USA > New Jersey > Middlesex County > Perth Amboy > Contributions to the early history of Perth Amboy and adjoining country : with sketches of men and events in New Jersey during the provincial era > Part 21
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the three lower counties a certified copy of the resolution of Congress of the 15th May last, which being taken in consideration by that house on the 15th instant, they resolved, among other things, that " the representa- tives of the people in THIS ASSEMBLY met, ALONE can and ought AT THIS TIME to establish such temporary authority-meaning the authority they had before determined to be expedient in the present exigency of affairs-" until a new government can be formed." This Assembly met, as well as that of Pennsylvania, under an authority derived from the Crown, and so far from considering such a meeting as a contempt or violation of the resolve of the Continental Congress, they resolved they were the only proper persons to take that resolve into consideration, and to establish such authority as was deemed adequate to the occasion. The Assembly of New Jersey might certainly with equal propriety have done the same, had they been allowed to meet.
" It likewise appears by the newspapers that the Governor of Maryland on the 12th instant, had " issued a proclamation for dissolving the General Assembly of that Province, and to order writs of election to be issued to call a new Assembly returnable the 25th day of July next." But there is not the least surmise that the Provincial Convention of that Province have taken any offence at such proclamation, or so much as pretended to think the Governor had thereby acted in direct contempt and violation of the re- solve of the Continental Congress, and was therefore such an enemy to the liberties of this country as that he ought to be tried and imprisoned. Yet the Maryland Convention have shown as much spirit and regard for the liberties of America as any body of men on the continent. But they, it seems, are for peace, reconciliation and union with Great Britain on consti- tutional terms, and have too much sense and virtue to declare a Governor an enemy to the liberties of this country merely because he is an enemy to the liberties which such designing men are disposed to take with the old constitutional government.
The Governor commented also at considerable length upon what he was pleased to term the evils of "independent repub- lican tyranny" which he considered impending over the pro- vince, as well as upon the injustice with which he had person- ally been treated. For whatever of an offensive character this communication my contain, due allowance can now be made.7º To one of his impetuous disposition and high ideas of prerogative, it must have been exceedingly galling to be placed thus at the mercy of a self-constituted tribunal, dis- posed to exercise the authority it had assumed without regard to any other power or jurisdiction whatever. May we not sympathize with the man, and regret the necessity which called for the rigor manifested towards him, without weaken- ing our abhorrence of the principles which as an officer of the Crown he felt bound to support ! He had discernment
70 For the whole letter see Gaines's Paper, Feb'y 3d, 1777.
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enough to perceive that the " independency" which the people's representatives had not hesitated so recently to deny to be the end and aim of their struggle with the mother country, was, in fact, the point to which they were fast tending ; had it been less apparent to his mind his course would probably have been more in consonance with the popular will, for so far as his opinions are known upon the matters of difference be- tween the colonies and the parliament, they appear to have been such as to exonerate him-as he asserts in the communi- cation just noticed-from any imputation of cherishing a dis- position inimical to the interests of America ; entertaining the conviction that by negotiation all the desired relief and redress could be secured. Doubtless the rapid development of the independent movement hastened his seizure.
On the 22d June the Governor addressed a second letter to the Council and Assembly, narrating the treatment received from his escort on his way to Burlington, and the circum- stances connected with his examination. From his account of the transactions it would seem that unnecessary strictness was observed in excluding him from the society of friends, and in the restraints placed upon his personal movements. He concludes the letter thus :-
" Why they could not, if they were determined to usurp the powers of government, suffer me to remain quietly in my own home, as they do other Crown officers in the province, I have not heard. They well know.I have not either levied or attempted to levy any troops against them, that I could not, had I been so inclined, have given any hinderance to their mea- sures, and that I might have been of service to the country in case of a negotiation taking place. I can account for this conduct no otherwise than that they mean to show, by tearing one in my station from his wife and family, how all-sufficient their present power is, and thereby to intimidate every man in the province from giving any opposition to their iniquitous course. But be the event what it may, I have, thank God, spirit enough to face the danger. Pro Rege and Patria was the motto I assumed when I first commenced my political life, and I am resolved to retain it till death shall put an end to my mortal existence."
The following extracts from the proceedings of the Con- tinental Congress, mark the course of that body towards the Governor :
" Monday, June 24th, 1776 .- A letter of the 21st from the Convention of New Jersey was laid before Congress and read, together with sundry papers enclosed therein, containing the questions proposed to William Franklin, Esq.,-an account of his behavior on the occasion, and the reso-
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lution of the Convention. " declaring him a virulent enemy to this country, and a person that may prove dangerous, and that the said William Frank- lin be confined in such place and manner as the Continental Congress shall direct." Whereupon
" Resolved, That William Franklin be sent under guard to Governor Trumbull, who is desired to admit him to his parole; but if Mr. Franklin refuse to give his parole, that Governor Trumbull be desired to treat him agreeably to the resolutions of Congress respecting prisoners."
Governor Trumbull accepting the charge, he was taken to Connecticut forthwith,71 and quartered in the house of Capt. Ebenezer Grant at East Windsor ; his lady being left in the city of New York.
On the 23d November Congress "Resolved, that General Washington be directed to propose to General Howe an ex- change of Wm. Franklin, Esq., late Governor of New Jersey, for Brig. Gen. Thompson ;" but on the 3d December, he was requested to suspend the execution of the order, should the. negotiation with General Howe not have been commenced ;. and no further mention of Governor Franklin is made until Tuesday, April 22d, 1777 ; it was then
1. " Resolved, That Governor Trumbull be informed that Congress has received undoubted information that William Franklin, late Governor of the State of New Jersey, and now a prisoner in Connecticut, has since his removal to that State sedulously employed himself in dispersing among the inhabitants the protections of Lord Howe and General Howe, styled the King's Commissoners for granting pardons, and otherwise aided and abetted the enemies of the United States ; and that he be requested forth- with to order the said William Franklin, Esq., into close confinement, pro- hibiting to him the use of pen, ink and paper, or the access of any person. or persons but such as are properly licensed for that purpose by Governor- Trumbull."
Lord Howe had specially invoked the aid of all the gov- ernors who had been expelled from their provinces, in spreading his " protections" among the people ; and the foregoing reso- lution is indicative of the zeal with which Governor Franklin had obeyed the behest. It is probable that he remembered, among others, his neighbors at Amboy, one of the first of these documents that fell into the hands of General Wash- ington having been directed to the inhabitants of that place.72.
On the 22d July following the order of Congress for his-
71 Capt. Kinney, who escorted him, was cited before the Provincial Con- gress on the 17th July to exonerate himself from a charge of "loitering on
the way,"-which he did, the delay being attributed to accidental causes, -Original Minutes.
72 Botta, I. p. 36.
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close confinement, Governor Franklin applied to General Washington for a release on parole. His letter the General forwarded to Congress, accompanied by one from himself, which seems to convey a desire on his part that the request might be granted on account of the low state of Mrs. Frank- lin's health, which had sunk under the anxieties and sufferings which the state of the country and separation from her hus- band had entailed upon her. Congress however refused to grant the favor solicited ; assigning as a reason that the intercepted letters of Governor Franklin had been such as to make it evident it would be inconsistent with the safety of the States to allow him any liberty whatever that would afford him op- portunities for conferring with the enemy.73
Husband and wife consequently met no more in life. Mrs. Franklin died on the 28th of July, 1778, and the next eve- ning, attended by a number of the most respectable inhabitants of the city, her remains were deposited within the chancel of St. Paul's Church. Her obituary notice in the Mercury of August 4th, proclaims her "a loving wife, an indulgent mis- tress, a steady friend, and affable to all " - characteristics which, from all that has come down to us, would seem by no means to embrace all of her estimable qualities. Ten years sub- sequently the Governor caused a tablet to be erected to her memory, which still occupies a place in the wall of the church bearing the following inscription beneath the Franklin arms :
" Beneath the Altar of this Church are deposited the remains of Mrs. ELIZABETH FRANKLIN, wife of His Excellency, WILLIAM FRANKLIN, Esq., late Governor under His Britannick Majesty, of the Province of New Jersey. Compelled by the adverse circumstances of the times to part from the husband she loved, and, at length deprived of the soothing hope of his speedy return, she sank under accumulated distresses, and departed this life on the 28th day of July, 1778, in the 49th year of her age. SINCERITY and SENSIBILITY, POLITENESS and AFFABILITY, GODLINESS and CHARITY, were
with SENSE refined and PERSON elegant, in her UNITED. From a grateful remembrance of her affectionate tenderness and constant performance of all the duties of a GOOD WIFE This monument is erected, in the year 1787, By him who knew her worth, and still laments her loss."
73 Washington's Writings, Vol. V. pp. 6, 7,
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The firmness, energy and indomitable perseverance with which Governor Franklin, under all circumstances, held fast to his loyalty, were calculated to make his imprisonment longer than would otherwise have been the case, and we find Con- gress on the 20th August, 1778, by a deliberate vote, deter- mining that it was inconsistent with the interests of the United States to consent to his exchange.74 This was in conse- quence of an application from J. Mckinley, Esq., late Presi- dent of Delaware, to be exchanged for him, presented to Con- gress ten days previous. Mr. Mckinley renewed his applica- tion on the 14th September, and after several amendments had been offered and rejected-one of them being a proposi- tion to substitute Brig. Gen. Thompson for Mr. McKinley -- the exchange was agreed to, and Governor Franklin returned to New York November 1st, 1778, having been a prisoner two years and four months.
Governor Franklin remained in New York for nearly four years, the companion of Rivington and other noted adherents of the royal cause, and was at one time-how long is not known-the President of the " Honorable Board of Associated Royalists ;" 75 in that capacity authorizing or sanctioning, it is said, much cruelty and oppression towards the Americans who were prisoners, but no specific acts have come to my
74 The question was on granting consent to the exchange, and as was usual, was taken by States, and lost by a tie vote, as follows :
Ayes .- N. H .; R. I .; Conn .; N. Y. ; Md .; Va. 6
Noes .- N. C .; S. C. 2 Divided .- Mass. ; N. J. ; Penn. ; Geo. - 4 6
The votes of the individual members were: ayes 19; noes 10.
76 This association of Loyalists con- sisted of those who were unwilling, or from circumstances prevented from taking up arms in the royal cause. They acted under a commission from Sir Henry Clinton, were put in charge of the small fort at Lloyd's Neck, and were furnished with suitable armed vessels, provisions, arms and ammunition, not only to defend the post, but also to carry on an aggres- sive warfare against the rebels. They
directed expeditions, and commanders made report to them. All captures made were to be their own property, and prisoners taken were to be exchanged for such loyalists as the Board might name. While they professed to be especially desirous of putting a stop to the cruelties the loyalists were sub- jected to when in the hands of the rebels, they announced their determi- nation to omit nothing to make the enemy feel their just vengeance for such enormities-(See Gaines & Riv- ington's Papers of the time, and On- derdonk's Incidents of Queens Coun- ty, pp. 219, 220, 223.)
Sabine (Sabine's Royalists, p. 232) suggests that this Board of Associated Royalists originated principally with another Jerseyman, Daniel Coxe, who was one of Governor Franklin's Coun- cil, but Coxe was connected with, and President of an Association of Refu- gees :- this consisted of deputies se-
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knowledge affording grounds either for doubting or believing the charge.
Governor Franklin finally sailed for England in August, 1782. In consideration of the losses he had been subjected to, £1,800 were granted to him by the English Government, and he was allowed in addition a pension of £800 per annum ; placing him, so far as his annual income was affected, in a better condition probably than he would have enjoyed had he remained in his government, although a contemporary writer states that both indemnity and pension were considered inade- quate to remunerate him for all he had sacrificed.76 After leaving America he married again ; the lady being a native of Ireland. He died November 17, 1813, aged 82.
Benjamin West, in his picture representing the "Recep- tion of the American Loyalists by Great Britain, in the year 1783," introduces him as one of the prominent personages at the head of the group of figures ; and in the description of the picture he is mentioned as having " preserved his fidelity and loyalty to his sovereign from the commencement to the conclu- sion of the contest, notwithstanding powerful incitements to the contrary."
During the whole of the revolutionary struggle, there was no intercourse between Dr. Franklin and his son ; and the mutual estrangement continued, in a great degree, even after the cause was removed by the restoration of peace and the acknowledgment of the independence of America. The first advances towards a reconciliation appear to have been made by the Governor, in a letter dated July 22d, 1784 ; which the Doctor answered from Passy on 16th August following. In his letter he says : "Nothing has ever hurt me so much, and affected me with such keen sensations, as to find myself de- serted in my old age by my only son, and not only deserted,
lected from the refugees of the differ- ent colonies, and was first organized in 1779. Its objects were the examina- of captured Americans or suspected persons, and the planning of measures for procuring intelligence or otherwise aiding the royal cause. Coxe was ap- pointed President, -so one of his fel-
low refugees has stated-" to deprive him of the opportunity of speaking, as he had the gift of saying little with many words."
76 Public characters of Great Britain. Commission on Claims of Amer. Loy- alists.
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but to find him taking up arms against me in a cause wherein my good fame, fortune, and life were all at stake." He inti- mates to him that neutrality at least should have been ob- served on his part, but, as he desired it, is willing to forget the past as much as possible.
The treatment of his son, however, ever continued to afflict him. In a letter written on January 1st, 1788, to the Rev. Dr. Byles, of Boston, he thus feelingly alludes to it, after ad- verting to the comfort derived from the presence of his daugh- ter : "My son is estranged from me by the part he took in the late war, and keeps aloof, residing in England, whose cause he espoused, whereby the old proverb is exemplified :
' My son is my son till he gets him a wife,
But my daughter is my daughter all the days of her life.'"
In his will he left the Governor his Nova Scotia lands with such books and papers as were in his possession, and released him from the payment of all debts that his executors might find to be due from him. The devise to him concluding with: " The part he acted against me in the late war, which is of public notoriety, will account for my leaving him no more of an estate he endeavored to deprive.me of." 77
This estrangement of Doctor Franklin from his son is an instance of the inevitable separation of families and friends which is one among the many evils ever attendant on a civil war. Various as are the characters, dispositions, tastes and habits of mankind, it can never be reasonably anticipated that in those conflicts of opinion which precede the disruption of empires or communities, the ties of consanguinity or associa- tion are to prove sufficient for every emergency and withstand the corroding influence of selfishness, prejudice or error.
In the war to which we owe our independence as a nation this evil in every degree of magnitude was painfully manifest- ed ; and probably not one of the colonies, in proportion to its population and extent, suffered more from it than New Jersey. Having less of foreign commerce and of inland traffic than many of her sister colonies in which to employ the industry
17 Franklin's Writings, I. pp. 398; X. pp. 121, 330.
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and enterprise of her youth, numbers of the higher classes were accustomed to look for preferment in the administration of the Provincial Government, or to seek for honor and profit in the naval and military service of the mother country ; and many were sent to England by anxious parents to secure those advan- tages of education which were not afforded by the literary institutions of America. These circumstances necessarily in- volved associations which led in many instances to marriages into families abroad, or into such as were temporarily located in the Province, while the introduction of the royal regiments, which took place some years before the Revolution, caused similar unions between their officers and the daughters of New Jersey.
Independent, therefore, of all pecuniary or other interested reasons for hesitation, both young and old among the inhabi- tants of the Province became thus, in various ways, involved in the important and solemn inquiry how to reconcile their love of country or allegiance to their king with considerations of personal or domestic happiness. Happy were they whose situation admitted of a decision which did not jeopardize either : but this in a large number of instances was impossi- ble. Mothers were doomed to see their children at open vari- ance, upon whose heads their blessings had with equal fondness . descended. Fathers found themselves arrayed in opposition to their sons, and that too, in a contest in which the lives of one and all were at stake. Wives beheld in agony their hus- bands armed with weapons that were to be used against their friends and countrymen, or perchance against their own breth- ren ; and friends, between whom no personal dissensions had ever existed, ranged themselves under different banners to seal with their blood their adherence to political principles which were made to ingulf every tender emotion of their hearts.
These are no random assertions. Family histories would bring to light many cases of this painful characteristic of our revolutionary struggle, and the case of Governor Franklin is but one of many that are similar.
Governor Franklin's love of books in early life, at a later period naturally led him to collect them, and before the revo-
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lution he had amassed a large library, which, on his leaving Amboy, was packed in cases and deposited by Mrs. Franklin within the British lines. The warehouse in which they were placed happened to contain a quantity of military stores that were subsequently burned, and the books shared the same fate.78 His writings that are met with, although they exhibit no particular superiority of mind or elegance of composition- and are, perhaps, less remarkable than we might expect from the advantages of education and association he had enjoyed- yet give evidence of literary attainments which compare favor- ably with those of most of the prominent men of that day in the colonies. He was of a cheerful, facetious disposition ; could narrate well entertaining stories to please his friends ; was engaging in his manners, and possessed good conversa- tional powers. He lived in the recollection of those who saw him in New Jersey as a man of strong passions, fond of con- vivial pleasures, well versed in the ways of the world, and, at one period of his life, not a stranger to the gallantries which so frequently marred the character of the men of that age. He was above the common size, remarkably handsome, strong and athletic, though subject to gout toward the close of his life. The likeness facing the title-page of this volume is thought to preserve his features faithfully.
He had only one child, William Temple Franklin, who re- sided in France, became the biographer of his grandfather, and died at Paris, May 25th, 1823.
Such, imperfectly sketched, was the career of the last of our colonial governors, but the materials for a full and satis- factory biography of William Franklin are yet wanting. It is much to be regretted that his papers, which were carried to France by his son, cannot be regained.
It is remarkable how imperfectly known have been all those who, during the provincial existence of New Jersey, wielded the chief executive authority. Of a few, from their ruling over New York and other colonies, some information has been current, but of them as Governors of New Jersey, we have had very little to be relied upon respecting their characters,
78 Public Characters, Vol. IV.
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habits, attainments or adventures. Doubts rest even upon the identity of some of them, and Governor Franklin himself is frequently confounded with his son William Temple Franklin. With the brevity almost of the Scripture annunciation-" So Tibni died and Omri reigned," our historians Smith and Gor- don present and withdraw their local potentates like the pass- ing figures of a magic lantern, leaving it to the imagination in many cases to determine whence they came or whither went, and enveloping in dim uncertainty the brief exhibition afforded of their respective careers. It has been, therefore, something of a matter of duty thus to portray some of the characteristics of these functionaries as I have done in the foregoing pages. I trust that others will prosecute the subject to a more success- ful result.
" A kingdom is a nest of families," and the constituent parts of the history of every community are the acts of the individuals who compose it. In that fact lies the value-the charm-of all private history : not only the private history of public men, but also of those whom their fellows may term humble individuals ; for it is not always in the power of contemporaries to discern the bearing, or the historical value of many an event that occurs-of, so-called, trifling circum- stances-
" But trifles, lighter than straws, are levers in the building up of char- acter " __
developing traits and qualities which make their possessor known and felt in the community. The most prominent actors are not always the best judges of the merit which attaches to their own performance, and in the great drama of Life, as in the mimic representations of the stage, much may depend upon him who plays a humble part. Each has his duties,-each must share the responsibility.
In one of the legislative halls at Washington is a time- piece whose device impresses forcibly upon all their obligations to the age in which they live. In the car of Time, on the periphery of whose wheels the hours are marked, stands the Muse of History, recording in a book the events which trans- pire before her as the wheels of her chariot tell the revolving
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