USA > New Hampshire > Sullivan County > Charlestown > History of Charlestown, New-Hampshire, the old No. 4 > Part 6
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The company of Captain Hobbs was so well protected that only three, Ebenezer Mitchell, Eli Scott and Samuel Gunn were killed. The wounded were Daniel Mc Kinney of Wrentham, who had his thigh broken by a ball, by which he was disabled for life; Samuel Graves Jr., of Sunderland, a brave lad of seventeen years of age, who was shot through the brain in a horrible manner, yet recovered, but not so as to be afterwards capable of business ;- also slight wounds were received by Nathan Walker of Sudbury, and Ralph Rice. Many of the enemy were seen to fall, especially when they left their cover and advanced. Yet, though their loss was undoubtedly great, so effec- tually was it concealed that its extent was never ascertained.
After the retirement and disappearance of the Indians, Captain Hobbs and his men remained concealed till night, apprehending anoth-
* Doolittle says the fight lasted four hours, and that Captain Hobbs shot the last gun at the enemy, and it is supposed to have killed the chief Indian that en- couraged them in the fight.
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er attack ; but, as the darkness fell around them, discovering no signs of the enemy, they gathered up their packs and took their dead and wounded, and after burying the former under some logs, about half a mile from the scene of action, and conducting the latter to a more convenient place, about two miles distant, they encamped for the night. They arrived at Fort Dummer the next day, which was the 27th, at four o'clock in the afternoon, whence they sent their wounded to Northfield where they could receive the needed medical aid.
This battle was regarded by the people in the vicinity as a master- piece of persevering bravery, and served to a certain extent to remove the unfavorable impression produced by the unfortunate circumstance of Melvin's surprise. " If Hobbs' men had been Romans," (observes, one writer,) "they would have been crowned with laurels, and their names would have been transmitted with perpetual honor to succeeding gen- erations." Their conduct was certainly worthy of great praise, as we cannot conceive how, in the situation, they could have done better.
In this fight, according to their custom, whenever an Indian fell his nearest comrade stealthily approached the body, under cover of the trees and brush wood, and attached to it a tump line by which it was cautiously drawn to the rear ; and so skilfully was this done, that often no visible agency was apparent, and Hobbs' men were accustomed to relate that, in this action they often saw the dead bodies of the Indi- ans sliding along the ground as if drawn by enchantment. In this fight were the following from No. 4 : Lieutenant Isaac Parker ; Sergeants Moses Willard and Moses Wheeler; Aaron Hosmer, Joseph Farwell, James Farnsworth and Nathaniel Sartwell.
Though in this attack the enemy were completely foiled they were not deterred from further attempts. Indeed, instead of being intimi- dated and discouraged, they only seemed to be stirred up to act with a greater degree of boldness and determination to retrieve their disap- pointment by some new success. Early in July they made a raid upon Ashuelot, and either killed or drove away all the cattle they could find in the neighborhood; and on the 14th of the same month ambushed, and either killed or captured a party of seventeen about half a mile below Fort Dummer. Ten of these were on their way from Northfield to Ashuelot to supply the places of the same number killed or taken the month before. The remainder belonged either to Fort Dummer, or to the companies of Captains Stevens and Hobbs. The whole party had taken great precaution to keep out an advanced guard on each side of the path while on their march, yet, so suddenly
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were they attacked and by such a numerically superior force, that more than a hundred bullets were discharged at them after their first fire before they had time to re-load. Two were killed on the spot, and two were wounded. The others immediately retreated to the bank of the river where after a brief but spirited resistance they were over- come. Four escaped-two into Hinsdell's fort, which lay a little dis- tance below, and two were helped across the river into Fort Dummer by some of the garrison of that post. The remaining eleven were ta- ken prisoners. But the two who were wounded were massacred after being carried about a mile. The number of the attacking party is set down by Hoyt at a hundred and twenty.
As it was impossible for Colonel Willard, his whole garrison being only sixteen, and half of them on account of sickness unfit for duty, to do anything towards rescuing the prisoners by following the enemy, he fired the great gun at the fort, which was a signal for assistance, and despatched an express to Captain Stevens of No. 4 to inform' him of the disaster and of the presence of a large number of Indians ; and also to other stations that they might be on their guard against a surprise. The news reached Captain Stevens on the 15th, when he immediately set out for Northfield. On the next day being joined by a considera- ble force from other stations, the whole number of his men including officers, was one hundred and twenty-nine. With this company he marched to the spot where the conflict had taken place, where " he found the dead bodies of Asahel Graves of Hatfield, and Henry Chandler of Westford, entirely stripped of arms and clothing. Hav- ing performed the rites of burial and being joined by Colonel Willard. of Fort Dummer for whom he had sent, he followed the enemy's track a mile further and discovered the bodies of Joseph Rose of Northfield, and James Billings of Concord, who having been wounded in the fight, it was supposed were unable to proceed, and had consequently been summarily despatched by their captors. They also found the body of a soldier who had been slain in a former encounter. On re- turning to Fort Dummer, they were very soon joined by a number of the inhabitants of Northampton, Hadley, Hatfield and Sunderland, who had received orders from Colonel Eleazer Porter, and Colonel Israel Williams "to scour the woods." On the 17th, a consultation was held at Hinsdell's fort which was under the command of Captain Leeds, whose force had previously joined that of Captain Stevens. This consultation resulted in the determination that Captain Stevens, who had command of the whole party, should examine the woods in
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the neighborhood and discover if possible the intentions of the enemy. Returning in the afternoon to Fort Dummer, it being Sunday, Rev- erend Andrew Gardner, the Chaplain, in view of the diastrous events which had so lately occurred, and the surprises with which these oc- currences had invariably commenced, preached from the Revelation of St. John, the third Chapter and third verse. " If therefore thou shalt not watch, I will come on thee as a thief, and thou shalt not know what hour I will come upon thee."
" On Monday, the 18th, Captain Stevens, with one hundred and twenty men, started out on the scouting expedition which had been planned the day previous. In this he visited the spot where the fight between Hobbs and Sackett had occurred, and buried the dead there found, which had been only partially interred ou the night after the battle. He then followed the enemy to a considerable distance, but, finding that they had got such a start of him that it would be impos- sible to overtake them, he decided to return to Fort Dummer, which he did, on the 20th, about noon.
" This calamity and the others which had preceded it, aroused the attention of Massachusetts to the necessity of a more efficient defence of the frontier settlements. Brigadier General Joseph Dwight wrote to Secretary Willard of Massachusetts, on the 16th of July, " praying for a thousand men to drive the woods and pursue the enemy to Crown Point ;" also for several troops of horse. He also proposed that other means than those which had been heretofore used should be tried to enlist soldiers, and that £ 1000 should be paid for every In- dian killed; the scalp to be a sufficient order for the reward. Colonel Israel Williams of Hatfield also wrote to Governor Shirley on the 16th, advising that twenty or thirty of the six nations of Indians should reside at No. 4 and Fort Massachusetts. Their presence, it was urged would ward off the attacks of the enemy. Colonel Josiah Willard in a letter on the 19th, said "Ever since No. 4 has been so mantled " ( that is so guarded and protected ) " they ( the Indians ) press exceedingly hard upon Fort Dummer and Hinsdell's garrison, both of which are very weak-handed. My business of procuring stores obliges me to go out, and having but sixteen men in the fort, we are exceedingly exposed. His son Major Josiah Willard, of Ashuelot, (Keene), in a letter dated a few days previous, complained of the scarceness of provisions at No. 4." (B. H. Hall, page 51-2.)
" In answer to these various communications Governor Shirley or- dered Colonel Willard to detain twenty men of the garrison of No. 4
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at Fort Dummer for a short time while the enemy were near." (ib.)
By these letters it appears that the enemy, by their incursions, had shown an ability to inflict injury and commit outrage, that had produced a very deep impression, and led to the conviction that the defense of the frontiers demanded, on the part of the government, a large increase of force, and the utmost earnestness of endeavor, if their efforts were to result in the required success. But how this change was to be brought about, as the government had hitherto done all they could, was a pro- ject far more easily talked about than devised. But, happily for the frontiers on the Connecticut, the last great Indian invasion of the war was, in this section over, and though their apprehensions continued for awhile, the necessity was obviated for any change of measures which, had the war been prolonged, might have been deemed indispensable.
On the eighteenth of October, 1748, the peace of Aix la Chapelle took place, by which the war between England and France was brought to a termination. But such was the extent of territory over which it had been spread, that matters did not immediately subside into tranquil- lity. The news did not reach Boston, so as to be proclaimed by author- ity there, before the next January, 1749; and it was not till a consider- ably later date that it was known on the frontiers. But though articles of peace had been ratified between the two nations, there had been no negotiations, as yet, with the Indians ; but in the September following, a final treaty was concluded with them at Falmouth, which is now in the State of Maine. But on the 20th of June, before this was consummat- ed, after the evacuation of the fort by the principal part of the troops, they made another incursion into No. 4, when nothing of the kind was anticipated by the inhabitants, and shot Ensign Obadiah Sartwell, who, as a preparation for hoeing his corn, was ploughing between the rows in his house lot, and took Enos Stevens, son of Captain Phineas Stevens, who was riding horse on the occasion, prisoner. The lad was carried to Canada, but was released, so that he returned to No. 4, soon after the mid- dle of the following September. This was the last of their incursions during the war, the first of which into No. 4, had taken place April 19th, 1746.
The following is the interesting account of Mrs. Susanna Johnson, of the same transaction :- " The same day the soldiers left the fort, Ensign Obadiah Sartwell went out to harrow (plough) some corn, and took Enos Stevens, the fourth son of Phineas Stevens, Esq., to ride horse. My fa- ther (Lieutenant Moses Willard) and two brothers were at work in the meadow. Early in the afternoon the Indians appeared and shot Ensign
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Sartwell and the horse, and took young Stevens a prisoner. In addition to this, my father and brothers were in the meadow, and we supposed they must be destroyed. My husband was gone to Northfield. In the fort were seven women and four men. The anxiety and grief we experi- enced were the highest imaginable. The next night we despatched a post to Boston to carry the news of our disaster. But my father and brothers did not return. The next day, but one, my husband and five or six oth- ers arrived from Northfield. We kept close in the garrison, suffering every apprehension for ten or twelve days, when the sentry from the box cried out that troops were coming. Joyful at the relief, we all mounted on the top of the fort, and among the rest, discovered my father. He, on hearing the guns, supposing the fort was destroyed, left his team in the meadow and made the best of his way to Northfield with my two brothers. The soldiers were about thirty in number, and were headed by Colonel Josiah Willard, of Fort Dummer. Enos Stevens* was car- ried to Montreal, but the French commander sent him directly back by way of Albany." Thus inauspiciously did peace commence.t
On a review of this war, one can hardly fail to notice the difference in the manner in which it was managed on the part of the two nations between which it was waged. The English, in the main, took only de- fensive measures, while the French and Indians adopted a course entire- ly opposite. Thus the former were kept continually on the watch to prevent the mischief which the latter were constantly contriving to do. And if they could defend their fortifications and settlements they did about all that came within the compass of their plans. The French, on the contrary, were constantly on the alert for the adoption of offensive measures ; keeping out parties on the frontiers, killing and scalping and capturing the people, and carrying them to Canada, with the double in- tent of doing their enemies all the damage in their power, and of fore- stalling, by the course they were pursuing, the evil which they conceiv- ed they might otherwise bring upon them. The result of these different courses was, that the English had pretty much all the bills to pay, while at the same time they received far more detriment than they were able to inflict. By the great ransoms which the English were obliged to pay for their captives, Belknap remarks, " The French made their enemies
* Captain Stevens writes ; 1750: The French in Canada " redeemed my son out of the Indians' hands, by a slave."
+ See William Heywood in "Family Registers " for his account of the above matter.
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pay the whole charge of their predatory excursions, besides reaping a handsome profit to themselves, On the other hand, the English gained very little profit of this kind, for though there was a bounty on the scalps of the Indians, they took such pains to carry off their dead that very small sums were obtained from this source. They had some brave commanders like Captains Stevens, Hobbs, &c., but the smallness of their forces and the restrictions which were upon them, prevented their doing what they might otherwise have done. As it was, they gained great honor to themselves, though the general management of the war could hardly reflect great credit on the sagacity of those who had it in charge.
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CHAPTER IV.
HISTORY OF CHARLESTOWN, FROM TIIE NOMINAL PEACE OF AIX LA CHAP- ELLE TILL THE SPRING OF 1757, WHEN IT BECAME A MILITARY STATION UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF THE COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF HIS MAJ- ESTY'S FORCES.
Y the peace of Aix la Chapelle, and the treaty with the In- dians at Falmouth, the settlements on the Connecticut found little relief from their fears of savage invasion. The circum- stances of the death of Ensign Sartwell, and the intimate knowledge pos- sessed by the settlers of the character of their Indian enemies, did not permit them to consider the period completed when it would be safe for them to dispense with their forts and implements of war. And in this view the Government of Massachusetts also coincided. It was ordered therefore, by Governor Shirley, that twenty-five of the soldiers who had arrived under Colonel Willard should remain for a garrison under com- mand of Captain Phineas Stevens, at No. 4, which, it was thought, would constitute, with such aid as could be given by the inhabitants, a sufficient force for defense. The officers of this detachment were Captain Phin- eas Stevens, Lieutenant Isaac Parker, Andrew Gardner and William Heywood. This company continued in service till October, 1749, when another took its place. June 21st, 1750, the following company, all of them settlers of No. 4, was organized.
Muster Roll of the Company in His Majesty's service, under the command of Phineas Stevens, Captain.
Phineas Stevens, Capt. John Spafford,
Isaac Parker, Sergt.
James Porter,
Andrew Gardner, Sent. William Porter,
Moses Willard, "
Ebenezer Putnam,
John Hastings, Thomas Putnam,
John Hastings, jun. John Sawyer,
Moses Wheeler, John Sawyer, jr.
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David Farnsworth,
William Heywood,
Nathaniel Sartwell,
Isaac Parker, jr.
Joseph Wood,
James Johnson,
Stephen Farnsworth,
Samuel Stevens,
Benjamin Allen,
Joseph Willard,
Seth Walker,
James Farnsworth,
Bradstreet Spafford,
James Willard.
Nathaniel Parker,
It was arranged, that only half of this company should be in service at a time, officers excepted. The term of the first half commenced on the 21st, or 22nd, of June, and continued till the 20th of the following December, when the term of the second half commenced, and continued till the following June; and subsequently Massachusetts, during the peace, was not able to put such confidence in her former enemies that she deemed it safe to withdraw her garrison entirely from this fortress .*
In August, 1751, the news reached Boston that a number of the tribe of the Penobscot Indians, had joined with the St. Francis tribe, with the design of attacking the frontier settlements. Governor Shirley immedi- ately caused the information to be communicated to Colonel Israel Wil- liams, and ordered him to apprise the garrison at No. 4, and others over which he had command, of their danger. The necessary measures for defense were accordingly taken, and in consequence of this vigilant ac- tivity, no incursions were made during the summer. But, of course, the knowledge that an attack was contemplated did not have a tendency to confirm the people in the peaceful intentions of their late enemies.
A plan was projected about this period, for establishing a military set- tlement on the rich intervals at Coos; which, on account of the great excitement and irritation it produced on the part of the Indians, con- tributed, in no small degree, to keep the inhabitants on the frontier on the Connecticut in an attitude of suspense. The plan was entirely quixotic, and arranged without any due consideration of the state of af- fairs, or of the circumstances of the situation then existing. The ap- proval of Governor Wentworth was secured for it, although it was after- wards ascertained, that he had so little geographical knowledge of the country on the upper Connecticut, that he did not even know where the Coos meadows were. An exploring party was sent in the spring of 1752,
* Captain Stevens and Lieutenant Isaac Parker, from December 15th, 1750, to December 21st, 1751, had at No. 4, thirteen men. From December 21st, 1751, to March, 1753, fourteen men. From March 30th, 1753, to March 11th, 1754, ten men.
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for the purpose of making the necessary preliminary arrangements, and laying out the projected township. The Indians, getting knowledge of this movement, became greatly excited, as the intervals were claimed by them, and despatched six of their warriors to No. 4, to enter the protest of the St. Francis tribe against the movement. The account of their interview with Captain Stevens will be best told by Captain Israel Wil- liams, to whom he related it.
Letter of Captain Israel Williams relating to the Coos Country, to Lieut. Governor Phips.
HATFIELD, March 19th, 1753.
SIR :
Captain Stevens, of No. 4, was lately at my House, and gave me the following acco't, which I thought it my duty to transmit to your Hon- our, it appearing to me to be of Importance to the Publick ; viz .- That the beginning of Jan'y last, six Indians of the St. Francois Tribe came to No. 4 Fort under a Flag of Truce; the first thing they asked after was, Whether it was all well? To which he answered yes, and asked Whether they had not heard of the late Treaty at the Eastward? Their answer was, No, They knew of no such thing. He told them there was no Doubt but some of their Tribe was present at the Treaty. They said none of their Chiefs, for if they had any Treaty with the Eng- lish it would be at Albany, or in some of these parts. They further said to the Cap't you well know what you heard from our Chief men last Summer at Montreal, and what they say is always Strong. In the most of the conversation he had with them, he told me they manifested great uneasiness at our People's going to take a view of Cowoss Meadows last Spring but never fully declared their minds till the morning they took their Departure, when with a great deal of Deliberation, (as he express- ed it) they told him For the English to settle Cowoss was what they could not agree to and as the English had no need of that Land, but had enough without it, they must think the English had a mind for War if they should go there, and said, if you do we will endeavor that you shall have a strong war ; that they should have the Mohawks, and Ot- tawawas to help them; That there was four hundred Indians now a hunting on this side the St. Francois River, and that the owners of the land at Cowoss would be all there this Spring, and that they at No. 4, might expect that if the affair of settling Cowoss went forward, to have all their houses burnt. They told him further, they had no mind for
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war and desired him to use his Interest to prevent the English going to Cowoss, and said again if they go, there must be War, and it would be a war of the English's making. Thus I have given the account almost in the words he delivered to me, nothing materially different.
Upon the whole it is evident that the Indians are acquainted with the Designs and Projections of a neighboring Government (New-Hamp- shire) and it is as evident they don't intend tamely to yield up the pos- session of that place to the English ; but on the contrary do what they can to hinder the settlement of it; and as they suppose the Land to be theirs ; and none without their consent have right to enter upon it ; and that they have good right vi et armis to drive any such away, so beyond all dispute the French will encourage and help them, that they may prevent the English being so near neighbors to them. However easy and practicable the settlement of Cowoss may appear to some, yet I make no doubt they will meet with a Tartar, and find themselves miserably disappointed that they have undertaken it if they proceed.
Though there is no rational Prospect of success attending the Scheme under its present direction, yet, perhaps some rash and inconsiderate attempt may be made by some of the undertakers, that may prove of unhappy consequence to themselves and others unless care be taken. Therefore, for the security and safety of the People of this Province, I can't but think it a Point of Prudence in this Government, to make the Indians sensible we are neither the contrivers nor Promoters of the design of which they might be ascertained, in the answer to their mes- sage by Captain Stevens, which, he tells me they are expecting with some impatience."
The substance of this letter being laid by Governor Shirley of Mas- sachusetts, before Governor Wentworth, threw such discouragement on the settlement of Coos Meadows, that the design, without further endeavors to carry it into effect, was wholly relinquished, as under the circumstances impracticable.
The Indians did not content themselves with remonstrating and threatening ; but, regardless of its being a time of peace, committed in their roving expeditions several acts of hostility upon the inhabitants, of the frontier, which served most effectually to confirm the opinion which many had formed that the peace of Aix la Chapelle, as well as that with the Indians at Falmouth, was to have no other result than a short cessation of arms; and that the frontiers were soon to be visited again with all the horrors of savage warfare. Before another spring, however, a conference being held with the Eastern Indians, by the
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government of Massachusetts, a present was made to the St. Francis tribe (called by some the Aresaguntacook) for the purpose of bringing about a fuller reconciliation than had previously existed. They ac- cepted the present, and declaring that the blood was wiped away, cheerfully ratified, so far as was apparent, the treaty of 1749, which had been made with the other tribes.
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