USA > New Hampshire > The history of New-Hampshire. Comprehending the events of one complete century and seventy-five years from the discovery of the River Pascataqua to the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety, Vol I > Part 4
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We find in this relation a ftriking inftance of that fpecies of falfe religion, which, hav- ing its feat in the imagination, inftead of making the heart better and reforming the life, inflames the paffions, ftupifies reafon, and produces the wildeft effects in the behav- iour. The exceffes of enthufiafm have often been obferved to lead to fenfual gratifica- tions ; the fame natural fervour being fuffi- cient to produce both. It cannot be ftrange that they who decry morality, fhould indulge fuch grofs and fcandalous enormities as are fufficient to invalidate all thofe evidences of their religious character on which they lay fo much ftrefs. But it is not fo furprizing that men fhould be thus mifled, as that fuch frantic zealots fhould ever be reduced to an acknowledgment of their offences ; which in this inftance may be afcribed to the ftrict difcipline then practifed in the churches of New-England.
The people of Dover and Portfmouth dur- ing all this time had no power of govern- ment delegated from the crown : but find-
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ing the neceffity of fome more determinate 1640- form than they had yet enjoyed, combined themfelves each into a body politic after the example of their neighbours at Exeter. The in- habitants of Dover, by a written inftrument, figned by 41 perfons agreed to fubmit to the Octo. 25 laws of England, and fuch others as should be enacted by a majority of their number, until the royal pleafure fhould be known. The date of MS Hist. Hubbard's the combination at Portfmouth is uncertain, their firft book of records having been de- ftroyed [in 1652,] after copying out what Ports Bet. they then thought proper to preferve. Wil- liams, who had been fent over by the ad- venturers, was by annual fuffrage continued governor of the place, and with him were af- fociated Ambrofe Gibbons and Thomas War- nerton* in quality of affiftants. During this combination, a grant of fifty acres of land for a glebe was made by the governor and May 25. inhabitantst to Thomas Walford and Henry Sherburne, church-wardens, and their fuc- ceffors forever, as feoffees in truft ; by vir- Ports. Reg. tue of which grant the fame land is ftill held, and being let on long leafes, a confider- åble part of the town of Portfmouth is built
* Warnerton had been a soldier. Upon the division of Mason's stock and goods he carried his share to Penobscot, or some part of Nova-Scotia, where I was killed in a fray with the French inhabitants. 1614. (Hubbard) .
i This grant is subscribed by
Francis Williams, Governor, Henry Taler,
Ambrose Gibbons, Assistant, John Jones,
Willian Joncs, William Berry,
Renald Fernald, Jehn Pickerin,
John Crowther, Jolin Billing,
Anthony Bracket,
John Wotten,
Michael Chatterton,
Nicholas Row,
John Wall,
Matthew Coe,
Robert Pudington,
William Palner.
Henry Sherburne,
(Portsm. Res)
Johan Landen-
Time bomical
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HISTORY OF
Gov. Win- throp's Journal, MS.
1640. upon it. At this time they had a parfonage houfe and chapel, and had chofen Richard Gibfon for their parfon, the patronage being vefted in the parifhoners. Gibfon was fent from England as minifter to a fifhing plan- tation belonging to one Trelawney. He was " wholly addicted to the hierarchy and dif- " cipline of England, and exercifed his min- " ifterial function" according to the ritual, He was fummoned before the court at Bof- ton for "fcandalizing the government there, " and denying their title ;" but upon his fub- miffion, they difcharged him without fine or punifhment, being a ftranger and about to depart the country.
Parts. Rec.
After his departure the people of Portfmouth had James Parker* for their minifter, who was a fcholar and had been a deputy in the Maffachufetts court. After him they had one Browne ; and + Samuel Dudley a fon of Deputy Governor Dudley ; but thefe were only temporary preachers, and they did not obtain the regu- lar fettlement of a minifter for many years.
Four diftinct governments (including one at Kittery on the north fide of the river) were now formed on the feveral branches of
BIS Journ. * Governor Winthrop gives this account of him and his ministry. (1642. " 10 no :) " Those of the lower part of Pascataqua invited Mr. James Par- " ker of Weymouth, a godly man, to be their minister. He by advising with " divers of the magistrates and elders accepted the call and went and taught " among them, this winter, and it pleased God to give great success to lis " labours so as above forty of them, whereof the most had been very pro- " fane and some of them professed enemies to the way of our churches. " wrote to the magistrates and elders, acknowledging the sinfid course thes " had lived in, and bewailing the same, and blessing God for calling them on: " of it and earnestly desiring that Mr. Parker might be settled amongst. " them. Most of them fell back again in time, embracing this present " world." He afterward removed to Barbadoes and there settled. (vid Hutchinson's collection of papers, p. 155 & 222.) Hutchinson supposes bin. to have been minister of Newbury, mistaking him for Thomas Parker.
+ Dudley settled at Exeter in 1650, and died there in 1683, aged ?". " He was a person of good capacity and kuring."
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Pafcataqua. Thefe combinations being only 1640. voluntary agreements, liable to be broken or fubdivided on the firft popular difcontent, there could be no fafety in the continuance of them. The diftractions in England at this time had cut off all hope of the royal attention, and the people of the feveral fet- tlements were too much divided in their opinions to form any general plan of govern- ment which could afford a profpect of per- manent utility. The more confiderate per- fons among them, therefore thought it beft to treat with Maffachufetts about taking them under their protection. That govern- ment was glad of an opportunity to realize the conftruction which they had put upon the claufe of their charter wherein their nor- thern limits are defined. For a line drawn from eaft to weft at the diftance of " three " miles to the northward of Merrimack riv- " er and of any and every part thereof," will take in the whole province of New-Hamp- fhire, and the greater part of the province of Maine, fo that both Mafon's and Gorges's Mass.Ro .. patents muft have been vacated. They had already intimated their intention to run this eaft and weft line, and prefuming on the juf- tice of their claim, they readily entered into a negociation with the principal fettlers of Pafcataqua refpecting their incorporation with them. The affair was more than a year 1641. April 14. in agitation, and was at length concluded by an inftrument fubfcribed in the prefence of the general court by George Willys, Robert Saltonftall, William Whiting, Edward Holi- ock, and Thomas Makepeace, in behalf of themfelves and the other partners of the two G
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1641. patents`; by which inftrument they refigned the jurifdiction of the whole to Maffachu- fetts, on condition that the inhabitants fhould enjoy the fame liberties with their own peo- ple, and have a court of juftice erected a- mong them. The property of the whole patent of Portfmouth, and of one third part of that of Dover, and of all the improved lands therein, was referved to the lords and gen- tlemen proprietors, and their heirs forever.
October 8.
The court on their part confented that the inhabitants of thefe towns fhould enjoy the fame privileges with the reft of the colony, and have the fame adminiftration of juftice as in the courts of Salem and Ipfwich ; that they fhould be exempted from all public charges, except what thould arife among themfelves, or for their own peculiar bene- fit ; that they fhould enjoy their former liber. ties of fifhing, planting and felling timber ; that they fhould fend two deputies to the general court ; and that the fame perfons who were authorifed by their combinations to govern them, fhould continue in office till the commiffioners named in this order fhould arrive at Pafcataqua. Thefe commillioners were invefted with the power of the quarter courts of Salem and Ipfwich, and at their ar- rival they conftituted Francis Williams, Tho- mas Warnerton & Ambrofe Gibbons of Portf- mouth, Edward Hilton, Thomas Wiggen and William Waldron of Dover, magiftrates, who were confirmed by the general court.
1642. By a fubfequent order a very extraordina-
Bert. 8. ry conceffion was made to thefe towns, which fhews the fondnefs that government had of
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2101
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retaining them under their jurifdiction. A 1642. teft had been eftablithed by law, but it was difpenfed with in their favor ; their freemen were allowed to vote in town affairs, and their deputies to fit in the general court though they were not church-members.
The people of Dover being left deftitute of a minifter by the fudden departure of Larkham, who took this method to avoid the fhame which would have attended the dif- MS. Hubbard's covery of a crime fimilar to that for which Knollys had been difmiffed, wrote to the Maffachuftts tor help. The court took care to fend them Daniel Maud who had been a minifter in England. He was an honeft man, Math.Mag. and of a quiet and peaceable difpofition, qualities much wanting in all his predecef- fors. Larkham returned to England, where he continued to exercife his miniftry till e- jected by the act of uniformity in 1662, from Taviftock in Devon. He is faid to Calamy's have been " well known there for a man ejectedinin- account of " of great piety and fincerity," and died in isters, pe 246. 1669, ÆE. 68.
The inhabitants of Exeter had hitherto continued their combination ; but finding themfelves comprehended within the claim of Maffachufetts, and being weary of their inefficacious mode of government they peti- tioned the court, and were readily admitted Sept. &. under their jurifdiction. William Wenborne, Robert Smith, and Thomas Wardhall were Massz.Rec. appointed their magiftrates ; and they were annexed to the county of Effex. Upon this, Whelewright who was ftill under fentence of banifhment, with thofe of his church who were refolved to adhere to him, removed in-
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Hubbard's
. MS.
1642. to the province of Maine, and fettled at Wells, where his pofterity yet remain. He was foon after reftored, upon a flight acknow- ledgment, to the freedom of the colony, and removed to Hampton ; of which church he was minifter for many years ; until he went to England where he was in favor with Cromwell : But, after the reftoration, he re- turned and fettled at Salifbury, where he di- ed in 1680.
1644.
After his departure from Exeter, an at- tempt was made by the remaining inhabi- tants to form themfelves into a church, and call the aged Stephen Batchelor to the min- iftry, who had been difmiffed from Hamp- ton for his irregular conduct. But the gen- eral court here interpofed and fent them a folemn prohibition, importing " that their " divifions were fuch that they could not " comfortably, and with approbation, pro- " ceed in fo weighty and facred affairs," and therefore directing them " to defer gather- " ing. a church, or any other fuch proceed- " ing, till they or the court at Ipfwich, upon " further fatisfaction of their reconciliation " and fitnefs, fhould give allowance there- " for."
Such a ftretch of power, which would now be looked upon as an infringement of chrif- tian liberty, was agreeable to the principles of the firft fathers of New-England, who thought that civil government was eftablifh- ed for the defence and fecurity of the church againft error both doctrinal and moral. In this fentiment they were not fingular, it be- ing univerfally adopted by the reformers, in that and the preceding age, as one of the
Massa. Rec. May 20.
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fundamental principles of their feparation 1644. from the Romifh church, and neceffary to curtail the claims of her Pontiff, who affum- ed a fupremacy over " the kings of the " earth."
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CHAP. III.
Observations on the principles and conduct of the first plantera of Now-England .- Causes of their removal .~ Their forti. tude .- Religious sentiments .- Care of their posterity .- Jus, tice .- Laws .- Theocratic prejudices .- Intolerance and fer- secutions.
AN union having been formed between, the fettlements on Pafcataqua and the colo- ny of Maffachufetts, their hiftory for the fuc- ceeding forty years is in a great meafure the fame. It is not my intention to write the tranfactions of the whole colony during that period ; but, as many of the people in New- Hampfhire had the fame principles, views and interefts with the other people of New-Eng- land, I fhall make fome obfervations thereon, and interfperfe fuch hiftorical facts as may illuftrate the fubject.
In the preceding century the holy fcrip- tures, which had long lain hid in the rubbifh of monaftic libraries, were brought to public view by the happy invention of printing ; and as darknefs vanifhes before the rifing fun, fo the light of divine truth began to dif- fipate thofe errors and fuperftitions in which Europe had long been involved. At the fame time a remarkable concurrence of circum- ftances gave peculiar advantage to the bold attempt of Luther, to roufe Germany from her inglorious fubjection to the Roman Pon- tiff, and effectuate a reformation, which foon fpread into the neighbouring countries. But fo intimately were the political interefts of 1
kingdoms and flates blended with religious
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HISTORY OF
prejudices, that the work, though happily begun, was greatly blemifhed and impeded.
Henry the VIIIth of England took advan- tage of this amazing revolution in the minds of men, to throw off the papal yoke, and af- fert his native claim to independence. But fo dazzling was the idea of power, and the example of the firft chriftian princes, who had exercifed a fuperintendency in fpirituals, as well as temporals, that he transferred to himfelf that fpiritual power which had been ufurped and exercifed by the bifhops of Rome, and fat up himfelf as fupreme head on earth of the church of England ; com- manding both clergy and laity in his do- minions to fwear allegiance to him in this newly affumed character.
This claim was kept up by his fon and fucceffor Edward the Sixth, in whofe reign the reformation gained much ground ; and a fervice-book was publifhed by royal au- thority as the ftandard of worfhip and difci- pline for his fubjects. This excellent prince was taken out of the world in his youth ; and his fifter Mary, who then came to the throne, reftored the fupremacy to the pope, and raifed fuch fiery perfecution againft the reformers, that many of them fled into Ger- many and the Netherlands ; where they de- parted from that uniformity which had been eftablifhed in England, and became divided in. their fentiments and practice refpecting ecclefiaftical affairs : the native effect of that juft liberty of confcience which they enjoy- ed abroad, purfuing their own enquiries ac- cording to their refpective meafures of light ; uninfluenced by secular power, or the hope
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of acquiring dignities in a national eftablifh- ment.
The acceffion of Elizabeth infpired them with new hopes ; and they returned home, refolving to attempt the reformation of the church of England, agreeably to the refpec- tive opinions which they had embraced in their exile. But they foon found that the queen, who had been educated in the fame manner with her brother Edward, was fond of the eftablifhment made in his reign, and was ftrongly prejudiced in favor of pomp and ceremony in religious worfhip. She afferted her fupremacy in the moft abfolute terms, and erected an high-commiffion court with juridiction in ecclefiaftical affairs. Unifor- mity being rigoroufly enjoined and no abate- ment or allowance made for tender confci- ences (though it was conceded that the cere- monies were indifferent) a feparation from the eftablifhment took place. Thofe who were defirous of a farther reformation from the Romith fuperftitions, and of a more pure and perfect form of religion were denominated Puritans ; whofe principles, as diftinguifhed from thofe of the other reformers who were in favor with the queen, are thus repre- fented. +
Neal's Hist.
Puritans, vol. 1. p. 93, 98, 4to.
" The queen and court-reformers held, 1. That every prince had the fole authority to correct all abufes of doctrine and worthip within his own territories. 2. That the church of Rome was a true church though corrupt in fome points of doctrine and gov- ernment ; that all her miniftrations were valid, and that the pope was a true Bifhop of Rome though not of the univerfal church.
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3. That the fcriptures were a perfect rule of faith, but not a ftandard of difcipline; and that it was left to the difcretion of the chrif- tian magiftrate, to accommodate the govern- ment of the church to the policy of the ftate. 4. That the practice of the primitive church for the firft four or five centuries was a pro- per ftandard of church government and dif- cipline ; and in fome refpects better than that of the Apoftles, which was only accommo- dated to the infant ftate of the church, while it was under perfecution ; whereas the oth- er was fuited to the grandeur of a national eftablifhment. 5. That things indifferent in their own nature as rites, ceremonies, and habits, might be fettled, determined and made neceffary by the command of the civil magi- ftrate, and that in fuch cafes it was the duty of the fubject to obferve them."
" On the other hand, the Puritans, 1. Dif- owned all foreign jurifdiction over the church, but could not admit of that exten- five power which the crown claimed by the fupremacy. However, they took the oath, with the queen's explication, as only reftor- ing her majefty to the ancient and natural rights of fovereign princes over their fub- jects. 2. They held the pope to be anti- chrift, the church of Rome a falfe church, and all her miniftrations fuperftitious and idolatrous. 3. That the fcriptures were a ftandard of difcipline as well as doctrine, and if there was need of a difcretionary power; it was vefted not in the magiftrate but in the officers of the church. 4. That the form of government ordained by the Apof- tles was ariftocratical, and defigned as a pat-
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tern to the church in after ages, not to be departed from in its main principles. 5. That thofe things which Chrift hath left indiffer- ent ought not to be made neceffary ; and that fuch rites and ceremonies as had been abufed to idolatry and fuperftition, and had a manifeft tendency to lead men back there- to, were no longer indifferent but unlawful."
" Both parties agreed too well in afferting the neceffity of uniformity in public wor- fhip, and of ufing the fword of the magif- trate for the fupport and defence of their ref- pective principles ; which they made an ill ufe of in their turns, whenever they could grafp it in their hands. The ftandard of u- niformity according to the bifhops, was the queen's fupremacy and the laws of the land ; according to the Puritans, the decrees of na- tional and provincial fynods, allowed and en- forced by the civil magiftrate. Neither par- ty were for admitting that liberty of con- fcience and freedom of profeffion which is every man's right, fo far as is confiftent with the peace of civil government. Upon this fatal rock of uniformity, was the peace of the church of England fplit."
It is melancholy to obferve what mifchiefs were caufed by the want of a juft diftinc- tion between civil and ecclefiaftical power, and by that abfurd zeal for uniformity, which kept the nation in a long ferment, and at length burft out into a blaze, the fury of which was never thoroughly quelled till the happy genius of the revolution gave birth to a free and equitable toleration, whereby every man was reftored to the natural right of judging and acting for himfelf in matters of religion ..
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All the celebrated wifdom of Elizabeth's gov- ernment could not devife an expedient fo fuccefsful. Though her reign was long and profperous, yet it was much ftained with op- preffion and cruelty toward many of her beft fubjects ; who, wearied with ineffectual ap- plications, waited the acceffion of James, from whom they expected more favour, be- caufe he had been educated in the prefbyte- rian church of Scotland, and profeffed an high veneration for that eftablifhment. But they foon found that he had changed his re- ligious principles with his climate, and that nothing was to be expected from a prince of fo bafe a character, but infult and contempt.
In the beginning of his reign a great num- ber of the Puritants removed into Holland, where they formed churches upon their own principles: But not relifhing the manners of the Dutch, after twelve years they pro- jected a removal to America, and laid the foundation of the colony of Plymouth. The fpirit of uniformity ftill prevailing in Eng- land, and being carried to the greateft extent in the reign of Charles the Firft by that fu- rious bigot Archbishop Laud; many of the lefs fcrupulous, but confcientious members of the church of England, who had hitherto re- mained in her communion, feeing no profpect of reft or liberty in their native country, fol- lowed their brethren to America, and eftab- lifhed the colony of Maffachufetts, from which proceeded that of Connecticut.
By fuch men, influenced by fuch motives, were the principal fettlements in New-Eng- land effected. The fortitude and perfever- ance which they exhibited therein will als
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ways render their memory dear to their pof- terity. To prepare for their enterprize, they had to fell their eftates, fome of which were large and valuable, and turn them into ma- terials for a new plantation, with the nature of which they had no acquaintance, and of which they could derive no knowledge from the experience of others. After trav- erfing a wide ocean they found themfelves in a country full of woods, to fubdue which required immenfe labour and patience ; at a vaft diftance from any civilized people ; in the neighbourhood of none but ignorant and barbarous favages ; and in a climate, where a winter much more fevere than they had been accuftomed to, reigns for a third part of the year. Their flock of provifions fal- ling fhort, they had the dreadful apprehen- fion of perifhing by famine, one half of their number dying before the firft year was com- pleted ; the ocean on one fide feparated them from their friends, and the wildernef's on the other, prefented nothing but fcenes of horror, which it was impoflible for them to conceive of before they endured them.
But under all thefe difficulties, they main- tained a fteady and pious refolution ; depend- ing on the providence of the fupreme ruler, and never repenting the bufinef's on which which they had come into this wildernefs. As purity in divine adminiftrations was the profeffed object of their undertaking, fo they immediately fet themfelves to form church- es, on what they judged the gofpel plan. 'To be out of the reach of prelatic tyranny, and at full liberty to purfue their own en- giries, and worthip God according to their
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confciences, (which had been denied them in their own country) was efteemed the great- eft of bleffings, and fweetened every bitter cup which they were obliged to drink. They always profeffed that their principal defign was to erect churches on the primitive mod- el, and that the confideration of temporal in- tereft and conveniency had but the fecond place in their views .*
In the doctrinal points of religion they were of the fame mind with their brethren of the church of England, as expreffed in Hutchins their articles. The Maffachufetts planters 1. p. 487, Hist. vol. left behind them, when they failed, a ref- pectful declaration importing that they did not confider the church of England as anti- chriftian, but only withdrew from the impo- fition of unfcriptural terms of communion. Some of the Plymouth planters had embrac- d the narrow principles of the Brownifts, the firft who feparated from the church of England ; but by the improvements which they made in religious knowledge under the inftruction of the renowned John Robinfon, their paftor in Holland, they were in a great meafure cured of that four leaven. The congregational fyftem of church government was the refult of the ftudies of that truly pi- ous, learned, humble and benevolent divine, who feems to have had more of the genuine fpirit of the reformation, and of freedom
* " It concerneth New-England always to remember, that they are orig- " inally a plantation religious, not a plantation of trade. The profession of " the purity of doctrine, worship and discipline is written upon her forehead. " Let merchants, and such as are increasing cent per cent remember this, " that worldly gain was not the end and design of the people of New-Eng- " land but religion. And if any man among us make religion as twelve, and " the world as thirteen, such an one hath not the spirit of a true New-
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