mortally wounded and died soon after. Jonathan Stanhope, David Parker and Noah Heaton were wounded but recovered.
The spot where this conflict took place has since been called Am- bush Hill or, by some, the Ambuscade. It lies on the old meadow road, about a mile from the village, and a short distance to the north- west of the residence of Mr. Beza Woods. It is now marked by an elm tree, the only one in the vicinity, of some twenty or twenty-five
.
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years growth. It is not what would be termed a hill, but is only a slight elevation on the meadow. The position of the force of Cap- tains Stevens and Brown, during the conflict, can be only a matter of conjecture. But that the Indians occupied the position above desig- nated, there can be little reason to doubt.
After this conflict, No. 4 remained unmolested by the incursion of enemies, for several weeks. In the meantime a company of troops, thirty-eight in number, arrived under command of Capt. Joseph How, of Marlboro' which were designed to relieve Captain Brown. The men were mostly from Marlboro' and Southboro'. But this brief cessation of hostilities was renewed on the 3d of August at which time the enemy appeared again in large numbers. Their presence was first indicated by the barking of the dogs, which belonged to the fort, and the peculiar movements which those animals were accustomed to exhibit when Indians were in the vicinity .*
Capt. Stevens, in order to ascertain the certainty of his surmises sent out a scout ; but the men were scarcely out of the fort before they were fired upon, and Ebenezer Philips, was killed. He was so near the gate, when he fell, that at night a soldier crept carefully out and fastened a rope to the body, and it was drawn into the fort and in- terred. The remainder of the scout, effected their escape into the fort without injury.
Knowing that they were discovered, the enemy immediately made an attack upon the garrison, and put forth every endeavor to take it. They discharged their muskets against the walls, and set fire to several buildings, and made other demonstrations in the Indian fashion for ef- fecting their object. In this manner they continued their efforts for two days, till at length, finding their attempts to be wholly ineffectual, they desisted from any further attacks.
* Dogs are several times spoken of in connection with this history. " In Novem- ber, 1706," says Judd in his "History of Hadley," Massachusetts passed an act for raising and increasing dogs for the better security of the frontiers. In 1708 the sum of 41 pounds was paid for " trailing of dogs" on the frontiers of Mid- dlesex. Dogs were employed on the western frontier in 1746 and Gideon Lyman of Northampton was allowed £12, 13 s. 7 d., "for purchasing dogs." Connecti- cut and New Jersey, also employed them in military service. It is not known that any Indian was harmed by the dogs. It is probable that the main object of their employment was to trace the Indians to their hiding places, or to give warning of their presence in such a manner as to prevent the evil they might otherwise have done by their ambuscades.
See History of Hadley, page 280.
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On the 5th of August, Capt. Stevens, at the head of sixty men, marched to the great meadow,-now Putney,-at which place he re- mained during the sixth and seventh, and guarded the people while reaping. On the eighth they returned to No. 4, to find that the cattle, horses and most of the hogs of the settlers had been killed during his absence. Sixteen horses, belonging to Capt. How's force were destroyed. The mills, which Capt. Spafford had commenced rebuilding, were also again burned, and all the houses outside of the fort, save one, which stood near the stockade.
On the 9th of August, Capt. Josiah Brown, from Stow, arrived with a company of fresh troops, to take the place of those under the com- mand of Captain Brown, of Sudbury. (William Heywood's Journal.)
Not long after the arrival of this force, another company of troops was dispatched by Governor Shirley to No. 4, with a quantity of pro- visions, for the relief of the place. This was under the command of Capt. Winchester, who remained with his troops until late into the autumn, when he was recalled to Massachusetts.
No farther damage was done at No. 4, during 1746. On the sixth of August, however, seven men were ambuscaded in Winchester, near Willard's fort, and Joseph Rawson was killed ; and, on the eleventh, Benjamin Wright, was mortally wounded at Northfield. About the same time Ezekiel Wallingford, was killed at Paquayag (Athol,) and a person named Bliss at Greenfield. An ineffectual attempt of the enemy on Shattuck's fort . at Hinsdale, closed the depredations on Connecticut River for this year.
At the termination of the military operations of 1746, Massachu- setts determined to withdraw the principal part of her forces from the defense of the settlements on the Connecticut River, in N. H. This was brought about by petitions from persons in the north-western por- tions of the State, who thought it inexpedient that the State should be at the charge of defending territory which was not within her ju- risdiction. The assembly, when they came to act, coincided in opinion with the petitioners. But this result was arrived at, not so much on account of the expense which the State would necessarily incur in garrisoning the forts, as from another cause which had vexed and soured the public mind. The settlements on this river requiring spe- cial protection were within the boundaries of New-Hampshire, and that State when requested by Massachusetts to make provision for their protection had very discourteously refused. It is true that she offered afterward, in June, 1745, to garrison with 20 men fort Dum-
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mer for six months, but this was not till Massachusetts, by an order from the king, had agreed to support that fortress and could not at that time, consistently, as it was thought, with his Majesty's order, resign her charge. And besides, Massachusetts, whether she had reason to be or not, was jealous of the motives of New-Hampshire. It was ap- prehended that all she wanted was to get the fort into her possession, and then abandon it. It can be hardly probable as circumstances were, that this was the case, but whether it was true or false, it became no less operative in producing a feeling prejudicial to that State ; and which had its effect in inducing Massachusetts to withdraw her garri- son and leave the settlements to defend themselves, or to look for their defense to the State. under whose jurisdiction they belonged.
Massachusetts being thus determined to withdraw her forces, the settlements in New-Hampshire, which she had aided in defending, were informed of the fact; on learning which they rightly inferred that there was only one thing for them to do; and that was to abandon their plantations and retire to the older towns for safety.
The inhabitants of No. 4 had, during the whole summer of 1746, been compelled to take refuge in the fort, and whoever, except under the protection of an armed guard, ventured outside of it, was exposed to the danger of being slain, or taken and carried into captivity. Their lands could not be cultivated, and they were totally unable to protect any property which could not be brought within the inclosure of their wooden walls. The principal part of their cattle had been killed, and many of their horses. Eight of the soldiers and inhabit- ants had also been slain, and three carried away as prisoners; of whose fate they were uncertain. Their misfortunes had been heavy and great, and another grievous trial awaited them. They had sought to make themselves homes in the wilderness, but those homes were to be left and all the results of their toils and labors abandoned. They were obliged to quit their estates and there was presented to them no alternative, so "they deposited in the earth such utensils and furni- ture as could be saved by that means, and of such things as were port- able they carried off what they could. The remainder they left with- out any expectation of seeing them more. At the withdrawal of Capt. Winchester and the Massachusetts troops, all the inhabitants left but six men, who remained to guard the fort until winter should set in, when they also left and the township was deserted. The retir- ing inhabitants took up their abodes mostly in Groton, Lunenburg, and Leominster.
CHAPTER III.
CIRCUMSTANCES THAT LED MASSACHUSETTS TO SEND A COMPANY OF RAN- GERS UNDER COMMAND OF CAPTAIN PHINEAS STEVENS TO RE-OCCUPY THE FORT AT NO. 4, IN THE MONTH OF MARCH, 1747. THE PLACE BRAVELY DEFENDED AGAINST THE ATTACK OF GEN. DEBELINE, AND OTHER EVENTS AND TRANSACTIONS OF THE WAR TO THE PEACE OF AIX LA CHAPELLE.
URING the winter, the Indians were so ice-bound in Canada, that the frontiers suffered only in apprehension, as no incur- sions were made upon them. In this interval, some gentle- men who had the wisdom to perceive that the protection of the Con- necticut River settlements was required by the true interests of the country, fortunately prevailed on the assembly of Massachusetts to make the needful provision for the defense of the forts and garrisons which in consequence of the withdrawal of her troops had been desert- ed. They moreover sought to convince them, that this would require not only a sufficiency of men to afford garrisons for the places that would be able to resist such assaults as would be likely to be made up- on them, but also an equal additional force to range the woods and watch the motions of the enemy, and prevent their depredations, by anticipat- ing their designs, and by suddenly falling upon and surprising them in their encampments, when they had not the least expectation of an assault ; thus practising upon them their own tactics.
The prime mover in this matter, we have reason to believe, was Capt. Stevens; who, by the promptness and wisdom with which he had acted, had already gained no inconsiderable influence with the government. He had personally addressed a memorial to Governor Shirley, setting forth his views of the situation, from which the follow- ing is an extract. "No. 4, is situate upon Connecticut River, about 45 miles above Northfield : on which place (No. 4) the enemy have con- tinually endeavored to do spoil; and many great advantages have been lost for want of a suitable number of soldiers at that garrison. Fort Massachusetts, that was, is situate about 34 miles from Deerfield,
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and is the proper road of an enemy coming upon our frontiers when they come by Wood Creek and the Drowned lands, as No. 4 is when they come by Otter Creek. Now it appears to me if one hundred men were early sent to each of these posts, say by the latter end of March, and suitable encouragement was given to them to go and waylay the streams the enemy come upon when they issue out from Crown Point, they might be very much discouraged in coming in small parties as heretofore : which in my opinion will be of the greatest service to the public and the only effectual method to carry on the war. If any thing be done it should be done early in the spring, as it is evident from past experience that this enemy will be down by the 1st of April. There is one thing which I have observed while among the Indians ; they are a people which are greatly elated and flushed up when they have success and as soon discouraged when they are disappointed." (See His. of Northfield, by Sheldon and Temple, page 248.)
In their endeavors, these gentlemen, with Capt. Stevens at their head, were only partially successful; for the assembly, at this time, could be induced to go no further than to detail such a number of men for garrisoning the forts as, in their estimation, would be sufficient to repel the enemy in case of attack; and the subject of taking the offens- ive was postponed, for some future consideration.
This being the state of affairs, in the latter part of March, 1747, Capt. Phineas Stevens, with thirty men, was ordered by Governor Shirley to march to No. 4 and take possession. This post, for more than two months, had been entirely deserted and fears were entertained that, in case it should be left longer, it would either be burned or tak- en by the enemy. The movement was timely, and in every respect most fortunate. Stevens marched through the wilderness and arrived at No. 4 on the 27th of March, to find the fort in good condition: but what was his surprise, on entering it, to find himself and company heartily welcomed by an old spaniel and a cat, which had been left behind at its desertion, and had remained in it during the winter, as its sole defenders and occupants.
Capt. Stevens and company had been in possession of the fort only a few days, before they were led to surmise the presence of an enemy. Their suspicions were first aroused by the uneasy appearance of the dogs, and their continued barking. These indications of something that was not right induced them to keep the gate closely barred. But here we must let Capt. Stevens tell his own story. In his report to Gov. Shirley, dated April 9th, 1747, he says, "Our dogs being very
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much disturbed, which gave us reason to think that the enemy were about, occasioned us not to open the gate at the usual time; but one of our men, being desirous to know the certainty, ventured out privately to set on the dogs, about nine o'clock in the morning; and went about twenty rods from the fort firing off his gun and saying, Choboy, to the dogs. Whereupon, the enemy, being within a few rods, immediately arose from behind a log and fired : but through the goodness of GOD, the man got into the fort with only a slight wound. The enemy being then discovered, immediately arose from their ambushments and at- tacked us on all sides. The wind being very high, and every thing exceedingly dry, they set fire to all the old fences, and also to a log- house about forty rods distant from the fort to the windward ; so that within a few minutes we were entirely surrounded with fire-all which was performed with the most hideous shouting and firing, from all quarters, which they continued, in a very terrible manner, until the next day at ten o'clock at night, without intermission ; during which time we had no opportunity to eat or sleep. But notwithstanding all their shoutings and threatenings, our men seemed not to be in the least daunted, but fought with great resolution : which, doubtless, gave the enemy reason to think we had determined to stand it out to the last degree. The enemy had provided themselves with a sort of fortification, which they had determined to push before them and bring fuel to the side of the fort, in order to burn it down. But instead of performing what they threatened, and seemed to be immediately going to undertake, they called to us and desired a cessation of arms until sunrise the next morning which was granted : at which time they would come to a parley. Accordingly the French General Debeline came with about sixty of his men, with a flag of truce, and stuck it down within about twenty rods of the fort in plain sight of the same, and said if we would send three men to him he would send as many to us to which we complied. The General sent in a French lieutenant with a French soldier and an Indian.
Upon our men going to the Monsieur, he made the following pro- posals ; viz .- that in case we would immediately resign up the fort, we should all have our lives and liberty to put on all the clothes we had, and also to take a sufficient quantity of provisions to carry us to Mon- treal, and bind up our provisions and blankets, lay down our arms and march out of the fort.
Upon our men returning, he desired that the Captain of the fort would meet him half way, and give an answer to the above proposal,
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which I did ; and upon meeting the Monsieur, he did not wait for me to give an answer, but went on in the following manner; viz .- that what had been promised he was ready to perform ; but upon refusal he would immediately set the fort on fire, and run over the top; for he had seven hundred men with him ; and if we made any further resist- ance, or should happen to kill one Indian, we might expect all to be put to the sword. " The fort " said he, " I am resolved to have, or die. Now do what you please ; for I am as easy to have you fight as to give up." I told the General, that in case of extremity his proposal would do ; but inasmuch as I was sent here by my master, the Cap- tain General, to defend this fort, it would not be consistent with my orders to give it up unless I was better satisfied that he was able to perform what he had threatened; and, furthermore, I told him that it was poor encouragement to resign into the hands of the enemy, that upon one of their number being killed, they would put all to the sword, when it was probable that we had killed some of them already. " Well," said he, " go into the fort, and sce whether your men dare fight any more or not, and give me an answer quick, for my men want to be fighting." Whereupon, I came into the fort and called all the men together, and informed them what the French General said, and then put it to vote which they chose, either to fight on or resign ; and they voted to a man to stand it out as long as they had life. Upon this, I returned the answer that we were determined to fight it out. Upon which they gave a shout, and then fired, and so continued firing and shouting until daylight the next morning.
About noon they called to us and said "Good morning," and desired a cessation of arms for two hours that they might come to a parley ; which was granted. The General did not come himself but sent two Indians, who came within about eight rods of the fort and stuck down their flag and desired that I would send out two men to them, which I did, and the Indians made the following proposal, viz .- That in case we would sell them provisions, they would leave and not fight any more ; and desired my answer, which was, that selling them provisions for money was contrary to the laws of nations; but if they would send in a captive for every five bushels of corn, I would supply them. Upon the Indians returning the General this answer, four or five guns were fired against the fort, and they withdrew, as we supposed, for we heard no more of them.
In all this time we had scarce opportunity to eat or sleep. The ces- sation of arms gave us no matter of rest, for we suspected they did it
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to obtain an advantage against us. I believe men were never known to hold out with better resolution, for they did not seem to sit or lie still one moment. There were but thirty men in the fort, and although we had some thousands of guns fired at us, there were but two men slightly wounded, viz. John Brown and Joseph Ely.
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