USA > New Hampshire > Sullivan County > Charlestown > History of Charlestown, New-Hampshire, the old No. 4 > Part 7
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The Spring of 1753, opened on the inhabitants of No. 4 with favor- able prospects. Better dispositions appeared to be entertained by the Indians, and a desire on their part was manifested for the cultivation of a more friendly intercourse than had previously existed. And though by no means full confidence was as yet placed in them, yet the suspicions of the citizens were so far removed that they were enabled to engage with an increasing fearlessness in the tilling of their fields, and in the duties that called them to a distance from the fort. The Indians were disposed to traffic, and were free so far as appearances indicated from hostile intentions ; and a similar course of conduct be- ing pursued by them towards other settlements, the distrust which had all along been felt was at length overcome, and gave place to a general conviction, which continued through the summer, that they were sin- cere in their professions of peace, and that no harm was, immediately at least, to be apprehended from them. In this state of things, it was no longer deemed necessary by the people, that they should confine them- selves to the fort, outside of which, from the Spring of 1746, there had been no safety. They therefore gathered up their effects and gladly bade good-bye to the closely confined life, which they had been com- pelled for such a length of time to lead. And, though the government of Massachusetts did not cease to continue a small garrison at the fort, it does not appear that any use of that fortification was made by the inhabitants, who had prepared themselves homes on their own lots, though at no considerable distance from it. The habitation at the time on the north most distant from its protection, was that of James Johnson, who was subsequently taken captive with his family by the Indians. This Mrs. Johnson describes in her narrative as being about one hundred rods from the fort, and as being the most northerly set- tlement on the Connecticut River. Not far from the same distance on the meadow down the river was the Block-house of Captain Stevens. The other habitations were nearer, and consequently, in some respects, in less exposed situations. The roll of Captain Phineas Stevens' compa- ny contains the names of most of the settlers, but there were, in addi- tion to these, several others not found there, among whom it is proper
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to mention Deacon Thomas Adams, Captain Jonathan Hubbard, Peter Labaree and Seth Putnam. Ebenezer Farnsworth was also probably a settler at that time. The summer was a prosperous one. Good crops rewarded the labors of the inhabitants, which they were able to gather in without any of those fearful apprehensions which they had so long experienced. Much labor was also done in clearing new lands and in preparing them for a state of cultivation. But what renders this year peculiarly memorable is the incorporation of the Township by New-Hampshire.
This took place in consequence of a petition, presented by Captain Phineas Stevens and others, July 2nd, 1753 ; and, what must have been exceedingly agreeable to the proprietors, they were confirmed, by the charter given them, in all the rights and privileges which had been pre- viously granted by Massachusetts, but to which, as the township had subsequently been found to be included in the jurisdiction of New- Hampshire, they had no legal title. The township which, up to this time, had been known by no other designation than No. 4, received the name of Charlestown. This name it received in compliment to Com. Sir Charles Knowles, who had presented Captain Stevens with an elegant and valuable sword, for his bravery in defense of the fort for three days and nights, against General Debeline.
But this period of tranquillity which had proved so favorable to Charlestown, as the township must now be called, and which was also contributing to the settlement of the townships below on the river, was destined to be of very short duration; and this was what one acquaint- ed with the circumstances of the treaty between the two nations might have anticipated ; for not one of the difficulties in which the war had originated was settled by it. Precisely the same causes therefore re- mained for a rupture which had previously existed. The real question at issue between the two nations was one of territory. France was grasping and aggressive and in that as unscrupulous as it was possible for a nation to be; and her principal intentions in the negotiation were evidently only to put England off of her guard for a time, that she might make preparations for carrying forward her schemes of aggrand- izement in a future conflict. But fortunately England knew her ad- versary, and was not insensible to the fact that the matter in contro- versy between them was one which could never be permanently decided except by the sword. She as well as France therefore determined on early and vigorous preparation for the contest which could not be very long deferred. As, therefore neither of the nations was ignorant of
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HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN.
the other's intentions, it can hardly be surprising that the prospects of peace which had been so pleasant should be obscured by indications of hostility early in the following year. The change was greatly regret- ted not only by the inhabitants of Charlestown, but by all who had been induced by the expectations of the continuance of peace to commence the formation of settlements on the river below. Walpole, Westmoreland, Chesterfield and Winchester had been chartered by New-Hampshire, and some settlements also west of the river. had be- gun to spring up, all of which would require garrisons for their defense in case of a war, or the inhabitants would remain in them at fearful risks. And from what source were their garrisons to be obtained ? In the former war Massachusetts had furnished the troops ; but were not the relations of this section so changed, by the incorporation of its towns by New-Hampshire, as to exclude the expectation of further aid from that government ? Before their adoption by New-Hampshire, (as they had been granted by Massachusetts) they might have consid- ered that they had some claim to her protection. But with what pro- priety could they apply to her to furnish troops for their garrisons, af- ter their formal reception under the jurisdiction of another state ? And would New-Hampshire furnish the necessary troops, or would she refuse, as she had done before ?
From the time of the death of Ensign Obadiah Sartwell a garrison had been sustained at Charlestown. But as it had at no time exceeded twenty-five, it was far too small to be effective, and constitute, in case of hostilities, a sufficient force for defense. But in the summer of 1754, as the prospect of hostilities became more imminent, Governor Went- worth ordered a detachment of sixty men from the regiment of Col- onel Joseph Blanchard, of Dunstable, for the protection of the fron- tiers on the Merrimac and Connecticut Rivers. Colonel Blanchard says in a letter dated, Dunstable, August 29th, 1754, " The complement destined for Connecticut River marched in company and under com- mand of Major Bellows." This consisted of eighteen men-officers in- cluded-of which the following is the Muster Roll ;-
Lieut. Benjamin Bellows. Sent. Jesse Richardson. James Hewey. Henry Hewey. John Cummings. Amos Kenney.
Henry Hill. Joseph Richardson. James Page. John Lovell, jr. Samuel Parker, jr. Timothy Beadle.
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HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN.
John Martin. Samuel Stearns, jr. James French.
James Whiting. Amos Whiting. James Hill.
The date of the time of entrance of the above named into service was the 23d of August, 1754. On the 31st of August, after the com- pany had reached the Connecticut, Captain Phineas Stevens was added to it as Sergeant, and Jonathan Hubbard, also of Charlestown, as a Pri- vate. On the 9th of September, Henry Hill was discharged, and on the 16th, Caleb Willard, of Charlestown, was enlisted to supply his place. On the 13th of October, John Martin was also discharged, and John Cummings, jr., on the 14th, entered service to supply his place. The company, therefore, consisted of twenty men,-officers included. (See " Potter's Military History," page 119.)
Potter, in his " Military History of New-Hampshire," says "The detachment under Major Bellows doubtless did duty at Walpole and the fort at No. 4, now Charlestown." The following extract of a let- ter from Colonel Blanchard to Governor Wentworth, relating to this detachment, would seem to indicate that it was not intended that it should perform service at Charlestown at all, unless its presence was re- quired by some emergency :- " Before I parted with Major Bellows I strongly urged his taking an equal care of the inhabitants on Connect- icut river, down to include Westmoreland and ye Great Meadows (or Putney), and urged that the Great Meadows and Westmoreland joyn in one garrison ; Walpole, Westminister and Rockingham, whose im- provements lye handy, to make two garrisons. In Walpole, one on the river Bank, the other on the outside of the meadow, where Mr. Bel- lows' house now stands, the forts about half a mile distant right op- posite to the improvements in Westminister, and will cover two hun- dred acres of good Meadow Land of Mr. Bellows' which he says ac- cording to their families shall have equal benefit with himself during the war ; The Fort on the Bank will cover the Landing and safe pas- sage to Westminister fields. I hope they'll settle it that way. Wal- pole and Westmoreland will then be upwards of thirty men Each of the inhabitants, and safe as to the general of their labor. These places lye the most exposed (with Charlestown) and as the scont was small some must scout round the town, to Divide them further I tho't would defeat their being of much use anywhere-but told him on the whole he must be vigilant in making the Best advantage of their service where he found most need." (Page 313, Vol. VI, Provincial Papers.)
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HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN.
It does not appear from this extract, that this detachment was sent to the Connecticut River with any particular design of affording protection to Charlestown. It is, on the other hand, quite clear that its main ob- ject was the defense of Colonel Bellows' settlement in Walpole. Col- onel Bellows had been induced by Governor Wentworth to settle in New-Hampshire, by the offer of any of the unappropriated townships. He selected what was then No. 3, (since Walpole,) on account of its location between Fort No. 4 and Fort Dummer; which he supposed would afford superior advantages of security against the assaults of the Indians. The purchasers with him were his brother-in-law, Colonel Blanchard, and Colonel Theodore Atkinson, Governor Wentworth's Secretary, both influential men; but who might not have been free, in securing the services of the detachment, from that feeling which per- haps leads the great majority of persons to look out for their own in- terests first. But that the detachment was needed at Walpole, there can be no doubt, even though some favoritism may have been shown in placing it there.
This detachment had not reached its place of destination on the Connecticut River, before Charlestown was startled by an incursion of the Indians who captured Captain James Johnson and wife and three children, together with Mrs. Johnson's sister, (Miriam Willard,) Peter Labaree and Ebenezer Farnsworth. (See Captain James Johnson.)
The excitement it produced will be best conveyed by the transactions which followed thereupon.
Despatch from Captain Phineas Stevens to Colonel Hinsdale.
Charlestown, in New-Hampshire, August 30, 1754.
SIR : This morning a party of Indians have been in the house of James Johnson, and have carried off himself, his wife, and three chil- dren and a daughter of Lieutenant Moses Willard of about fourteen or fifteen years of age. The said Johnson's wife was then with child, and within a few days of her time. They have also taken Ebenezer Farnsworth, who lived in the house with him, and Peter Labaree who went to Johnson's on some business. Aaron Hosmer was in the bed with Farnsworth, and made his escape by falling behind the bed, and retiring to another place for shelter in the said room, and abiding there, for near half an hour while the house was plundered. The Indians came several times into the chamber, and as he went out of the door one Indian pursued him and had like to have taken him. I have
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HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN.
been since to the house and find that all the people are gone off (viz) eight persons (a sorrowful account to give in time of Peace.) Which is all at present from
Your humble servant, PHINEAS STEVENS.
To Colonel Hinsdale.
Letter from Major Benjamin Bellows to Colonel Blanchard.
SIR : We have the news from Charlestown, that on Thursday morn- ing the 29th of this instant, the Indians came to the house of James Johnson, and broke in and took said Johnson, his wife, and three chil- dren, and a maid, and one Ebenezer Farnsworth, and Labaree, and they suppose they have carried them all off. They have not found any of them killed. The people are in great distress all down the river and at Keene, and at Swanzey, and the few men sent, will not more than supply one town, and the people cannot secure their grain nor hardly keep their garrison &c.
Westmoreland, Aug. 31. 1754. Colonel Joseph Blanchard.
BENJAMIN BELLOWS.
P. S. I have got no further than Westmoreland, when I wrote this, and got all the men safe there.
B. B.
Letter from Lieutenant Colonel Josiah Willard, to Colonel Blanchard. Winchester Aug. 31st, 1754.
SIR: This day I received the melancholy tidings of a family being captured by the Indians at Charlestown, the circumstances whereof you will find in the copy of Captain Stevens letter to Colonel Hins- dale, which is enclosed in a letter to his Excellency Governor Went- worth which, I beg the favor of you to convey as speedily as can be. After you have informed yourself of the news contained in it, so try to help a poor distressed people for almost every man is upon the move in this part of the country. I have had no sleep this three nights, and now have nine families stopped at my house.
We have persuaded the bigger part of the people to tarry a little while and see if we can have some help, but the old leaven of the M-tts and Mr. Walkers turning the world up-side-down in so little a time is discouraging to many of our people .* They hear
* See page 253, VI Volume of New-Hampshire Provincial Records.
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every day, that there is no help to be had from the Mass'tts. I had a hard task to keep Fort Dummer with six or seven men and have not completed a good garrison round my own house, but hope to have it done soon &c.
JOSIAH WILLARD.
Colonel Blanchard.
Extract of a letter from Colonel Blanchard to Governor Wentworth.
Dunstable, Sunday 5 o'clock P. M. 1754.
May it please your Excellency,
Four o'clock this afternoon, I received a letter per express from Major Bellows, whereof (see Major Bellows letter above) the enclosed is a copy. I tho't it necessary to give your excellency the earliest account. I have no other advice than the letter. A post is already gone to Captain Goffe, and all the frontier inhabitants up this river with this advice as well as to be cautious.
I have account I think may be depended on of the discovery of a party of Indians up this river, (the Merrimac) of the same day of this attack on Charlestown. This per post, three o'clock, last Fryday morning, frequently heard shots last week at several distant places, it seems they are sporting themselves at present greatly to our disad- vantage. I hope there will be a spirit of proper resentment raised in the assembly. There must be a frontier and if the present one is drove in we must have one much more difficult to defend or a great many new settlements broke up &c.
JOSEPH BLANCHARD.
His Excellency Benning Wentworth Esq. Governor &c.
I also give the following letter from Ebenezer Hinsdale to Colonel Williams.
Deerfield, August 31st, 1754.
SIR : At this instant one of the clock this morning Dr. Field of Northfield brought me the following lines from Captain Oliver Wil- lard of Fort Dummer, viz.
SIR : A Post has just now arrived from No. 4 who informs that the Indians came to Lieutenant Johnson's house, about break of day this morning, took him, his wife, and four children with one Lubbaree and Ebenezer Farnsworth; one Ausmore who was in the house escaped. None killed as we hear.
Your servant,
OLIVER WILLARD.
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HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN.
Dr. Field tells me the express from No. 4 informs, that the above mentioned Lubbaree who is near neighbor to Johnson just entered his house when the Indians rushed in after him. Osmour being in the chamber, heard the Indians in the house, and heard Johnson plead for Quarter. Said Osmour jumped out of the chamber, met an Indian who struck at him with a knife. He escaped the stroke. The Indians called to him to come back, but he kept on to Captain Stevens at the fort. There was no gun fired. The express came immediately from Captain Stevens and they had not time to know whether Lubbaree's family and some others of their neighbors are taken or not.
These in haste from your kinsman, and very humble servant,
EBENEZER HINSDALE.
Colonel Williams.
Captain Catlin, Lieutenant Hawks and Field are present who send you this information.
It seems almost unnecessary to state that the true account of the capture of the Johnson family is contained in Captain Stevens' letter and that the other accounts, wherein they differ from the one given by him are incorrect. There is a shadow of truth, however, in the ac- count given by Colonel Hinsdale of Hosmer, as when he came down from the chamber, where he had lain concealed, he met one Indian who had gone back, as it was supposed, to fire the buildings; but it is difficult to decide which was most frightened, as one ran one way, as fast as he could, and the other, the other.
For further account of the Johnson family, and of Miriam Willard, Farnsworth, and Labaree, see Genealogical notices.
The following which supplies us with the reasons of the capture of the Johnson family and the others taken at Charlestown, on the 30th of August, is extracted from Rev. Dr. J. Crosby's " Annals of Charlestown." " On the 21st of September, 1754, the Commissioners of Indian affairs at Albany were informed by Charles Cook, of French and Indian ex- traction, that on his way from Cahgnawaga thither, he had met a par- ty of twenty-one Indians, who had been fighting at Charlestown, allud- ing doubtless, to the capture of the Johnson family. He said he asked them why they had been fighting since it was peace? They an- swered that was nothing, for the English at the fort No. 4 had some time past poisoned two Indians, when at the same time, they were sit- ting and discoursing together and seemed to be good friends, by giving them a dram at night, and in the morning both were dead. Also that
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HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN.
the English some time after killed three Indians, below Charlestown ; and because the people of New England killel these five they had taken five in their room and that they were now paid." (Crosby's Annals, Vol. IV New-Hampshire Historical Collections, page 118.)
I give the above as it is found in Rev. Dr. Crosby's " Annals," and the reader after perusing the following, may accord to its statements such historical value as he may be of opinion they deserve :---
" The declaration of James Johnson an English Captive returned from Canada, that he with his wife and three children, and three other persons, were taken from No. 4. on the 30th of August last by eleven of the St. Francis Indians and carried to Crown Point fort, where he tarried three days; and from thence was carried to St. John's fort at the north end of Lake Champlain ; and from thence to the Indian set- tlement of St Francis, and was by the captors sold to a Frenchman at Montreal, with whom he lived about six weeks-That according to the best information he could get, the mischief done upon the frontiers the year past, was done by the St. Francis Indians; except that, at Fort Halifax, on Kennebeck River, concerning which he had no cer- tain information-he only heard there were three prisoners, and two scalps brought into Quebec from thence before he came away from Can- ada; that the Indians who took him captive, told him that they sent out eight Indians to Merrimac to revenge the death of two Indians that had been killed there ; eleven to No. 4, because the English had settled down upon lands there which they had not purchased ; twelve to Hoo- suck, to revenge the death of an Indian killed at Albany by some ne- groes, and two to Stockbridge ; and that they intended next spring to drive the English on Connecticut River so far as Deerfield ; that while he was at Crown Point, the Scaticook* Indians, about seventy-five men women and children, came in there and went aboard a vessel of the French King, about seventy tons, which carried them to St. John's Fort, and from there they went to St. Francis, where they had an in- terview with those Indians, and were by them received as a part of their own nation." (Provincial Records, Vol. VI, pages 330-1.)
It thus appears, that the reason of the attack on Charlestown, was not because two Indians by the citizens had been drugged to death, most vilely and dishonorably, under pretension of friendship, but " because the English had settled down upon lands which they had not purchased."
* The Schaghticoke Indians were many of them descendants of the New-Eng- land Indians who had left Connecticut River in Phillip's War. (Hoyt, page 263.)
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HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN.
The incursions and depredations of the Indians had now produced wide alarm, and the citizens of Charlestown felt unequal to the de- fense of that important post without assistance and support; and feel- ing that the necessary assistance should appropriately come from New- Hampshire, under whose jurisdiction Charlestown had been formally received, application by the inhabitants was made for the required aid to her government. In addition to this Governor Shirley, of Massa- chusetts, also urged upon Governor Wentworth and the Assembly of the State, the duty and importance of making provision for the pro- tection of her frontier on the Connecticut, and particularly of Charles- town. But as neither of these appeals accomplished the desired ob- ject, Shirley went one step further, and made a representation to the King of the exposure to which the settlements on the Connecticut river were subject from Indian incursions, in consequence of the neglect of the New-Hampshire government to make suitable provision for their defense. This representation of Shirley had special relation to the de- linquency in the New-Hampshire government in making provision for the protection of Charlestown, or No. 4. This representation called out additional instructions to the Governor and Assembly from His Majesty. The instructions which have not been found in the records of the State, were communicated to the Assembly in the following Message :-
GENTLEMEN OF THE ASSEMBLY,
It not being my intention that your sitting should be of long con- tinuance, until the return of all our troops from the Crown Point ex- pedition, or their destination is more certainly known, I shall, there- fore, only recommend to you the reviving of the law, (which this day expires) against the exportation of provisions to the French Colonies ; and acquaint you that the grants made for the protection of the fron- tiers, are now at an end; and that I shall direct the Secretary to lay before you His Majesty's additional instructions, of the 12th of Aug'st upon the petition of the inhabitants of Charlestown, hoping you will take it under your immediate consideration, and act up to your duty therein ; and unless a suitable provision is made for the defense of the frontiers, it must be expected, that the past labor and industry of His Majesty's subjects in that quarter, will be given up to the enemy, which, at this conjuncture of affairs, will greatly encourage them. On this consideration, I must not doubt your cheerful compliance with His Majesty's pleasure concerning them.
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HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN.
Gentlemen of the Council and of the Assembly,-Nothing will con- tribute to the prosperity of the government, or give greater weight to your counsels, than a happy union amongst yourselves ; which ( I ) earnestly recommend ; and you may rely on me to give you every as- sistance in my power for effecting it. B. WENTWORTH.
Council Chamber, in Portsmouth, October 24, 1755.
(VI Vol. New-Hampshire Provincial Records, pp. 438-9.)
A reply to the above Message, was made by the Assembly, on the 26th of November, 1755, in which occurs the following passage :-
May it please your Excellency,
* His Majesty's additional instructions of the 12th of Aug'st, being grounded, (as we humbly conceive) upon some misrep- resentation of matters of fact, we think it our duty humbly to address his Most Gracious Majesty and set the matter in a true light. In the meantime, we shall take the same under our consideration, and cheer- fully do everything, that shall appear to be for His Majesty's and the good of our constituents, which are inseparable, &c. (VI Vol. Pr. Rec. pp. 442-3.)
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