USA > New Hampshire > The history of New-Hampshire. Comprehending the events of one complete century and seventy-five years from the discovery of the River Pascataqua to the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety, Vol I > Part 7
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This commiffion was highly difrelifhed by the colony, as inconfiftent with the rights and privileges which they enjoyed by their char- ter, and which the king had facredly prom- ifed to confirm. It is therefore no wonder that the commiffioners were treated with Hutch. much coolnefs at their arrival ; but they fe- 417. werely repaid it in their report to the king.
Coll. par
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HISTORY OF
1665. June.
Mass. Rec. Oct. 10.
In their progrefs through the country they came to Pafcataqua, and enquired into the boun'ds of Mafon's patent. They heard the allegation of Whelewright, who when ban- ifhed by the colony, was permitted to refide immediately beyond what was called the bound-houfe, which was three large miles to the northward of the river Merrimack. They took the affidavit of Henry Jocelyn concern- ing the agreement between Governor Crad- ock and Captain Mafon, that the river fhould be the boundary of their refpective patents. They made no determination of this contro- verfy in their report to the king ; but hav- ing called together the inhabitants of Portf- mouth, Sir Robert Carre, in the name of the reft, told them that "they would releafe them " from the government of Maffachufetts, "whofe jurifdiction fhould come no farther "than the bound houfe." They then pro- ceeded to appoint juftices of the peace and other officers, with power to act according to the laws of England, and fuch laws of their own as were not repugnant thereto, until the king's pleafure fhould be farther known.
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Hutchin. Collection pap. 488.
There had always been a party here who were difaffected to the government of Maffa- chufetts. One of the moft active among them was 'Abraham Corbett, of Portfmouth, who, fince the arrival of the commiffioners "at Bofton, and probably by authority deriv- "ed from them, had taken upon him to iffue "warrants in the king's name on feveral occa- fions, which was conftrued a high mifde- meanor, as he had never been commiffioned by the authority of the colony. Being called to account by the general court, he was ad-
Massa. Rec.
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monifhed, fined five pounds, and committed 1665. till the fentence was performed. Irritated by, this feverity, he was the fitter inftrument for the purpofe of the commiffioners, who em- ployed him to frame a petition to the king in the name of the four towns, complaining of the ufurpation of Maffachufetts over them, and praying to be releafed from their tyran- ny. Corbett, in a fecret manner, procured feveral perfons both in Portfinouth and Do- ver to fubfcribe this petition, but the moft of thofe to whom he offered it refufed.
The fenfible part of the inhabitants now faw with much concern that they were in danger of being reduced to the fame unhap- py ftate which they had been in before their union with the colony. Awed by the fuper- cilious behaviour of the commiflioners, they knew not at firit how to act ; for to oppofe the king's authority was conftrued treafon, and it was faid that Sir Robert Carre had threatened a poor old man with death for no other crime than forbidding his grandchild to open a door to them. But when the ru- mour was fpread that a petition was drawn, and that Corbett was procuring fubfcribers, the people, no longer able to bear the abufe, earneftly applied to the general court, pray- ing " that in fome orderly way they might " have an opportunity to clear themfelves of " fo great and unjuft afperfions, as were by " this petition, drawn in their name, caft " upon the government under which they " were fettled ; and alfo to manifeft their " fenfe of fuch perfidious actions, left by their " filence it fhould be concluded they were " of the fame mind with thofe who framed
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" the petition." In confequence of this peti- tion the court commiffioned Thomas Danforth, Eleazar Lufher, and Major General Leverett to enquire into the matter, and fettle the peace in thefe places according to their beft difcretion. ; .
October 9.
"Thefe gentlemen came to Portfmouth, and having affembled the inhabitants, and pub- lifhed their commiffion, they told them that they were informed of a petition fubfcribed in behalf of that and the neighbouring towns, complaining of the government ; and defir- ed them if they had any juft grievances to let them be known, and report fhould be immediately made to the general court. The next day they affembled the people of Dover and made the fame challenge. Both towns refpectively protefted againft the pe- tition, and profeffed full fatisfaction with the goverment, which they fignified in addreffes to the court. Dudley, the minifter of Exeter, certified under his hand to the committee, that the people of that town had no concern directly nor indirectly with the obnoxious petition. They received alfo full fatisfaction with regard to Hampton; a certificate of which might have been obtained, if they had thought it neceffary. .
They then proceeded to fummon Corbett before them for feditious behaviour ; but he eluded the fearch that was made for him, and they were obliged to leave a warrant with an officer to cite him to the court at Bofton. "The commiffioners had now gone over into the province of Maine, from whence Sir Robert Carre in their name fent a fevere reprimand to this committee, forbidding
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them to proceed againft fuch perfons as had fubfcribed the petition, and inclofing a copy of a letter which the faid commiffioners had written to the governor and council on the fame fubject.
The committee returned and reported their proceedings to the court, and about the fame time the commiffioners came from their eaft- ern cour to Bofton ; where the court defired a conference with them, but received fuch. an anfwer from Sir Robert Carre as deter- mined them not to repeat their requeft. A warrant was then iffued by the fecretary, in the name of the whole court, to apprehend Corbett and bring him before the governor and magiftrates, " to anfwer for his tumultu- "ous and feditious practices againft the gov- "ernment." The next fpring he was feized and brought before them ; and after a full hearing was adjudged guilty of fedition, and exciting others to difcontent with the gov- ernment and laws, and of keeping a difor- derly houfe of entertainment, for which crimes he was fentenced to give a bond of one hundred pounds with fecurity for his peaceable behaviour and obedience to the laws ; he was prohibited retailing liquors ; difabled from bearing any office in the town Of commonwealth, during the pleafure of the court ; and obliged to pay a fine of twenty pounds and five pounds for the cofts of his profecution.
This feverity in vindication of their char- ter-rights they thought fit to temper with fomething that had the appearance of fub- miffion to the royal commands. The king's pleafure had been fignified to the commif- map. 419.
1665.
1666. May 23
Hutch. Col,
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HISTORY OF
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1666. fioners, that the harbours, fhould be fortified. This inftruction came to hand while they. were at Pafcataqua, and they immediately if- fued warrants to the four towns, requiring them to mect at a time and place appointed to receive his majefty's orders. One of thefe warrants was fent by exprefs to Bofton, from whence two officers were difpatched by the governor and council to forbid the towns on their peril to meet, or obey the commands of the commiffioners. But by their own au- thority they ordered a committee to look out the moft convenient place for a fortification, upon whofe report " the neck of land on the Massa. Rec. " eaftward of the Great Ifland, where a fmall " fort had been already built, was fequefter- "ed for the purpofe, taking in the Great " Rock, and from thence all the eafterly part " of the faid ifland." The court of affociates being impowered to hear and determine the claims of thofe who pretended any title to this land ; a claim was entered by George Walton, but rejected ; and the appropriation confirmed. The cuftoms and impofts on goods imported into the harbour were appli- ed to the maintenance of the fort, and the trained bands of Great-Ifland and Kittery- Point were difcharged from all other duty to attend the fervice of it, under Richard Cutts, efq. who was appointed captain.
The people of Maffachufetts have, both in former and latter times, been charged with difloyalty to the king in their conduct to- ward thefe commiffioners, and their difre- gard of authority derived from the fame fource with their charter. To account for
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their conduct on this occafion, we muft con- 1666. fider the ideas they had of their political con- nexion with the parent ftate. They had been forced from thence by perfecution : they came at their own charges into a wildernefs, claimed indeed by the crown of England ; but really in poffeffion of its native lords ; from whom they had purchafed the foil and fovereignty, which gave them a title, confid- 'ered in a moral view, fuperior to'the grant of any European prince. For convenience on- ly, they had folicited and accepted a patent from the crown, which in their opinion con- ftituted the only bond of union between them and their prince, by which the nature and extent of their allegiance to him was to be determined. This patent they regarded as a folemn compact, wherein the king had granted them undifturbed poffeffion of the foil, and power of government within cer- tain limits ; on condition that they fhould fettle the country, chriftianize the natives, yield a fifth of all gold and filver mines to the crown, and make no laws repugnant to thofe of England. They had, on their part, facredly performed thefe conditions ; and therefore concluded that the grant of title, property and dominion which the crown had made to them was irrevocable. And although they acknowledged themfelves fubjects of the reigning prince, and owned a dependence on the royal authority ; yet they underftood it to be only through the medium of their charter.
The appointment of commiffioners who were to act within the fame limits, indepen- dently of this authority, and to receive ap-
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HISTORY OF
1666. peals from it ; whofe rule of conduct was no. eftablifhed law, but their own "good and found difcretion," was regarded as a danger- ous ftretch of royal power, militating with and fuperfeding their charter. If the royal authority was deftined to flow through the patent, it could not regularly be turned into another channel : if they were to be governed by laws made and executed by officers of their own choofing, they could not at the fame time be governed by the "difcretion" of men in whofe appointment they had no voice, and over whom they had no control. Two ruling powers in the fame ftate was a folecifm which they could not digeft. The patent was nei- ther forfeited nor revoked ; but the king had folemnly promifed to confirm it, and it fub- fifted in full force. The commiffion there- fore was deemed an ufurpation and infringe- ment of thofe chartered rights, which had been folemnly pledged on the one part, dear- ly purchafed and juftly paid for on the oth- er. They regarded ." a royal donation under the great feal (to ufe their own words) as the greateft fecurity that could be had in human affairs ;" and they had confidence in the juf- tice of the fupreme ruler, that if they held what they in their confciences thought to be their rights, and performed the engagements by which they had acquired them, they fhould enjoy the protection of his providence,*
Hutch. Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 543.
* " Keep to your patent. Your patent was a royal grant indeed ; and it "is instrumentally your defence and security. Recede from that, one " way or the other, and you will expose yourselves to the wrath of God and " the rage of man. Fix upon the patent, and stand for the liberties and in- " munities conferred upon you therein ; and you have COD and the king "with you, both a good cause and a good interest : and may with goxxl con- " science set your foot against any foot of pride and violence that shall come "against you " Presi lent Oakes's Election Serniou 1673.
NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
though they fhould be obliged to abandon 1666. the country, which they had planted with fo much labour and expence, and feek a new fettlement in fome other part of the globe.
Thefe were the principles which they had imbibed, which they openly avowed and on which they acted. Policy might have dictat- ed to them the fame flexibility of conduct, and foftnefs of expreffion, by which the oth- er colonies on this occafion gained the royal favour. But they had fo long held the fole and uninterrupted fovereignty, in which they had been indulged by the late popular gov- ernment in England ; and were fo fully con- vinced it was their right ; that they chofe rather to rifque the lofs of all, than to make any conceffions ; thereby expofing themfelves farther to the malice of their enemies and the vengeance of power.
The commiffioners, having finifhed their bufinefs, were recalled by the order of the Ling, who was much difpleafed with the ill treatment they had received from the Maffa- chufetts government, which was the more heinous, as the colonies of Plymouth, Rhode- Ifland and Connecticut had treated the com- miffion with acknowledged refpect. By a letter to the colony he commanded them to 547. fend over four or five agents, promifing "to " hear in perfon, all the allegations, fuggef- " tions, and pretences to right or favour, " that could be made on behalf of the colo- : " ny," intimating that he was far from de- firing to invade their charter ; and com- manding that all things fhould remain as the commiffioners had fettled them until his far- ther order ; and that thofe perfons who had
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April 10. Hutch. p;
N
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HISTORY OF
1666. been imprifoned for petitioning or applying to them fhould be releafed. The court, how -. ever, continued to exercife jurifdiction, ap- point officers, and execute the laws in thefe towns as they had done for twenty-five years, to the general fatisfaction of the people who were united with them in principles and af- fection.
1669.
This affection was demonftrated by their ready concurrence with the propofal for a general collection, for the purpofe of erecting a new brick building* at Harvard college, the old wooden one being fmall and decay- ed. The town of Portfmouth, which was now become the richeft, made a fubfcription of fixty pounds per annum for feven years ; and after five years paffed a town vote to carry this engagement into effect. Dover gave thirty-two, and Exeter ten pounds for the fame laudable purpofc.
Harvard Col. Rec.
1671. The people of Portfmouth, having for fome time employed Jofhua Moody as a preacher among them, and erected a new meet- ing-houfe, proceeded to fettle him in regu- lar order. A church confifting of nine breth- Ports. Chh. ren f was firft gathered ; then the general court having been duly informed of it, and having fignified their approbation, according to the eftablifhed practice, Moody was or- dained in the prefence of Governor Leverett and feveral of the Magiftrates.
Records.
1674. The whole attention of the government in England being at this time taken up with
" This building was erected in 1672, and consumed by fire in 1761. + " Joshua Moody, Sammel Haynes, James Pendleton, John Fletcher, John Tucker
John Cutts, Richard Cutts, Richard Martyn, His Stileman,
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things that more immediately concerned 1674. themfelves, nothing of moment relating to Mafon's intereft was tranfacted. He became difcouraged, and joined with the heirs of Gorges in propofing an alienation of their refpective rights in the provinces of New- Hampshire and Maine to the Crown, to make a government for the Duke of Monmouth. The duke himfelf was greatly pleafed with the fcheme, as he had been told that an an- nual revenue of five thoufand pounds or more might be collected from thefe provinc- es. But by the more faithful reprefenta- Hutch. tions of fome perfons who were well ac- of Papers, Collection quainted with the country, he was induced 451. 472. to lay afide the project. Many complaints were made againft the government of Maf- fachufetts ; and it was thought to be highly expedient that more fevere meafures fhould be ufed with them ; but the Dutch wars, and other foreign tranfactions, prevented any de- termination concerning them, till the coun- try was involved in all the horrors of a gen- eral war with the natives.
Y
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CHAP. V.
Remarks on the temper and manners of the Indians .-- The first general svar tvith them called Philip's war.
Smith's Voyage.
Gorges's Narrat. p. 17.54.
Prince's Annals.
AT the time of the firft difcovery of the river Pafcataqua by Captain Smith, it was found that the native inhabitants of thefc parts differed not in language, manners, nor government, from their eaftern or weftern neighbours. Though they were divided in- to feveral tribes, each of which had a diftinct fachem, yet they all owned fubjection to a fovereign prince, called Bafhaba, whofe refi- dence was fomewhere about Pemaquid. , It was foon after found that the Tarrateens, who lived farther eaftward, had invaded his coun- try, furprized and flain him, and all the peo- ple in his neighbourhood, and carried off his women, leaving no traces of his authority. Upon which the fubordinate fachems, hav- ing no head to unite them, and each one ftriving for the pre-eminence, made war among themfelves ; whereby many of their people, and much of their provifion were deftroyed. When Sir Richard Hawkins vifited the coaft in 1615, this war was at it height; and to this fuc- ceeded a peftilence, which carried them off in fuch dumbers that the living were not able to bury the dead ; but their bones re- mained at the places of their habitations for feveral years. During this peftilence, Rich- ard Vines and feveral others, whom Sir Fer- dinando Gorges had hired, at a great ex- pence, to tarry in the country through the winter, lived among them and lodged in their
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tabbins, without receiving the leaft injury in their health, " not fo much as feeling their " heads to ache the whole time." By fuch fingular means did divine providence prepare the way for the peaceable entrance of the Europeans into this land.
When the firft fettlements were made, the remains of two tribes had their habitations on the feveral branches of the river Pafcata- qua ; one of their fachems lived at the falls of Squamfcot, and the other at thofe of Ne- wichwannock ; their head quarters being generally feated in places convenient for fith- ing. Both thefe, together with feveral inland tribes, who refided at Pantucket and Winni- pifeogee, acknowledged fubjection to Paffaco- naway the great fagamore of Pannukog, or (as it is commonly pronounced) Penacook. He excelled the other fachems in fagacity, duplicity and moderation ; but his principal qualification was his fkill in fome of the fe- cret operations of nature, which gave him the reputation of a forcerer, and extended his fame and influence among all the neigh- bouring tribes. They believed that it was in his power to make water burn, and trees dance, & to metamorphofe himfelf into flame ; Hutch, that in winter he could raife a green leaf Vol. 1. p. from the afhes of a dry one, and a living fer- 474. pent from the fkin of one that was dead.
An Englifh gentleman who had been much converfant among the Indians was in- vited, in 1660, to a great dance and feaft ; on which occafion the elderly men, in fongs or fpeeches recite their hiftories, and deliver their fentiments, and advice, to the younger. At this folemnity Paffaconaway, being grown THE NEWBERRY LIBRARY CHICAGO
Gorges, page 12:
Hist. Mass;
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old, made his farewell fpeech to his children and people ; in which, as a dying man, he warned them to take heed how they quarrel- led with their Englifh neighbours ; for though they might do them fome damage, yet it would prove the means of their own deftruction. He told them that he had been a bitter enemy to the Englifh, and by the arts of forcery had tried his utmoft to hinder their fettlement and increafe ; but could by no means fucceed. This caution perhaps often repeated, had fuch an effect, that upon the breaking out of the Indian war fifteen years afterward, Wonolanfet, his fon and fuc- ceffor, withdrew himfelf and his people into fome remote place, that they might not be drawn into the quarrel.
While the Britifh nations had been dif- tracted with internal convulfions, and had endured the horrors of a civil war, produc- ed by the fame caufes which forced the plan- ters of New England to quit the land of their nativity ; this wildernefs had been to them a quiet habitation. They had ftruggled with many hardfhips ; but providence had fmiled upon their undertaking, their fettle- ments were extended and their churches multiplied. There had been no remarkable quarrel with the favages, except the fhort war with the Pequods, who dwelt in the fouth-eaft part of Connecticut : They being totally fubdued in 1637, the dread and ter- ror of the Englifh kept the other nations quiet for near forty years. During which time the New-England colonies being con- federated for their mutual defence, and for maintaining the public peace, took great
Hubbard's printed Narrative. pge 9. 31.
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pains to propagate the gofpel among the na- tives, and bring them to a civilized way of living, which, with refpect to fome, proved effectual ; others refufed to receive the mif- fionaries, and remained obftinately prejudic- ed againft the Englifh. Yet the object of their hatred was at the fame time the object of their fear; which led them to forbear acts of hoftility, and to preferve an outward thew of friendfhip, to their mutual intereft.
Our hiftorians have generally reprefented the Indians in a moft odious light, efpecially when recounting the effects of their feroci- ty. Dogs, caitiffs, mifcreants and hell-hounds, are the politeft names which have been given them by fome writers, who feem to be in a paffion at the mentioning their cruelties, and at other times fpeak of them with contempt. Whatever indulgence may be allowed to Magnalia thof who wrote in times when the mind was vexed with their recent depredations and inhumanities, it ill becomes us to cherifh an inveterate hatred of the unhappy natives. Religion teaches us a better temper, and pro- vidence has now put an end to the contro- verfy, by their almoft total extirpation. We fhould therefore proceed with calmnefs in recollecting their paft injuries, and forming our judgment of their character.
It muft be acknowledged that human de- pravity appeared in thefe unhappy creatures in a moft fhocking view. The principles of education and the refinements of civilized life either lay a check upon our vicious propen- fities, or difguife our crimes ; but among them human wickednefs was feen in its nak- ed deformity. Yet, bad as they were, it will
Hubbard'e Narrative and Mather's
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be difficult to find them guilty of any crime. which cannot be paralleled among civilized nations.
They are always defcribed as remarkably cruel ; and it cannot be denied that this dif- pofition indulged to the greateft excefs, ftrongly marks their character. We are ftruck with horror, when we hear of their binding the victim to the flake, biting off his nails, tearing out his hair by the roots, pul- ling out his tongue, boring out his eyes, fticking his fkin full of lighted pitch-wood, half roafting him at the fire, and then mak- ing him run for their diverfion, till he faints and dies under the blows which they give him on every part of his body. But is it noť as dreadful to read of an unhappy wretch, fewed up in a fack full of ferpents and thrown into the fea, or broiled in a red hot iron chair ; or mangled by lions and tygers after having fpent his ftrength to combat them for the diverfion of the fpectators in an amphitheatre ? and yet thefe were pun- ifhments among the Romans in the politeft ages of the empire. What greater cruelty is there in the American tortures, than in con- fining a man in a trough, and daubing him with honey that he may be ftung to death by wafps and other venomous infects ; or flea- ing him alive and ftretching out his fkin be- fore his eyes, which modes of punishment were not inconfiftent with the foftnefs and elegance of the ancient court of Perfia ? or, to come down to modern times ; what great- er mifery can there be in the Indian execu- tions, than in racking a prifoner on a wheel, and breaking his bones one by one with an
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iron bar ; or placing his legs in a boot and driving in wedges one after another ; which tortures are ftill, or have till lately been ufed in fome European kingdoms ? I forbear to name the torments of the inquifition, be- caufe they feem to be beyond the ftretch of buman invention. If civilized nations, and thofe who profefs the moft merciful religion that ever bleffed the world, have practifed thefe cruelties, what could be expected of men who were ftrangers to every degree of refinement either civil or mental ?
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