The history of New-Hampshire. Comprehending the events of one complete century and seventy-five years from the discovery of the River Pascataqua to the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety, Vol I, Part 2

Author: Belknap, Jeremy, 1744-1798. cn
Publication date: 1813
Publisher: Boston, published by Bradford and Read
Number of Pages: 712


USA > New Hampshire > The history of New-Hampshire. Comprehending the events of one complete century and seventy-five years from the discovery of the River Pascataqua to the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety, Vol I > Part 2


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'ing and planting within thefe limits.' The MS Copy principal perfons of Pafcataqua and the prov- Court files, in Super. . ince of Maine were witneffes to the fubfcrib- ing of this inftrument, and giving poffeffion of the lands.


By this deed the Englifh inhabitants with- in thefe limits obtained a right to the foil


* The NW line here described will end within the township of Ainherst ; and the NE line from thence will cross the river Merrimack about Amuskeag - falls, and passing through Chester, Nottingham, Barrington and Rochester, will strike Newis'wwannock river about ten miles above the Salmon falls.


C


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HISTORY OF


1629. from the original proprietors, more valuable in a moral view, than the grants of any Eu- ropean prince could convey. If we fmile at the arrogance of a Roman Pontiff in affum- ing to divide the whole new world between the Spaniards and Portuguefe, with what confiftency can we admit the right of a king of England, to parcel out America to his fubjects, when he had neither purchafed nor conquered it, nor could pretend any other title, than that fome of his fubjects were the firft Europeans who difcovered it, while it was in poffeffion of its native lords ? The only validity which fuch grants could have in the eye of reafon was, that the grantees had from their prince a permiffion to negotiate with the poffeffors for the purchafe of the foil, and thereupon a power of jurifdiction fubordi- nate to his crown.


Nov. 7.


MS in files of Superior Court.


The fame year Captain Mafon procured a new patent, under the common feal of the council of Plymouth, for the land "from the "middle of Pafcataqua river and up the fame " to the fartheft head thereof, and from thence "northweftward until fixty miles from the "mouth of the harbour were finifhed ; alfo "through Merrimack river, to the fartheft "head thereof, and fo forward up into the " land weftward, until fixty miles were finifh- "ed ; and from thence to crofs over land to " the end of the fixty miles accounted from " Pafcataqua river ; together with all iflands "within five leagues of the coaft." This tract of land was called NEW-HAMPSHIRE : It comprehended the whole of Whelewright's purchafe ; and unlefs Mafon's intention was to fruftrate his title, it is difficult to affign a


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NEW-HAMPSHIRE,


reafon for the procurement of this patent, as 1629. the fame land, with much more, had been granted to Gorges and Mafon jointly, feven years, before. If there was an agreement be- tween them to divide the province of Laco- 'nia, and take out new patents from the coun- cil, in preference to the making a deed of par- tition ; it is not eafy to conceive why the weftern boundary fhould be contracted to Gorges' fixty miles from the fea, when the lakes and History of river of Canada were fuppofed to be but 48. ninety or an hundred miles from Pafcataqua. If this grant was intended as an equivalent for the patent of Mariana, which the coun- cil had the preceding year included in their deed to the Maffachufetts company ; it is im- poffible to account for the extenfion of New- Hampfhire to the river Merrimack, when the grant of Maffachufetts reached to " three miles 1630. " north of that river and of every partof it"." March 12.


The weft country adventurers were not lefs attentive to their intereft ; for in the fol- lowing fpring they obtained a patent from the council whereby " all that part of the " river Pafcataqua called or known by the " name of Hilton's Point, with the fouth fide


Mr. Hubbard in his MS history says "it hath been affirmed by Mr. Josselyn, who first came over into New-England on Capt. Mason's account, that there was an agreement made between Mr. Mathew Cradock (the first July 7. Governor of the Massachusetts company) and Captain John Mason, that the bounds of the Massachusetts should reach to three miles worthward of the Mer- rimack, and the remainder of the land betwixt that line and Pascataqua river, should be left for Captain Mason's patent."


The commissi .ners sent by Charles Il in 1664, report that " Mr. Mason had a patent for some land about Cape Anne before the Massachusetts had their first patent ; whereupon Captain Mason and Mr. Cradock agreed that the Massachusetts should have that land, which was granted to Capt. Ma- ton about Cape Anne, and Capt. Mason should have that land which was be- yond Merrimack and granted to the Massachusetts. This agreement was sent to Mr. Henry Jocelyn to get recorded at Boston, but before he could haye Jeisure to go there he heard that Capt. Mason was dead and therefore went not. Of this he made affidavit, before the commissioners."? Hutch. Col.


Jection Papers, p. 423.


America, p.


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HISTORY OF


1


1630. " of the faid river up to the falls of Squam- "fcot, and three miles into the main land " for breadth," was granted to Edward Hilton, This patent, fealed with the common feal of the council, and fubfcribed by the Earl of Warwick, fets forth, that Hilton and his affo- ciates had at their oren proper coft and charg- es . tranfported fervants, built houfes and planted corn at Hilton's Point, now Dover, MS fory, and intended the further increafe and ad- in Proprie- tary Office. vancement of the plantation. William Black- flone, William Jefferies and Thomas Lewis. 1631. or either of them, were impowered to give poffeffion of the premifes ; which was done by Lewis and the livery and feizin endorf- ed. Within thefe limits are contained the towns of Dover, Durham, and Stretham, with part of Newington and Greenland. It was commonly called Squamfcot patent, butfome- times Bloody-point patent, from a quarrel between the agents of the two companies about a point of land in the river which was convenient for both ; and there being no government then eftablifhed, the controver- Hubbard'. MS. fy would have ended in blood, if the con- tending parties had not been perfuaded to refer the decifion of it to their employers.


The London adventurers alfo thought it prudent to have fome fecurity for the inter- Novem. 3. eft which they had advanced, and according- ly obtained a grant from the council, of Hutch. vol, " that part of the patent of Laconia, on which 1. p. 316. " the buildings and falt-works were erected, " ficuate on both fides the harbour and river " of Pafcataqua to the extent of five miles " weftward by the fea-coaft, then to crofs "over towards the other plantation in the


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NEW-HAMPSHIRE.


" hands of Edward Hilton." The grantees 1631. named in this patent* were, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Captain John Mafon, John Cotton, Henry Gardner, George Griffith, Edwin Gay, Thomas Warnerton, Thomas Eyre and Elie- zer Eyre, who, it is faid, had already ex- pended three thoufand pounds in the under- taking. They were to pay forty-eight pounds per annum by way of acknowledgment to the prefident and council, if demanded. Cap- tain Comocke, a relation of the Earl of War- MS. wick, with Henry Jocelyn, who were then intending a voyage here were appointed to put the grantees in poffeffion. Within this patent are comprehended the towns of Portf- mouth, Newcaftle and Rye, with part of New- ington and Greenland.


The whole intereft being thus divided into two parts, Captain Thomas Wiggen was ap- pointed agent for the upper, and Captain Walter Neal for the lower plantation ; with him wereaffociated Ambrofe Gibbons, George Vaughan, Thomas Warnerton, Humphrey Chadbourne and one Godfrie as fuperinten- dants of the feveral bufineffes of trade, fifhe- ry, falt-making, building and hufhandry. Neal refided at Little-Harbour with Godtrie who had the care of the fifhery. Chadbourne built a houfe at Strawberry-bank, which was called the great boufe, in which Warnerton re- fided. Gibbons had the care of a faw-mill, and lived in a palifaded houfe at Newich- wannock, where he carried on trade with the


* Mr. Hubbard says, that this patent was in the hands of some gentlemen at Portsmouth when he wrote. I have seen no copy of it but what is pre- served in his MS history. There is among the ancient files in the Recor- der's office, an invoice of goods sent over in 1631, subscribed by all the above mames, except the last, in whose stead is subscribed William Gyles.


Hubbard's


MS_ letters.


1


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HISTORY OF


1631, Indians, He afterward removed to Sander's point, where the adventurers gave him a fet tlement for his faithful fervices. He was fucceeded at Newichwannock by Chadbourne whofe pofterity are perfons of principle fig ure and intereft there at this day. The pro- prietors were alfo careful to provide for the 1 defence of their plantations, and fent over fev- eral cannon which they directed their agents to mount in the moft convenient place for a fort. They accordingly placed them on the northeaft point of the Great-Ifland at the mouth of the harbour, and laid out the ground "about a bow-fhot from the water " fide to a high rock, on which it was in- " tended in time to build the principal fort."


· MS in the Recorder's fles.


Gorges' History of America, 3. 47.


A great part of Captain Neal's errand was to penetrate the interior part of the province of Laconia, concerning which the adventur- ers had formed very fanguine expectations. It was defcribed as containing divers lakes, and extending back to a great lake and river in the country of the Iroquois. This river was faid to be fair and large, containing ma- ny fruitful iflands ; the air pure and falubri- ous ; the country pleafant, having fome high hills ; full of goodly forefts, fair vallies and fertile plains ; abounding in corn, vines, chef- nuts, walnuts, and many other forts of fruit ; the rivers well ftored with fifh, and environ- ed with goodly meadows full of timber-trees. In the great lake were faid to be four iflands, full of pleafant woods and meadows, having great ftore of ftags, fallow-deer, elks, roe- bucks, beavers and other game, and thefe iflands were fuppofed to be commodioufly fituated for habitation and traffic, in the


1


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NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 1.


midft of a fine lake, abounding with the moft 1631. delicate fifh. No one who is acquainted with the interior part of the country in its wilder- nefs ftate, can forbear finiling at this roman- tic defcription, penned in the true ftyle of adventurers : yet fuch an impreffion had the charms of Laconia made on the minds of our firft fettlers, that Neal fet out on foot, in company with Jocelyn and Darby Field, to 1632. difcover thefe beautiful lakes, and fettle a trade with the Indians by pinnaces, imagin- ing the diftance to be fhort of an hundred miles. In the courfe of their travels, they vifited the white mountains, which they de- fcribed in the fame romantic ftyle, to be a ridge, extending an hundred leagues, on which fnow lieth all the year, and inacceffi- ble but by the gullies which the diffolved Jocelyn's rarities of fnow hath made : on one of thefe mountains New-Eng- they reported to have found a plain of a day's land. journey over, whercon nothing grows but mofs ; and at the further end of this plain, a rude heap of maffy ftones, piled up on one ano- ther a mile high ; on which one might afcend from ftone to ftone, like a pair of winding ftairs, to the top, where was another level of about an acre, with a pond of clear water. This fummit was faid to be far above the clouds, and from hence they beheld a va- por like a vaft pillar, drawn up by the fun- beams, out of a great lake into the air, where it was formed into a cloud. The country beyond thefe mountains northward, was faid to be " daunting terrible," full of rocky hills, as thick as mole-hills in a meadow, and clothed with infinite thick woods. They had 'great expectation of finding precious itones


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HISTORY OF


1632. Hubbard's MS Hist.


on thefe mountains ; and fomething refem- bling chryftal being picked up, was fufficient to give them the name of the CHRYSTAL- HILLS. From hence they continued their route in fearch of the lake ; till finding their provifion almoft fpent, and the forefts of La- conia yielding no fupply, they were obliged to return when they fuppofed themfelves fo far advanced, that "the difcovery wanted " but one day's journey of being finifhed *. "


Gorges' History of America, . p. 48.


November.


This expedition, being ended, was fucceed- ed by one of another kind. The coaft was alarmed by the report of a pirate, one Dixy Bull ; who with fifteen others, being employ- ed in the Indian trade at the eaftward, had taken feveral boats and rifled the fort at Pe- maquid. Neal, in conjunction with the oth- ers, equipped four pinnaces and fhallops, manned with forty men, being all the force that both plantations could fpare who, being joined by twenty more in a bark from Bof- ton, proceeded to Pemaquid ; but contrary winds and bad weather obliged them to re- turn without meeting the pirates, who made their way farther to the caftward, and ať length got to England ; where Bull met with his deferts. The company on their return hanged, at Richmond's ifland, an Indian who had been concerned in the murder of an Englifhman.


'Prince's Annals, vol. 2. p. 78. 83. 1633.


The next year Neal and Wiggen joined in furveying their refpective patents, and lay- ing out the towns of Portfmouth and North-


*Mr. Hubbard, and after him Governor Hutchinson, place this discovery "of the White Hills in 1642. But as Neal had positive orders to discover the lakes, and tarried but three years in the country, employing great part of his time in searching the woods, it is probable that Mr. Hubbard mistook one figure in his date.


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NEW-HAMPSHIRE.


am, and another which was called Hampton, 1633. though no fettlement had been made there. They alfo agreed with Whelewright that the plantation which he had undertaken to make at Squamfcot falls, should be called Exeter ; and determined the bounds between his land and theirs. This furvey was made by order of the company of Laconia, who gave names to the four towns, and the tranf- action was duly reported to them : foon af_ corder's ter which Neal returned to England. Office.


1


From a number of letters that paffed be- tween the adventurers and Gibbons their fac- tor, and which are yet preferved, it appears that their views were chiefly turned toward · the difcovery of the lakes and of mines ; the cultivation of grapes, and the advantages of trade and fifhery ; and that little regard was had to agriculture, the fureft foundation of all other improvements in fuch a country as this. They often complain of their expen- ces, as indeed they might with reafon ; for they had not only to pay wages to their col- onifts, but to fupply them with provifions, clothing, utenfils, medicines, articles of trade, implements for building, hufbandry and fifh- ing, and to ftock their plantations with cat- tle, fwine, and goats. Bread was either brought from Englandin meal,or from Virgin- ia in grain, and then fent to the wind-mill at Bofton, there being none erected here. Ve- ry little improvement was made on the lands ; the lakes were not explored ; the vines were planted but came to nothing ; no mines were found but thofe of iron, and thefe were not wrought ; three or four houfes only were built within the firft feven years ; the peltry


MS in Ke.


Prince's Annals, vol. 2.p 30. 70,


p


Inte


.


26


HISTORY OF


1633.


trade with the Indians was of fome value, and the fifhery ferved for the fupport of the inhabitants ; but yielded no great profit to the adventurers, who received but inade- quate returns in lumber and furs. They faw their intereft finking apace, and grew difpi- rited ; and the major part of them either re- linquifhed the defign, or fold their fhares to Mafon and Gorges, who were more fangnine than the reft, and became (either by purchafe or tacit confent of the others) the principal, if not fole proprietors. Thefe gentlemen re- newed their exertions with greater vigour, fent over a freth fupply of fervants, and ma- terials for carrying on the fettlement, and ap- pointed Francis Williams their governor. He was a gentleman of good fenfe and difcretion ; and fo very acceptable to the people, that when they combined in a body politic they continued him at their head.


1634.


Hubbard's MS Hist. 1635.


Gorges' Narrative, p. 22 & 44.


The charter by which the council of Plym- outh was eftablithed, had been from the be- ginning difrelifhed by the Virginia compa- ny ; who fpared no pains to get it revoked. Their applications to the king proved fruit- lefs ; but when the parliament began to en- quire into the grievances of the nation, this patent was complained of as a monopoly. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, being fummoned, ap- peared before them, and both in perfon and by his council defended it in a mafterly man- ner, but in vain ; for when the national gricv- ances were prefented to the throne, the pa- tent of New-England was the firft. The council alfo had got into difrepute with the high-church party, for having encouraged the fettlement of the Plymouth and Maila-


.


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NEW-HAMPSHIRE.


chufetts colonifts, who fled from their perfe- cutions. Thefe prejudices againft them, ope- rating as difcouragements to their undertak- ing, induced the council to refign their char- ter to the king; having previoufly taken care to fecure fome portion of the expiring inter- eft to fuch of themfelves as were difpofed to accept it. The fcheme they had in view was to divide their territory into twelve provinces, under as many proprietary governors, fub- ject to one general governor ; and they went fo far as to nominate Gorges, then threefcore years of age, for the perfon, and build a thip of war, which was to bring him over and re- main in the fervice of the country. But the fhip fell and broke in the launching ; and their project not being fufficiently attended Hubbard's MS Hist! to by thofe in power, they were obliged to be content with fuch grants as they could make of thofe diftricts, into which they had divided the country. That which was now made to Mafon comprehended both his for- mer patents, extending from Naumkeag to Pafcataqua, and fixty miles northweftward within the land, together with the fouth half of the Ifles of Shoals, and ten thoufand acres at Sagadahock ; faving to thofe already fet- tled within thefe limits, the property of their lawful grants on paying "fome fmall ac- Files of the " knowledgment" to the proprietor. This grant was dated the twenty-fecond of April *. Hubbard's In June following, the council furrendered, MS Hist. their charter to the king ; and in September


1635.


Sup. Court.


* Whether Captain Mason had his title confirmed by the king after the surrender of the charter is a point that has been questioned. I shall here col- lect what evidence I have met with on both sides.


In a pamphlet published in 1728, containing a detail of the grants and transactions of Captain Mason, it is rait " King Charles I. by charter dated


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HISTORY OF


1635. Gorges fold to Mafon a tract of land on the northeaft fide of the river Pafcataqua, extend- ing three miles in breadth, and following the courfe of the river from its mouth to its farthefthead, including the faw-mill which had been built at the falls of Newichwan- nock.


Printed State of Allen's Ti- tle.


Nov. 26.


But death which pairs an end to the faireft prospects, cut off all the hopes which Maion had entertained of aggrandizing his fortune, by the fettlement of New-Hampfhire. By his laft will, which he figned a few days be- fore his death, he difpofed of his American eftate in the following manner, viz. 'To ' the corporation of Lynn Regis in Norfolk, ' the place of his nativity, he gave two thou- ' fand acres of land in New-Hampfhire, fub- ' ject to the yearly rent of one penny per 'acre to his heirs, and two fifths of all mines


Doug. Summary, 1. 418. Hist. Mass. 1. 317.


" Aug. 19, 1633, gives, grants and confirms unto Capt. John Mason, then " called treasurer and paymaster of his army, his heirs and assigns, all the "aforesaid tract of land, granted to him by the council of Plymouth, by the " name of the province of New-Hampshire ; with power of government, and 38 " ample jurisdiction and prerogatives as used by the bishop of Durham ; cre- "ating him and his aforesaids absolute lords and proprietors of the province of " New-Hampshire, with power of conferring honours, &c. On this authori- ty (I suppose) Douglass has asserted the same thing. On which Hutchin- son remarks " This is not probable. His heirs were certainly unacquainted "with it, or they would have made mention of it before the king in council " in 1691." The report of the Lords Chief Justices in 1677, wherein the several grants are recited, makes no mention of this : But on the contrary it is said, " As to Mr. Mason's right of government within the soil he claimed, " their lordships, and indeed his own council agreed he had none ; the great "council of Plymouth, under whom he claimed. having no power to transfer "government to any." The Lords of 'Tradein a report to the king in 1;,3, " say, " It is alledged that this last grant to Mason was ratified and conf :med " by the crown, by charter dated Aug. 19, 1635. with full power of civil ju- " risdiction and government, but no such charter as this appears upon re. or ... "


None of Mason's heirs ever attempted to assume government by virtue of such a oharter, as the heirs of Gorges did in the province of Kiaine. hobert Mason was appointed councellor by mandamus, and samuel Allen, who pur- chased the title. was governor by commission from the crown.


There is an original letter in the Recorder's files, written by 'George Vanghan to Ambrose Gibbons, both factors for the company of Laconia, April 10, 1636, long before any controversy arose on this point, which may give more light to it than any thing that has yet been published. I shall give it a place in the Appendix.


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NEW-HAMPSHIRE.


1635.


' royal ; on condition that five families fhould ' within five years be fettled thereupon. To ' his brother in law John Wallafton, three ' thoufand acres, fubject to the yearly rent of " one fhilling. To his grandchild Anne Tuf- 'ton, ten thoufand acres at Sagadahock. To " Robert Tufton, his grandfon, he gave his ' manor of Mafon-hall, on condition that he ' fhould take the firname of Mafon. He alfo ' gave to his brother Wallafton in truft, one " thoufand acres for the maintenance of " an " honeft, godly and religious preacher of " God's word ;" and one thoufand more for ' the fupport of a grammar-fchool ; each of ' thefe eftates to be conveyed to feoffees in 'truft, and their fucceffors, paying annually 'one penny per acre to his heirs. The refi- ' due of his eftate in New-Hampfhire he gave ' to his grandfon John Tufton, he taking the ' firname of Mafon, and to his lawful iffue ; ' or in want thereof to Robert Tufton and his ' lawful iffue ; or in want thereof to Doctor ' Robert Mafon, chancellor of the diocefe of ' Winchefter, and his lawful iffue ; or, in ' want of fuch iffue, to his own otherrightheirs ' forever ; provided that it fhould not go out ' of the name of Mafon. The refiduary lega- ' tee was required to pay five hundred pounds 'out of this eftate to his fifter Mary and all ' the grandchildren were to relinquish their ' right to one thoufand pounds due from this "eftate to their father Jofcph Tufton.' The eftate in America was valued in the invento- ry at ten thoufand pounds fterling.


The Maffachufetts planters viewed Mafon MS in Sup. as their enemy, becaufe he with Gorges had Court files. privately encouraged fome perfons whom


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HISTORY OF


1635. they had cenfured and fent home, to petition againft them as difaffected to the government; and had endeavoured to get their charter fet afide, to make way for the fcheme of a gene- ral governor *.


But though Mafon and Gorges had not the fame religious views with the Maffachufetts planters, yet their memory deferves refpect. They were both heartily engaged in the fet- tlement of the country ; they funk their ef- tates in the undertaking, and reaped no profit to themfelves ; yet their enterprizing fpirit excited emulation in others, who had the ad- vantage of improving their plans and avoid- ing their miftakes. Gorges accounted for the ill fuccefs of his adventures in the following manner. 1. He began when there was no hope of any thing for the prefent but lofs ; as he had firft to feek a place ; which, being found, was a wildernefs ; and fo gloomy was the profpect, that he could fcarce procure any to go, much lefs to refide in it; and thofe whom he at length fent, could not fubfift but on the provifions with which he fupplied them. 2. He fought not barely his own prof- it, but the thorough difcovery of the coun- try ; wherein he went fo far (with the help of his affociates) as to open the way for others


Gorges' Narrative. p. 49


* Mr. Hubbard relates the following anecdote, without mentioning the name of the person. "One of the gentlemen who was known to be one of " the greatest adversaries to the affairs of the Massachusetts, fell sick and "died. In his sickness he sent for the minister, and bewailed his enmity "against them : and promised if he recovered, he would be as good a friend " to New-England, as he had been an enemy ; but his fatal hour being come, " his purposes of that nature were cut off. The passage aforegoing was cer- "certified by letters from Lord Say and others to the governor of News "England about the year 1635." Governor Winthrop has the following remark in his Journal. "1636. " The last winter Captain Mason died. He was the chief mover, in all at- "tempts against" us ; and was to have sent the general governor ; and fo; " this end was providing ships. But the Lord in mersy taking him away, "all the business fell on sleep."




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