USA > New Jersey > Middlesex County > Perth Amboy > Contributions to the early history of Perth Amboy and adjoining country : with sketches of men and events in New Jersey during the provincial era > Part 20
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tinguished himself in the same branch of natural knowledge, was presented to the honorary degree of Master of Arts."-See Sparks' Frank- lin, and Princeton Review, July, 1847. 57 Life of Franklin by his Grandson. Vol. I. p. 309. (Edit. 1833.) 58 Public Characters of Great Bri- tain, Vol. IV.
59 See a Letter of John Penn's in Duer's Life of Lord Stirling-pp. 70, 71, and one from Wm. Smith quoted on a previous page of this volume.
60 Dr. Franklin in a letter to a friend dated Dec. 7th, 1762, says : " I thank you for your kind congratulations on my son's promotion and marriage. If he makes a good governor and husband (as Ihope he will, for I know he has good principles and a good disposition) these events will, both of them, give me continual pleasure." - Sparks' Franklin, VII. p. 242. There can be but little doubt that the feeling mani- fested on the appointment of Governor
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About the time of his appointment Governor Franklin married Miss Elizabeth Downs-of whom recollections are, or were, cherished by aged persons who knew her, as an ex- ceedingly amiable woman, possessing many virtues, and of very engaging manners. With her he arrived in the Delaware River in February, 1763, and, after some detention from the ice, reached Philadelphia on the 19th, whence he started for New Jersey on the 23d. He slept at New Brunswick on the 24th, and arrived at Perth Amboy the following day.
He was escorted to the seat of government by numbers of the gentry, in sleighs, and by the Middlesex troop of horse ; and was there received by Governor Hardy and the members of his Council. The weather was intensely cold, but that prevented not the administration of the oath of office and the proclama- tion of his commission in public, according to the usual forms ; a contemporary chronicler asserting that all was con- ducted "with as much decency and good decorum as the severity of the season could possibly admit of." 6 1
A day or two afterward the Governor proceeded to Bur- lington to publish his commission there, according to the cus- tom of the province.62
Philadelphia having been the place of his previous resi- dence it was natural that the Governor should find stronger attractions in West than in East Jersey, from the contiguity of former friends in the Province of Pennsylvania ; he conse- quently, after some hesitation, secured lodgings at Burlington, and finally took up his permanent residence there until Octo- ber, 1774, when he removed to Perth Amboy, and became the occupant of the Proprietors' House, of late years, enlarged and improved, the residence of Mr. Matthias Bruen.
The Corporation of Burlington gave him a public entertain- ment before his removal to Amboy, and the following day
Franklin was owing principally to the ters. The Governor, of course, " would illegitimacy of his birth.
New York Gazette.
62 The usual addresses were pre-
sented. Those particularly noticed were from the Corporations of New Brunswick and Perth Amboy-the Pre- sident and Trustees of the College, and a deputation of Presbyterian Minis-
omit no opportunity of promoting the general interests of religion or of coun- tenancing those of the particular pro- fession of the gentlemen"-or, at least, said so. The Corporation of Eliza- bethtown gave a public entertainment to him and his lady at the Point, in June .- Sparks' Franklin, VII. 254.
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presented their farewell address, expressing their regard for him, thanking him for his kind deportment and courtesy shown during his stay, and regretting his departure. Neither the address nor the Governor's reply state why he left Burlington.
Almost immediately after his entrance upon his duties in New Jersey, the vexatious measures of the British ministry began to excite throughout the Colonies that abhorrence which eventually led to their separation from the mother country ; and Governor Franklin-although favorably disposed towards the Colonies so long as no direct opposition to the authority of Parliament was manifested-advocated and enforced the views of the ministry with a devotion and energy worthy a better cause.
It is well known that Dr. Franklin, however strongly im- pressed he may have been with the incorrectness of the doc- trines advanced by the British Parliament in relation to the Colonies, was far from advocating immediate independence. In his views he was not singular. There were few, if any, prior to 1775, who regarded such a remedy as necessary ; and Franklin presumed that the yearly increasing importance of America to the various mercantile and manufacturing in- terests of Great Britain would at last work out for her that relief which was so earnestly desired. But, when convinced that nothing was to be hoped for from the delay, he became an ardent and uncompromising supporter of the Colonial cause.
Under date of October 6th, 1773, he thus states his own position and that of his son. Referring to some letters of his which Governor Hutchinson of Massachusetts had represented to be advisatory of immediate independence, he says :-
" I shall be able at any time to justify every thing I have written, the purport being uniformly this, that they should carefully avoid all tumults and every violent measure, and content themselves with verbally keeping up their claim and holding forth their rights whenever occasion requires. * * * * From a long and thorough consideration of the subject I am, indeed, of opinion that the Parliament has no right to make any law what- ever binding on the Colonies. That the King, and not the King, Lords and Commons collectively, is their sovereign; and that the King, with their respective parliaments, is their only legislator. I know your senti- ments [he was writing to the Governor] differ from mine on these sub- jects. You are a thorough government man, which I do not wonder at, nor do I aim at converting you; I only wish you to act uprightly and steadily, avoiding that duplicity which in Hutchinson adds contempt to indignation. If you can promote the prosperity of your people, and leave
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them happier than you found them, whatever your political principles are, your memory will be honored."
Upon this letter the Doctor's grandson bases a refutation of the belief generally entertained, that he endeavored to per- suade the Governor to withdraw from the royal cause,63 but I have been assured by one who was cognizant of the fact that, when confirmed in his own course, and after his return to America in 1775, the Doctor visited his son at Perth Amboy, and strove zealously to draw him over to the side of the colo- nies ;- that their conversations were sometimes attended with exhibitions of warmth not very favorable to continued harmo- nious intercourse, but each failed to convince the other of the impropriety of the course he was pursuing ; and it is not pro- bable the Doctor would have expressed his displeasure subse- quently in such decided terms had not the Governor slighted his counsel. His son certainly followed his advice in "avoiding duplicity," for he did not hesitate to give manifest tokens of his determination to rise or fall with the royal cause.
One cannot help contrasting this visit of Doctor Franklin to Amboy, and its attending circumstances, with the one he had made half a century before. Then a poor and unknown lad, seeking a place where he might earn his daily bread by laborious exertion, he had passed within the limits of the ancient city a night of feverishness and unrest, after a day of abstinence and exposure ; and left it to prosecute on foot his journey of fifty miles to Burlington-drenched in rain and subjected to injurious suspicions. 64 Now, the man of science and the statesman, whose fame had extended to both hemis- pheres, came from a sojourn in foreign lands and from inter- course with the wise and great of the earth, to confer with his son-become a representative of royalty-in the very place from which he had made so miserable an exit.
Although the conspicuous part performed in the revolu- tionary drama by Governor Franklin constitutes the most important feature of his administration, yet he was too long in the executive chair not to contract a greater attachment to the Province than his flitting predecessors had done, and to be-
63 Life of Franklin, Vol. I. p. 310.
64 Franklin's Writings, Vol. I. p. 231.
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come acquainted with the wants and aware of the evils under which its population labored. He appears, in consequence, to have exerted himself in a laudable manner to promote its pros- perity. At different times he brought to the notice of the Assembly, and encouraged legislation relating to the improve- ment of roads, the fostering of agriculture by the bestowment of bounties, the melioration of the laws prescribing imprison- ment for debt ; and, it is thought, proved himself an active and efficient Governor ; although in other respects than in approving the course of the British ministry he failed to secure the approbation of the people ; yet his known adherence to princi- ples which were deemed inimical to popular rights was probably the foundation of most, if not all, the opposition shown to him.
It would, however, trench too much upon the province of history to narrate here the circumstances which called forth this opposition ; it will suffice to remark, as illustrative of the character of the man apart from his public station-the prin- cipal aim of this sketch-that at these periods Governor Franklin, while he evinced a determination to persevere in the course dictated by his sense of duty, does not seem to have acted in a way to attach any discredit to himself, other than that which accrues to the politician from acting contrary to the views of his opponents. At times, indeed, he sacrificed his own official popularity to the claims of personal friendship, and when assured of the correctness of his opinions, allowed no apprehensions of personal safety, or of prejudice to his interests, to interfere with their adaptation in practice to the promotion of the public welfare as understood by him.
During the entire period from the passage of the Stamp Act in 1765, until the receipt of Lord North's Declaratory project, the Governor, so far as his communications have come under my notice, observed a commendable prudence in his intercourse with the representatives of the people, and with the people themselves ; saying nothing which, considering his re- lations to the Crown, they could not excuse or extenuate ; and we find consequently that a due degree of respect continued to be shown to him and his authority. Even at as late a period as February, 1775, the representatives of the people were warm in their expression of attachment to the govern-
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ment of Great Britain. "We do solemnly and with great truth assure your Majesty, that we have no thoughts inju- rious to the allegiance which, as subjects, we owe to you as our sovereign ; that we abhor the idea of setting ourselves up in a state of independency, and that we know of no such design in others." And again in November of that year the Assem- bly passed resolutions adverse to independence, and directing the delegate's of the Province in the Continental Congress to oppose any proposition of the kind. But they were called to act upon the measure proposed by Lord North, at a time when they had too recently seen the blood of friends and countrymen shed at Lexington, for them to regard it with the forbearance they had previously exhibited, and from this point the inter- course with the Governor became less cordial.
It was at this period that dissension also, for the first time, appears to have entered the Council. Previously, so far as the sentiments of the members of that body have become pub- lic, they had, in the main, coincided with the Governor in his views. But in September of this year he felt called upon to suspend Lord Stirling, who was one of the members, in con- sequence of his acceptance of a military commission under the Provincial Congress, and shortly after, the communications which passed between the Council and the Governor began to evince in no small degree the growing estrangement which soon put an end to all harmonious action, and left the Gover- nor, unsupported, to stem the adverse tide of popular preju- dice. Writing about this period to the Earl of Dartmouth, the Governor feelingly remarks, " My situation is indeed some- what particular and not a little difficult, having no more than one or two among the principal officers of government to whom I, even now, speak confidentially on public affairs." 65
The despatch containing this passage was intercepted on the 6th of January, 1776, by Lord Stirling, and led to the adoption of measures by that officer to prevent the escape of Governor Franklin, although there is no evidence that he had formed any such intention. He had declared to the Assem- bly that, unless compelled by violence, he should not leave the Province, and he stated in a letter addressed to the officer
65 Princeton Review, July, 1847.
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having command of the guard placed at his gate, that " such an assurance on his part was certainly equal to any promise he could make." At the solicitation of the Chief Justice of the Province, however, he was induced to give his parole ; and for some months continued, amid all the excitement and increas- ing difficulties of the time, to occupy his house in Amboy, and to exercise nominally the duties of his station.66 But having received despatches from the Ministry which he was anxious to lay before the Assembly, he issued a proclamation conven- ing that body on the 20th of June. This the Provincial Convention or Congress, on the 14th of June, pronounced a direct contempt of the order of the Continental Congress which abrogated all foreign jurisdiction, and, in a series of resolutions which they adopted, expressed an opinion that the proclama- tion ought not to be obeyed, and that thereafter no payments should be made to Gov. Franklin on account of salary. Three days thereafter he was arrested at Amboy by a detachment of militia under Colonel (afterwards General) Heard, of Wood- bridge,67 accompanied by Major Deare of Amboy, whose autho- rity for so doing was as follows :-
86 Duer's Life of Lord Stirling, pp.
119, 121. Force's Doc. Hist. U. S. Vol. IV. Princeton Review, July, 1847.
67 The name of General Nathaniel Heard is frequently found connected with the revolutionaryevents in this sec- tion of the State. He resided in Wood- bridge on the south-east corner of the junction of the old post-road and the road from Amboy, and some marks of his house were visible not long since in the grove of locust trees which now oc- cupies the spot. He had three sons and four daughters. John was an officer during the revolution, and served as a Captain in " Sheldon's Dragoons." The author saw him, as General Heard, in his continental uniform of blue and buff, at Woodbridge in 1824, when General La Fayette passed through on his way to Philadelphia from New York. He married a daughter of Samuel Sargant of Amboy, and had several children, but of one only has any information been obtained-their
only daughter, Margaret D., who died March 4th, 1839, at Mount Carmel, Illinois-the wife of H. Slack, leaving four children. General Heard after the revolution held several offices un- der the General and State Govern- ments-among them being the Mar- shalship of New Jersey and the Col- lectorship of Amboy (from 1802 to 1806) under the United States, and Surrogate under the State.
James, another son of old General Heard, was also an officer in the revo- lution, and married a daughter of the renowned General Daniel Morgan.
William, the third son, was never married, and after the death of his father lived with his sisters, and for some cause unknown to the author, committed suicide,
The daughters of old General Heard were much respected. One of them became the wife of Jacob Van Horne; the other three, it is thought, were never married.
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" To Colonel NATHANIEL HEARD-
" The Provincial Congress of New Jersey, reposing great confidence in your zeal and prudence, have thought fit to entrust to your care the exe- cution of the enclosed Resolves. It is the desire of Congress that this necessary business be conducted with all the delicacy and tenderness which the nature of the service can possibly admit of.
" For this end, you will find among the papers the form of a written parole, in which there is left a blank space for you to fill up, at the house of Mr. Franklin, with the name of Princeton, Bordentown, or his own farm at Rancocus. When he shall have signed the parole, the Congress will rely upon his honor for the faithful performance of his engagements ; but should he refuse to sign it, you are desired to put him under strong guard, and keep him in close custody until farther orders. Whatever expense may be necessary will be cheerfully defrayed by the Congress. We refer to your discretion what means to use for that purpose, and you have full power and authority to take to your aid whatever force you may require."
" By order of Congress, SAMUEL TUCKER, President. "In Provincial Congress, New Jersey, Burlington, June 15th, 1776."
The Parole was as follows :-
" I, William Franklin, being apprehended by an order of the Provin- cial Congress of New Jersey, do promise and engage on my word and honor, and on the faith of a gentleman, to depart within two days from hence to in the Province of New Jersey, being the place of my destination and residence; and there, or within six miles thereof, to remain during the present war between Great Britain and the said United Colonies, or until the Congress of the said United Colonies, or the Assembly, Convention, or Committee, or Council of Safety of the said Colony, shall order otherwise, and that I will not directly or indirectly give any intelligence whatsoever to the enemies of the United Colonies, or do or say any thing in opposition to or in prejudice of the measures and proceedings of any Congress for the said Colonies, during the present troubles, or until I am duly discharged. Given under my hand this
day of A.D. 1776."
Governor Franklin indignantly refused to sign the parole, and he was therefore placed under guard. A report of their proceedings being made by the Provincial Convention to the Continental Congress, that body on the 19th June passed the following resolution :-
" A letter from the Convention of New Jersey of the 18th, enclosing sundry papers, together with their proceedings in apprehending William Franklin, Esq., Governor of that Colony, was laid before Congress. Whereupon Resolved, that it be recommended to the Convention of New Jersey to proceed on the examination of Mr. Franklin, and if, upon such examination, they shall be of opinion that he should be confined, to report such opinion to Congress, and then the Congress will direct the place of his confinement: they concurring in sentiment with the Convention of New Jersey that it would be improper to confine him in that Colony." "
68 Proceedings of Congress.
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A guard of sixty men had remained around the Governor's residence until communication could be had with the Conven- tion. That body ordered him to be taken to Burlington, where, on the receipt of the above resolution, he was examined touching such points of his conduct as were deemed prejudicial to the interests of America. His loyalty, firmness and self- possession remained unshaken under the ordeal. Conceiving that the Convention had usurped the authority it exercised, he denied the right of that body to interrogate him, and re- fused to answer any questions propounded. He was therefore declared an enemy to the country, and Lieutenant-colonel Bowes Reed was directed to keep him safely guarded until the pleasure of the Continental Congress should be known.69
As has been stated, the arrest of Governor Franklin was based upon an alleged infraction or implied contempt of the resolution of the Continental Congress, adopted 15th May pre- ceding ; but it is probable the proclamation referred to was only adopted as an available excuse for doing what had doubt- less been for some time determined on.
It has been advanced as a reason for the interference at that precise time, that the object of the Governor was to create confusion in the administration of the public affairs by arraying the Assembly against the Convention. But it must be remembered that for more than a year, during which these two bodies had existed, there had been no conflicting action between them. More than one third of the members of the Convention in 1775 were also members of the Assembly, and there were many others of the latter body equally as well affected to the colonial cause ; and, although, in the Convention of 1776, the number of the members of the Assembly in the Convention was reduced to seven, yet the political character of the Assembly remained unchanged, and I have failed to dis- cover any documents that indicate a probability that the Governor could have moulded that body to any sinister views he may have entertained.
The Governor, however, in a long communication addressed
69 The original minutes, in my pos- tody " erased and "under safe guard" session, have the words "in safe cus- substituted.
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to the Council and Assembly, which was written on the day of his arrest, reviews the. plea of his opponents in the following warm and emphatic language :-
" The fact alleged is false, and must appear glaringly so to every man who has read the resolve alluded to, and is capable of under- standing it. The Continental Congress, after a preamble declaring their opinion "that the exercise of every kind of authority under the Crown should be totally suppressed," do then resolve that it be recommended to the respective Assemblies and Conventions of the United Colonies where no governments sufficient to the exigencies of their affairs have been hitherto established, to adopt such government as shall, in the opinion of the repre- sentatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular, and America in general." How any persons can construe and represent my calling a meeting of the Assembly at the very time when such an important matter was recommended by the Con- tinental Congress to the consideration of the representatives of the people, to be a " direct contempt and violation " of the above Resolve, is difficult to conceive, supposing them possessed of common sense and common hon- esty. The Assembly of Pennsylvania have met since that resolve, and I believe are still sitting, under an authority derived from the Crown. They, no doubt, have had the resolve under their consideration, nor can any good reason be given why the Assembly of New Jersey should not likewise be permitted the opportunity of giving their sentiments (if they should think it necessary or expedient) on a matter of such infinite impor- tance to them and their constituents. If when you met, you had thought it proper to adopt or comply with the resolve, either in whole or in part, it is well known that I could not have prevented it, whatever my inclina- tion might have been. In other colonies where a change of government has been made, one of the reasons assigned in excuse for such measure has been, that the Governor has either abdicated his government, appeared in arms against the people, or neglected to call a meeting of their repre- sentatives. But I do not recollect an instance where neither of these cir- cumstances existed, and government could be carried on in the usual way, in such essential points as meetings of the Legislature, passing of Laws and holding Courts of Justice, that any material alteration has been made in such government by a convention; nor that any convention has before presumed to attempt a business of that importance where an assembly existed and were not hindered from meeting. Most probably had I not called the Assembly I should have been much blamed by those very men for the omission (especially as matters of such consequence were in agita- tion) and accused of not exercising the prerogative vested in me for the good of the people, as I ought to have done. But however that may be, sure I am, that it is the evident meaning of the resolve of the Continental Congress that when assemblies can meet they are to consider the pro- priety of the measure recommended, and not Conventions."
In a postscript, added after his arrival at Burlington, June 22d, 1776, he fortifies his position with further references to the course of the Delaware Assembly and Maryland Conven- tion. He says.
"Since writing the above I have seen a Pennsylvania newspaper of June 19th, in which it appears Mr. Mckean laid before the Assembly of
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